SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 40
HANDBOOK OF
AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
BY
FRANZ BOAS
PART 2
WITH ILLUSTRATIVE SKETCHES
By EDWARD SAPIR, LEO J. FRACHTENBERG,
AND WALDEMAR BOGORAS
WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1922
BM+
ncrou Library
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D. 0., February 20, 1911.
SIR: I have the honor to submit for publication, subject to your
approval, as Bulletin 40, Part 2, of this Bureau, the manuscript of a
portion of the Handbook of American Indian Languages, prepared
under the editorial supervision of Dr. Franz Boas.
Yours, respectfully,
F. W. HODGE,
Ethnologist in Charge.
Dr. CHARLES D. WALCOTT,
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution*
in
CONTENTS
Page
The Takelma language of southwestern Oregon, by Edward Sapir 1
Coos, by Leo J. Frachtenberg 297
Siuslawan (Lower Umpqua), by Leo J. Frachtenberg 431
Chukchee, by Waldemar Bogoras 631
THE TAKELMA LANGUAGE OF SOUTH
WESTERN OREGON
BY
EDWARD SAPIR
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 1 1
CONTENTS
Page
1 . Introduction 7
2-24. Phonology 8
2. Introductory 8
3-11. Vowels 10
3. General remarks 10
4. System of vowels 10
5. Stress and pitch-accent 15
6-11. Vocalic processes 22
6. Vowel hiatus 22
7. Dissimilation of u 24
8. I- umlaut 24
9. K-sounds preceded by -w-vowels 27
10. Inorganic a 28
11. Simplification of double diphthongs 29
12-24. Consonants 31
12. System of consonants 31
13. Final consonants 35
14-17. Consonant combinations 36
14. General remarks 36
15. Initial combinations 36
16. Final combinations 38
17. Medial combinations _ 39
18-24. Consonant processes _ 41
18. Dropping of final consonants 41
19. Simplification of doubled consonants 42
20. Consonants before x 44
21. Dissimilation of n to / and m 45
22. Catch dissimilation 47
23. Influence of place and kind of accent on manner of articula-
tion 48
24. Inorganic h 51
j 25-115. Morphology 52
25. Introductory 52
26-32. Grammatical processes 55
26. General remarks. 55
27. Prefixation 55
28. Suffixation 56
29. Infixation 56
30. Reduplication 57
31. Vowel-ablaut 59
32. Consonant-ablaut 62
33-83. I. The verb _ 63
33. Introductory 63
34-38. 1. Verbal prefixes 64
34. General remarks 64
35. Incorporated nouns 66
36. Body-part prefixes 72
37. Local prefixes 86
38. Instrumental wa- 91
3
THE TAKELMA LANGUAGE OF SOUTHWESTERN
OREGON
BY EDWARD SAPIR
1. INTRODUCTION
The language treated in the following pages was spoken in the
southwestern part of what is now the state of Oregon, along the
middle portion of Rogue river and certain of its tributaries. It,
together with an upland dialect of which but a few words were
obtained, forms the Takilman stock of Powell. The form "Takelma"
of the word is practically identical with the native name of the tribe,
Da a gelma' n THOSE DWELLING ALONG THE RIVER (see below, 87, 4) ;
there seems to be no good reason for departing from it in favor of
Powell's variant form.
The linguistic material on which this account of the Takelma
language is based consists of a series of myth and other texts, pub-
lished by the University of Pennsylvania (Sapir, Takelma Texts,
Anthropological Publications of the University Museum, vol. n, no. 1,
Philadelphia, 1909), together with a mass of grammatical material
(forms and sentences) obtained in connection with the texts. A
series of eleven short medicine formulas or charms have been pub-
lished with interlinear and free translation in the Journal of Ameri-
can Folk-Lore (xx, 35-40). A vocabulary of Takelma verb, noun,
and adjective stems, together with a certain number of derivatives,
will be found at the end of the " Takelma Texts." Some manu-
script notes on Takelma, collected in the summer of 1904 by Mr.
H. H. St. Clair, 2d, for the Bureau of American Ethnology, have
been kindly put at my disposal by the Bureau ; though these consist
mainly of lexical material, they have been found useful on one or
two points. References like 125.3 refer to page and line of my
Takelma Texts. Those in parentheses refer to forms analogous to
the ones discussed.
8 BUREAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The author's material was gathered at the Siletz reservation of
Oregon during a stay of a month and a half in the summer of 1906,
also under the direction of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
My informant was Mrs. Frances Johnson, an elderly full-blood
Takelma woman. Her native place was the village of Dak'tslasin or
DaldanVY, on Jump-off-Joe creek (Dip!olts!i'lda), a northern affluent
of Rogue river, her mother having come from a village on the upper
course of Cow creek (Hagwal). Despite her imperfect command of
the English language, she was found an exceptionally intelligent
and good-humored informant, without which qualities the following
study would have been far more imperfect than it necessarily must
be under even the very best of circumstances.
In conclusion I must thank Prof. Franz Boas for his valuable
advice in regard to several points of method and for his active
interest in the progress of the work. It is due largely to him that I
was encouraged to depart from the ordinary rut of grammatical
description and to arrange and interpret the facts in a manner that
seemed most in accordance with the spirit of the Takelma language
itself. 1
PHONOLOGY (2-24)
2. Introductory
In its general phonetic character, at least as regards relative harsh-
ness or smoothness of acoustic effect, Takelma will probably be found
to occupy a position about midway between the characteristically
rough languages of the Columbia valley and the North Californian
and Oregon coast (Chinookan, Salish, Alsea, Coos, Athapascan, Yurok)
on the one hand, and the relatively euphonious languages of the
Sacramento valley (Maidu, Yana, Wintun) on the other, inclining
rather to the latter than to the former.
From the former group it differs chiefly in the absence of voice-
less Z-sounds (L, Z, 2 L!) and of velar stops (q, g, q!) ; from the latter,
i What little has been learned of the ethnology of the Takelma Indians will be found incorporated in
two articles written by the author and entitled Notes on the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon, in
American Anthropologist, n. s., ix, 251-275; and Religious Ideas of the Takelma Indians of Southwestern
Oregon, in Journal of American Folk-Lore, xx, 33-49.
8 In the myths, I is freely prefixed to any word spoken by the bear. Its uneuphonious character is evi-
dently intended to match the coarseness of the bear, and for this quasi-rhetorical purpose it was doubtless
derisively borrowed from the neighboring Athapascan languages, in which it occurs with great frequency.
The prefixed sibilant serves in a similar way as a sort of sneezing adjunct to indicate the speech of
the coyote. Owi'di WHERE? says the ordinary mortal; Igwi'di, the bear; s-gwi'di, the coyote.
2
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA
in the occurrence of relatively more complex consonantic clusters,
though these are of strictly limited possibilities, and hardly to be
considered as difficult in themselves.
Like the languages of the latter group, Takelma possesses clear-
cut vowels, and abounds, besides, in long vowels and diphthongs;
these, together with a system of syllabic pitch-accent, give the Takel-
ma language a decidedly musical character, marred only to some
extent by the profusion of disturbing catches. The line of cleavage
between Takelma and the neighboring dialects of the Athapascan stock
(Upper Umpqua, Applegate Creek, Galice Creek, Chasta Costa) is thus
not only morphologically but also phonetically distinct, despite re-
semblances in the manner of articulation of some of the vowels and
consonants. Chasta Costa, formerly spoken on the lower course of
Rogue river, possesses all the voiceless Z-sounds above referred to ; a
peculiar illusive g/, the fortis character of which is hardly as prominent
as in Chinook; a voiced guttural spirant 7-, as in North German Tage;
the sonants or weak surds dj and z (rarely) ; a voiceless interdental
spirant $ and its corresponding fortis tp!; and a very frequently oc-
curring ti vowel, as in English HUT. All of these are absent from
Takelma, which, in turn, has a complete labial series (6, p\ p!, m),
whereas Chasta Costa has only the nasal m (labial stops occur appar-
ently only in borrowed words, Itdpi' CAT <pussy). The fortis Jc!, com-
mon in Takelma, seems in the Chasta Costa to be replaced by ql; the
Takelma vowel u, found also in California, is absent from Chasta
Costa; r is foreign to either, though found in Galice Creek and Shasta.
Perhaps the greatest point of phonetic difference, however, between
the Takelma and Chasta Costa languages lies in the peculiar long
(doubled) consonants of the latter, while Takelma regularly simpli-
fies consonant geminations that would theoretically appear in the
building of words. Not enough of the Shasta has been published to
enable one to form an estimate of the degree of phonetic similarity
that obtains between it and Takelma, but the differences can hardly
be as pronounced as those that have just been found to exist in the
case of the latter and Chasta Costa.
This preliminary survey seemed necessary in order to show, as far
as the scanty means at present at our disposal would allow, the
phonetic affiliations of Takelma. Attention will now be directed to
the sounds themselves.
2
10 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Vowels ( 3-11)
3. General Remarks
The simple vowels appear, quantitatively considered, in two
forms, short and long, or, to adopt a not inappropriate term, pseudo-
diphthongal. By this is meant that a long vowel normally con-
sists of the corresponding short vowel, though generally of greater
quantity, plus a slight parasitic rearticulation of the same vowel
(indicated by a small superior letter) , the whole giving the effect of a
diphthong without material change of vowel-quality in the course
of production. The term PSEUDO-DIPHTHONG is the more justified
in that the long vowel has the same absolute quantity, and experi-
ences the same accentual and syllabic treatment, as the true diph-
thong, consisting of short vowel + i, u, I, m, or n. If the short
vowel be given a unitary quantitative value of 1, the long vowel
(pseudo-diphthong) and ordinary diphthong will have an approxi-
mate value of 2 ; while the long diphthong, consisting of long vowel
+ i, u, I, m, or n, will be assigned a value of 3. The liquid (Z) and
the nasals (m and n) are best considered as forming, parallel to the
semi-vowels y (i) and w (u), diphthongs with preceding vowels,
inasmuch as the combinations thus entered on are treated, similarly
to i- and u- diphthongs, as phonetic units for the purposes of pitch-
accent and grammatic processes. As a preliminary example serving
to justify this treatment, it may be noted that the verb-stem lilw-,
Hlu- JUMP becomes bilau- with inorganic a under exactly the same
phonetic conditions as those which make of the stem Tctemn- MAKE
Jcleman-. We thus have, for instance:
bilwa' s jumper; Wfafuk* he jumped
Jc!emna,' e s maker; Tcfema^rik* he made it
From this and numberless other examples it follows that au and an,
similarly ai, oil, and am, belong, from a strictly Takelma point of
view, to the same series of phonetic elements; similarly for e, i, o,
and u diphthongs.
4. System of Vowels
The three quantitative stages outlined above are presented for
the various vowels and diphthong-forming elements in the following
table :
3-4
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA
11
I. Short.
II. Long.
Short diphthong.
III. Long diphthong.
a
da, (a)
ai, au, al, am, an
ai, au, aal, aam, aan
e
e,(i)
ei, eu, el, em, en
ei, bu, eel, eem e*n
i
*, (*)
iu, il, im, in
lu, HI, iim, tin
0, ()
6, (6)
oi, ou, ol, om, on
oi, ou(w), oul, oum, dun
(o) (uZ) (MTO) (un)
u
, (fi)
ui, uw, ul, urn, un
ui, uu(w), uul, Hum, uun
(uu)
u
uu, (U)
iii, uw, iii, iim, un
iii, iiu(w), uul, Hum, Hun
It is to be understood, of course, that, under proper syllabic con-
ditions, i and u may respectively appear in semivocalic form as y
and w; thus o u and u u appear as ow and uw when followed by vowels ;
e. g., in Tc!uwu u - THROW AWAY, uw and u u are equivalent elements
forming a reduplicated complex entirely analogous to -del- in Tielel-
SING. Similarly ai, au, ai, and au may appear as ay, aw, a a y, and
a a w; and correspondingly for the other vowels. Indeed, one of
the best criteria for the determination of the length of the first
element of a diphthong is to obtain it in such form as would cause
the second element (i or u) to become semi-vocalic, for then the first
vowel will adopt the form of a short vowel or pseudo-diphthong,
as the case may be. The following phonetic (not morphologic) pro-
portions will make this clearer:
6iZiuZV I jump: bttiwat* you jump = he e m he went away from
him: 7ie ee ^wi fe n I went away from him
</aiF he ate it : g&yawa fs n I ate it = </aiF he grew: gei a ya' t* he will
grow
gay&n he ate it : gaya,wa' nl ate it = Jiant'gsiU over land : Latg'st & wa f
one from Lat'gau [uplands]
Sometimes, though not commonly, a diphthong may appear in the
same word either with a semivowel or vowel as its second element,
according to whether it is or is not followed by a connecting inor-
ganic a. A good example of such a doublet is 7M,yefiwa'xda a da or
hayeuxda a da IN HIS RETURNING (verb stem yeu-, ye e w- RETURN).
It is acoustically difficult to distinguish sharply between the long
vowel or pseudo-diphthong o u and the it-diphthongs of o (both ou
and ou are often heard as d u ), yet there is no doubt that there is
an organic difference between o u , as long vowel to o, and o u = ou, ou.
Thus, in Io7io u na' n I CAUSE HIM TO DIE, and lohona'n I SHALL CAUSE
HIM TO DIE, o u and o are related as long and short vowel in parallel
4
12 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
fashion to the a a and a of ya a ?iaY YOU WENT, and y&nada' 5 YOU WILL
GO. On the other hand, the o u of p'o u p'au- (aorist stem) BLOW is
organically a diphthong (ou), the o u of the first syllable being related
to the au of the second as the iu of Yiuk^au- (verb stem) BRANDISH
is to its au. Similarly, the -o u - of s'o fue lc'6p'- (verb stem) JUMP
is organic shortened ou, related to the -owo- of the aorist stem
s*o'wo fc'op'- as the -6*- of Jie' i x- (verb stem) BE LEFT OVER is to the
-eye- of Jieye s x- (aorist stem). A similar acoustic difficulty is experi-
enced in distinguishing up, (u u ) as long vowel from the u- diphthongs
of u, (u).
Examples of unrelated stems and words differing only in the
length of the vowel or diphthong are not rare, and serve as internal
evidence of the correctness, from a native point of view, of the vowel
classification made:
gal- eat, but gai- grow
verb-prefix dd a - ear, but da- mouth
wa a xa his younger brother, but wa'xa at them
It may happen that two distinct forms of the same word differ only
in vocalic quantity; y& a da / t' HE WILL SWIM, y&da' t' HE SWIMS.
It is, naturally enough, not to be supposed that the long vowels
and diphthongs always appear in exactly the same quantity. Speed
of utterance and, to some extent, withdrawal of the stress-accent,
tend to reduce the absolute quantities of the vowels, so that a nor-
mally long vowel can become short, or at least lose its parasitic
attachment. In the case of the i- and u- diphthongs, such a quan-
titative reduction means that the two vowels forming the diphthong
more completely lose their separate individuality and melt into one.
Quantitative reduction is apt to occur particularly before a glottal
catch; in the diphthongs. the catch follows so rapidly upon the second
element (i or u) that one can easily be in doubt as to whether a full
i- or u- vowel is pronounced, or whether this second vowel appears
rather as a palatal or labial articulation of the catch itself. The
practice has been adopted of writing-such diphthongs with a superior
i or u before the catch: a i , a u , e us , and similarly for the rest. When,
however, in the course of word-formation, this catch drops off, the i
or u that has been swallowed up, as it were, in the catch reasserts
itself, and we get such pairs of forms as:
nag& n he said ; but naga,'ida s when he said
sgele /u he shouted; but sgele'uda when he shouted
4
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 13
On the other hand, vowels naturally short sometimes become long
when dwelt upon for rhetorical emphasis. Thus ga THAT sometimes
appears as ga a :
gd a loho'e e in that case I shall die
ga' a gafcfl for that reason
As regards the pronunciation of the vowels themselves, little need
be said. The a is of the same quality as the short a of German MANN,
while the long d a (barring the parasitic element) corresponds to the
a of HAHN.
A labial coloring of the a (i. e., 6 as in German VOLL) frequently
occurs before and after Y w :
gfthoY planted, sown
ik?waf a Y < wdY he woke him up
But there were also heard:
sea w shot
malaYwa he told him
The e is an open sound, as in the English LET; it is so open, indeed,
as to verge, particularly after y, toward a. 1 Also the long vowel e e
is very open in quality, being pronounced approximately like the ei
of English THEIR (but of course without the r- vanish) or the e" of
French FETE; e e , though unprovided with the mark of length, will
be always understood as denoting the long vowel (pseudo-diphthong)
corresponding to the short e; while e will be employed, wherever
necessary, for the long vowel without the parasitic - e . The close e,
as in German REH, does not seem to occur in Takelma, although it
was sometimes heard for i; in the words la a le? HE BECAME, ld a let'am
YOU BECAME, and other related forms, e was generally heard, and may
be justified, though there can be small doubt that it is morphologically
identical with the I 1 of certain other verbs.
The i is of about the same quality as in English HIT, while the
long I* is closer, corresponding to the ea of English BEAT. Several
monosyllables, however, in -i, such as gwi WHERE, di interrogative
particle, should be pronounced with a close though short vowel (cf.
French FINI) . This closer pronunciation of the short vowel may be
explained by supposing that gwi, di, and other such words are rapid
pronunciations of gwl*j dl 1 , and the others; and indeed the texts
sometimes show such longer forms.
iThe word yewe'i* HE KETUENED, e. g., was long heard as yawe'tf, but such forms as ytu RETURN! show
this to have been an auditory error.
4
14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The o is a close vowel, as in German SOHN, as far as the quality is
concerned, but with the short quantity of the o of VOLL. This close-
ness of pronunciation of the o readily explains its very frequent
interchange with u:
lts'!o'p*al sharp-clawed
dets' luguY sharp-pointed
and also the u- quality of the parasitic element in the long close vowel
o u . The short open 6, as in German VOLL, never occurs as a primary
vowel, but is practically always a labialized variant of a. Thus in
Takelma, contrary to the parallelism one ordinarily expects to find in
vocalic systems, e- vowels are open in quality, while o- vowels are
close.
The vowel u is close, as in the English word RUDE, the long mark
over the u being here used to indicate closeness of quality rather
than length of quantity. The u is not identical with the German u,
but is somewhat more obscure in quality and wavers (to an un-
Indian ear) between the German short u of MUTZE and u of MUSS ;
sometimes it was even heard with the approximate quality of the
short o of GOTZ. The long # fi ' is, in the same way, not exactly
equivalent to the long u of the German stiss, but tends in the direc-
tion of u u , with which it frequently varies in the texts. It is some-
what doubtful how far the two vowels u and u are to be considered
separate and distinct; it is quite possible that they should be looked
upon as auditory variants of one sound. Before or after y or w, u is
apt to be heard as u, - - ~k!uwu' THEY RAN AWAY, uyu' s- HE
LAUGHED, lguyugl fi si, HE KEEPS NUDGING ME, otherwise often as u.
The only short vowel not provided for in the table is fa (as in Eng-
lish SUN), which, however, has no separate individuality of its own,
but is simply a variant form of a, heard chiefly before m:
7ie e rte'me xtim he killed us off (for -am)
xfam in water (for xam)
The. absence of the obscure vowel E of indeterminate quality is
noteworthy as showing indirectly the clear-cut vocalic character of
Takelma speech. Only in a very few cases was the E heard, and in
the majority of these it was not a reduced vowel, but an intrusive
sound between m and s:
dak'?be' e k'fbagamES he tied his hair up into top-knot (in place
of -ams).
4
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 15
Even here it may really have been the strongly semantic quality
of the m in contrast to the voiceless s that produced the acoustic
effect of an obscure vowel. The exact pronunciation of the diph-
thongs will be better understood when we consider the subject of
pitch-accent.
5. Stress and Pitch- Accent
Inasmuch as pitch and stress accent are phonetic phenomena that
affect more particularly the vowels and diphthongs, it seems advisable
to consider the subject here and to let the treatment of the conso-
nants follow. As in many Indian languages, the stress-accent of any
particular word in Takelma is not so inseparably associated with any
particular syllable but that the same word, especially if consisting
of more than two syllables, may appear with the main stress-accent
now on one, now on the other syllable. In the uninterrupted flow of
the sentence it becomes often difficult to decide which syllable of a
word should be assigned the stress-accent. Often, if the word bears
no particular logical or rhythmic emphasis, one does best to regard
it as entirely without accent and as standing in a proclitic or enclitic
relation to a following or preceding word of greater emphasis. This
is naturally chiefly the case with adverbs (such as Tie s ne THEN) and
conjunctive particles (such as gariehi* AND THEN; agas'i s AND so, BUT
THEN) ; though it not infrequently happens that the major part of
a clause will thus be strung along without decided stress-accent until
some emphatic noun or verb-form is reached. Thus the following
passage occurs in one of the myths:
ganehi dewenxa la a le hono p*ele f xa , literally translated, And
then to-morrow (next day) it became, again they went out to
war
All that precedes the main verb-form p'de'xa? THEY WENT OUT TO
WAR is relatively unimportant, and hence is hurried over without any-
where receiving marked stress.
Nevertheless a fully accented word is normally stressed on some
particular syllable; it may even happen that two forms differ
merely in the place of accent :
naga 1 '-ida when he said, but
naga-4da fs when you said
The important point to observe, however, is that when a particular
syllable does receive the stress (and after all most words are normally
5
16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
accented on some one syllable) , it takes on one of two or three musical
inflections :
(1) A simple pitch distinctly higher than the normal pitch of
unstressed speech (-).
(2) A rising inflection that starts at, or a trifle above, the normal
pitch, and gradually slides up to the same higher pitch referred to
above (=^).
(3) A falling inflection that starts at, or generally somewhat
higher than, the raised pitch of (1) and (2), and gradually slides
down to fall either in the same or immediately following syllable, to
a pitch somewhat lower than the normal (-).
The "raised" pitch (^) is employed only in the case of final short
vowels or shortened diphthongs (i. e., diphthongs that, owing to
speed of utterance, are pronounced so rapidly as to have a quanti-
tative value hardly greater than that of short vowels; also sec-
ondary diphthongs involving an inorganic a); if a short vowel
spoken on a raised pitch be immediately followed by an unac-
cented syllable (as will always happen, if it is not the final
vowel of the word), there will evidently ensue a fall in pitch in the
unaccented syllable, and the general acoustic effect of the two
syllables will be equivalent to a " falling" inflection (-) within one
syllable; i. e. (if be employed to denote an unaccented syllable),
(-) 4 =(-) The following illustration will make this clearer:
YOU SANG is regularly accented helelaY, the a r being sung on an
interval of a (minor, sometimes even major) third above the two
unaccented e- vowels. The acoustic effect to an American ear is very
much the same as that of a curt query requiring a positive or nega-
tive answer, DID HE GO ? where the i of DID and e of HE correspond in
pitch to the two e's of the Takelma word, while the o of GO is equiva-
lent to the Takelma a\ The Takelma word, of course, has no
interrogative connotation. If, now, we wish to make a question out
of JielelaY, we add the interrogative particle di, and obtain the
form Jielela'^idi DID HE SING? (The % is a weak vowel inserted to
keep the f and d apart.) Here the a' has about the same pitch as
in the preceding word, but the I sinks to about the level of the e-
vowels, and the di is pronounced approximately a third below the
normal level. The Takelma interrogative form thus bears an acoustic
resemblance to a rapid English reply: so HE DID GO, the o of so and
5
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - TAKELMA 17
e of HE corresponding in pitch to the unaccented e- vowels of the
Takelma, the i of DID resembling in its rise above the normal pitch
the a', and the o of GO sinking like the i of the interrogative particle. 1
If the normal level of speech be set at A, the two forms just considered
may be musically, naturally with very greatly exaggerated tonal
effect, represented as follows :
lie- le- la^t' he- le-
The "rising" pitch (^) is found only on long vowels and short or
long diphthongs. The rising pitch is for a long vowel or diphthong
what the raised pitch is for a short vowel or shortened diphthong;
the essential difference between the two being that in the latter case
the accented vowel is sung on a single tone reached without an inter-
mediate slur from the lower level, whereas in the case of the rising
pitch the affected vowel or diphthong changes in pitch in the course
of pronunciation; the first part of the long vowel and the first vowel
of the diphthong are sung on a tone intermediate between the normal
level and the raised pitch, while the parasitic element of the long
vowel and the second vowel (I or u) of the diphthong are hit by the
raised tone itself. It is easy to understand that in rapid pronuncia-
tion the intermediate tone of the first part of the long vowel or diph-
thong would be hurried over and sometimes dropped altogether ; this
means that a long vowel or diphthong with rising pitch (a, al] becomes
a short vowel or shortened diphthong with raised pitch (a\ a?i). 2
Diphthongs consisting of a short vowel + Z, m, or n, and provided
with a rising pitch, ought, in strict analogy, to appear as an, al, am;
and so on for the other vowels. This is doubtless the correct repre-
sentation, and such forms as :
nanli he will say, do
gwalt* wind
dasmayain he smiled
wulx enemy, Shasta
were actually heard, the liquid or nasal being distinctly higher in
pitch than the preceding vowel. In the majority of cases, however,
1 It is curious that the effect to our ears of the Takelma declarative helela't' is of an interrogative DID YOU
SING? while conversely the effect of an interrogative helela't'idi is that of a declarative YOU DID SING.
This is entirely accidental in so far as a rise in pitch has nothing to do in Takelma with an interrogation.
8 A vowel marked with the accent =* is necessarily long, so that the mark of length and the parasitic
vowel can be conveniently omitted.
3045 Bull. 40, pt 2 12 - 2 5
18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY . [BULT,. 40
these diphthongs were heard, if not always pronounced, as shortened
diphthongs with raised pitch (X a y /, a x m). The acoustic effect of a
syllable with rising pitch followed by an unaccented syllable is neces-
sarily different from that of a syllable with falling pitch (^), or of a
syllable with raised pitch followed by an unaccented syllable, because
of the steady rise in pitch before the succeeding fall. The tendency
at first is naturally to hear the combination ^ as - , and to
make no distinction in accent between yewe'ida WHEN HE RETURNED
and yewelfe* i RETURNED; but variations in the recorded texts
between the rising and falling pitch in one and the same form are in
every case faults of perception, and not true variations at all. The
words tlomom HE KILLED HIM and yawalt'e i SPOKE may be approxi-
mately represented in musical form as follows :
^- -^
a.
t!o- md-um ya- wa- i- t'e*
The falling pitch ( - ) affects both long and short vowels as well as
diphthongs, its essential characteristic being, as already defined, a
steady fall from a tone higher than the normal level. The peak of
the falling inflection may coincide in absolute pitch with that of the
rising inflection, though it is often somewhat higher, say an interval
of a fourth above the ordinary level. The base (lowest tone) of the
fall is not assignable to any definite relative pitch, the gamut run
through by the voice depending largely upon the character of the
syllable. If the accent hits a long vowel or diphthong not immedi-
ately followed by a catch, the base will, generally speaking, coincide
with the normal level, or lie somewhat below it. If the long vowel
or diphthong be immediately followed by an unaccented syllable, the
base is apt to strike this unaccented syllable at an interval of about
a third below the level. If the vowel or diphthong be immediately
followed by a catch, the fall in pitch will be rapidly checked, and the
whole extent of the fall limited to perhaps not more than a semitone.
As soon, however, as the catch is removed (as often happens on the
addition to the form of certain grammatical elements), the fall runs
through its usual gamut. The words
Ywede'i his name
yewe'ida 5 when he returned
yewe' i he returned
will serve to illustrate the character of the falling pitch.
5
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 19
k'we- de' - i ye- we' - i - da- ye - we i s
The pronunciation of the diphthongs is now easily understood
A shortened diphthong (cfi, a' i ) sounds to an American ear like an
indivisible entity, very much like ai and au in HIGH and HOW; a
diphthong with falling pitch (a'i) is naturally apt to be heard as two
distinct vowels, so that one is easily led to write naga'-ida s instead of
naga f ida WHEN HE SAID; a diphthong with rising pitch (al) is heard
either as a pure diphthong or as two distinct vowels, according to
the speed of utterance or the accidents of perception. All these
interpretations, however, are merely matters of perception by an
American ear and have in themselves no objective value. It would
be quite misleading, for instance, to treat Takelma diphthongs as
" pure" and " impure," no regard being had to pitch, for such a classi-
fication is merely a secondary consequence of the accentual phenomena
we have just considered.
One other point in regard to the diphthongs should be noted. It
is important to distinguish between organic diphthongs, in which each
element of the diphthong has a distinct radical or etymological value,
and secondary diphthongs, arising from an i, u, I, m, or n with pre-
fixed inorganic a. The secondary diphthongs (ai, au, al, am, an),
being etymologically single vowels or semivowels, are always unitonal
in character; they can have the raised, not the rising accent. Con-
trast the inorganic au of
&iZa\iF ( =*&iZw v ^r', 1 not *6iZauF) he jumped; cf. bilwa' s JUMPER
with the organic au of
gayau he ate it; cf. gay&wa f n I ate it
Contrast similarly the inorganic an of
Jdems^nk* (=*&/6mn v F, not *&/6maiiF) he made it; cf. Jc!emna /e s
maker
with the organic am of
dasmay&m he smiled ; cf . dasmaysLma / n I smiled
Phonetically such secondary diphthongs are hardly different from
shortened organic diphthongs; etymologically and, in consequence,
in morphologic treatment, the line of difference is sharply drawn.
Non-existent or theoretically reconstructed forms are indicated by a prefixed asterisk.
5
20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
It was said that any particular syllable, if accented, necessarily
receives a definite pitch-inflection. If it is furthermore pointed out
that distinct words and forms may differ merely in the character of
the accent, and that definite grammatical forms are associated with
definite accentual forms, it becomes evident that pitch-accent has a
not unimportant bearing on morphology. Examples of words differ-
ing only in the pitch-accent are:
se' e l black paint, writing; sel kingfisher
la' a p* leaves; (1) lap' he carried it on his back, (2) lap* become (so
and so) !
sa' a t* his discharge of wind; sat* mash it!
will'* his house; will house, for instance, in daYwill on top of
the house
1ie' e l song; hel sing it!
Indeed, neither vowel-quantity, accent, nor the catch can be consid-
ered negligible factors in Takelma phonology, as ,,shown by the
following :
waya* knife
waya' a his knife
waya' he sleeps
wayan he put him to sleep
Jc!wa ya^ ( = Jc!wal s a^ just grass
It is impossible to give any simple rule for the determination of
the proper accent of all words. What has been ascertained in regard
to the accent of certain forms or types of words in large part seems
to be of a grammatic, not purely phonetic, character, and hence will
most naturally receive treatment when the forms themselves are dis-
cussed. Here it will suffice to give as illustrations of the morphologic
value of accent a few of the cases :
(1) Perhaps the most comprehensive generalization that can be
made in regard to the employment of accents is that a catch requires
the falling pitch-accent on an immediately preceding stressed syllable,
as comes out most clearly in forms where the catch has been second-
arily removed. Some of the forms affected are:
(a) The first person singular subject third person object aorist of
the transitive verb, as in :
t!omoma' n I kill him
t!omoma'nda s as I killed him
5
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELJVCA 21
(&) The third person aorist of all intransitive verbs that take the
catch as the characteristic element of this person and tense, as in :
ya' he went
ya /a da when he went
(c) The second person singular possessive of nouns whose ending
for this person and number is - e t* s as in:
t!i' i t' your husband
elafH* your tongue
Contrast :
tUFTc" my husband
elcffY my tongue
There are but few exceptions to this rule. A certain not very nu-
merous class of transitive verbs, that will later occupy us in the treat-
ment of the verb, show a long vowel with rising pitch before a catch
in the first person singular subject third person object aorist, as in:
Jc!eme s n I make it
dit!ugu s n I wear it
The very isolation of these forms argues powerfully for the general
correctness of the rule.
(2) The first person singular subject third person object future, and
the third person aorist passive always follow the accent of la:
do u mcb'n I shall kill him
tlomomafn he was killed
Contrast :
xo u ma^n he dried it
Like lc!eme s n in accent we have also:
fclemen it was made
(3) The first person singular possessive of nouns whose ending for
that person and number is -Y shows a raised or rising pitch, according
to whether the accented vowel is short or long (or diphthongal) :
Ywedelt'Y my name
p!ant*k* my liver
tUbagwcfnfJc* my pancreas
Contrast :
Ywede'i his name
p!a' a n his liver
tlibagwa'n his pancreas
22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
(4) The verbal suffix -aid- takes the falling pitch:
sgelewa'lda e n I shouted to him
sgdewaflt* he shouted to him
Contrast :
gwalt* wind
Many more such rules could be given, but these will suffice at present
to show what is meant by the " fixity " of certain types of accent in
morphological classes.
This fixity of accent seems to require a slight qualification. A
tendency is observable to end up a sentence with the raised pitch, so
that a syllable normally provided with a falling pitch-accent may
sometimes, though by no means always, assume a raised accent, if it is
the last syllable of the sentence. The most probable explanation of
this phenomenon is that the voice of a Takelma speaker seeks its
rest in a rise, not, as is the habit in English as spoken in America, in
a fall. 1
Vocalic Processes ( 6-11)
6. VOWEL HIATUS
There is never in Takelma the slightest tendency to avoid the com-
ing together of two vowels by elision of one of the vowels or con-
traction of the two. So carefully, indeed, is each vowel kept intact
that the hiatus is frequently strengthened by the insertion of a catch.
If the words ya'pla MAN and afnl NOT, for instance, should come
together in that order in the course of the sentence, the two a- vowels
would not coalesce into one long vowel, but would be separated by
an inorganic (i. e., not morphologically essential) catch yap la
a'm . The same thing happens when two verbal prefixes, the first
ending in and the second beginning with a vowel, come together.
Thus:
de- in front
xa a - between, in two
+ 1- with hand
generally appear as:
de l-
xa a l-
respectively. The deictic element -a\ used to emphasize preceding
i Those familiar with Indogermanic phonology will have noticed that my use of the symbols (-), (-), and
{^) has been largely determined by the method adopted in linguistic works for the representation of the
syllabic pitch-accents of Lithuanian; the main departures being the use of the (-) on short as well as on
long vowels and the assignment of a different meaning to the (-).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 23
nouns, pronouns, and adverbs, is regularly separated from a pre-
ceding vowel by the catch :
ma' a^ but you, you truly
bo u a^ nowadays indeed
If a diphthong in i or u precedes a catch followed by a vowel, the i or
u often appears as y or w after the catch :
k!wa ya^ just grass (= Jc!wdl + -a^)
a' ya^ just they (== ai- they + -a^)
Jia wl- (= lia-u- under + 1- with hand)
If the second of two syntactically closely connected words begins
with a semivowel (w or y) and the first ends in a vowel, a catch is
generally heard to separate the two, in other words the semivowel is
treated as a vowel. Examples are:
ge' wok* (=ge' +wok*) there he arrived
be e wa a dl ri ( = ~be e + wa a dl fi ) day its-body = all day long
ge ya fa hi (=ge+yd' a hi) just there indeed
Such cases are of course not to be confounded with examples like:
me woY HE ARRIVED HERE, and
me yeu COME HERE !
in which the catch is organic, being an integral part of the adverb
me HITHER; contrast:
me gini' lc' HE CAME HERE, with
ge gini f HE WENT THERE.
The same phonetic rule applies even more commonly when the first
(element is a noun or verb prefix:
hB, t winl' i da inside of him; but hafo c 6im v at noon
de wiliwia fu they shouted; but dexebe' n he said so
Sibsii wa yewenTii he returned inside with him; but abai#im / &' he
went inside
wi wa my younger brother; but wiJicfm my father
It Is interesting to note that the catch is generally found also
when the first element ends in Z, m, or n, these consonants, as has
been already seen, being closely allied to the semivowels in phonetic
treatment :
al wa a dide to my body; but als'd u mcfl to the mountain
sl yowo / he looked; but alxl'tJc* he saw him
6a a ge'Fi/o he lay belly up; but ge\kliyi' e lc* he turned to face him
gweii wat*geits'!lk*wa, his (head) lay next to it; but gwenZimZa /M
he looked back
yiwin wo'lc*i (=yiwin speech +wo'k'i without) without speech
6
24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
It goes without saying that the catch separates elements ending in
Z, m, or n from such as begin with a vowel :
s'in ilats!agi' n I touch his nose
al tt*baga't*bak* he struck them
7. DISSIMILATION OF u
A diphthong in u tends, by an easily understood dissimilatory
process, to drop the u before a labial suffix (-yw-, -p\ -la 5 ). Thus
we have :
wahawax^gwa^n I rot with it, for *xiugwa' n
Compare:
7iawaxi' u he rots
wahawaxiwigwa'n I shall rot with it
Similarly :
T)iliV w he jumped having it, for *lilillk* w (stem biliu-)
wiliY w he proceeded with it, for *wiliuTc* w (stem wiliu-)
Observe that, while the diphthong iu is monophthongized, the orig-
inal quantity is kept, i being compensatively lengthened to l i . In the
various forms of the verb yeu- RETURN, such dissimilation, wherever
possible, regularly takes place:
yelc' w he returned with it, for *yeuY w ( = yeu- gw- V)
me yep* come back! (pl.)> but sing. me yeu
ye e ba f let us return! for *yeuba'
It is interesting to note how this u- dissimilation is directly respon-
sible for a number of homonyms :
ye w bite him!
(al)yep* show it to him!
A similar dissimilation of an -u- after a long vowel has in all proba-
bility taken place in the reduplicating verb la a liwi' n i CALL HIM BY
NAME (le e la'usi HE CALLS ME BY NAME) from * lauliwi' n (* UuLa'usi) .
8. I- UMLAUT
Probably the most far-reaching phonetic law touching the Takelma
vowels is an assimilatory process that can be appropriately termed
"i- umlaut." Briefly stated, the process is a regressive assimilation
of a non-radical -a- to an -i-, caused by an -i- (-$*-) in an immediately
following suffixed syllable, whether the -i- causing the umlaut is an
original -i-, or itself umlauted from an original -a-; the -i- of the
7-8
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 25
pronominal endings -bi- THEE, -si- HE TO ME, -xi- HE ME, fails to
cause umlaut, nor does the law operate when the -i- is immediately
preceded by an inorganic h. The following forms will make the
applicability of the rule somewhat clearer :
waJc!ayayini f n I caused him to grow with it (but k!ayayana f n
I caused him to grow, with preserved -a-, because of following
-a' s n, not -i' s ri)
waJdeyeya'nxi he caused me to grow with it
wak!ayaya'nxbi n I caused thee to grow with it
iyulu'yili n I rub it (from -yali n)
iyulu'yalJii he rubs it
It should be carefully noted that this i- umlaut never operates on a
radical or stem-vowel, a fact that incidentally proves helpful at times
in determining how much of a phonetic complex belongs to the stem,
and how much is to be considered as belonging to the grammatical
apparatus following the stem. In:
wd a giwi' n I brought it to him (from -awi f n; cf. wa a ga f ^bi n
I brought it to you)
the -a- following the g is shown to be not a part of the aoristic stem
wa a g- by the i- umlaut that it may undergo; on the other hand, the
corresponding future shows an un-umlauted -a- :
wagawi'n I shall bring it to him
so that the future stem must be set down as waga-, as is confirmed by
certain other considerations.
It would take us too far afield to enumerate all the possible cases
in which i- umlaut takes place ; nevertheless, it is a phenomenon of
such frequent recurrence that some of the more common possibilities
should be listed, if only for purposes of further illustration:
(1) It is caused by the aoristic verb suffix -I 1 - denoting position:
s'as'inl he stands (cf. s'a f s'ana a he will stand)
tlobigl he lies as if dead (cf . future t!obaga'sda a )
(2) By an element -i- characteristic of certain nouns, that is added
to the absolute form of the noun before the possessive pronominal
endings :
bu u biniYlc* my arm (cf. bu u bcfn arm)
tfgafltfgilixdek* my belly (for * t'galt'gali-)
(3) By the common verbal " instrumental " vowel -i-, which, for
one reason or another, replaces the normal pre-pronominal element
8
26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
-a-, and often serves to give the verb an instrumental force. This
instrumental -i- may work its influence on a great number of preceding
elements containing -a-, among which are :
(a) The -a- that regularly replaces the stem-vowel in the second
member of a duplicated verb :
al lt*l>aga f t'bigi n I beat him (cf. -fbaga'fbdk* he beat him)
ts'!ele'ts-!ili n I rattle it (cf. ts'lele'ts'lalhi he rattles it)
Ismili'smiltfn I swing it (cf. Ismi'lsmal swing it!)
(5) The causative element -an-:
wap!d a gini' n I cause him to swim with it (cf. p!d a gana f n I cause
him to swim)
See above:
wak!ayayini' e n I cause him to grow
(c) The element -an- added to transitive stems to express the idea
of FOR, IN BEHALF OF :
wat!omomini' n I kill it for him with it (cf. t!omomana' n I kill it
for him)
(d) The pronominal element -am-, first personal plural object:
alxl fi ximi s one who sees us (cf . alxl fi xam he sees us)
4. By the suffixed local element -dl l ON TOP OF added to the demon-
strative pronoun ga THAT to form a general local postposition :
gidl* on top of it, over (so and so)
Compare the similarly formed :
gada^Y above
gada^l among
and others.
5. By the pronominal element -ig- (-ik*) , first personal plural subject
intransitive :
tJomoxinik* we kill each other (cf . t!omoxa n they kill each other)
daxinigam we shall find each other (cf . daxan t* they will find each
other)
This list might be greatly extended if desired, and indeed numerous
other examples will meet us in the morphology. Examples of a double
and treble i- umlaut are :
Io7io u ninini f n I caused him to die (i. e., killed him) for him (cf.
lohd u nana'nhi he killed him for him)
Iklumininini^nk 1 he will fix it for him (compare lklu u mcfn he
fixed it)
8
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 27
The semivowel corresponding to i, namely y, is also capable, under
analogous circumstances, of causing the i- umlaut of a preceding non-
radical a. Examples are:
daxoyo'xiyafn ( = -xaya n) I scare them around ; daxoyo'xi ( = -xiy
= -xay) he scares them around
al lt*ge'it*giyak* w (=-t*gay-) rolled up
alliuyu'Jii i x ( = -hiyx = -hayx) he used to hunt
saniycf (=sanaya^) to fight him
do u mwiya (=-k'waya] to kill him; and numerous other infini-
tives in -Jc'wiya ( = -Ywaya)
9. K- SOUNDS PRECEDED BY TJ- VOWELS
An u- vowel (o, u, il, and diphthongs in -u) immediately preceding a
Jc- sound (i. e., g, F, &/, x) introduces after the latter a parasitic -w-,
which, when itself followed by a vowel, unites with the &- sound to
form a consonant-cluster (gw, Jc'w, lc!w, xw}, but appears, when stand-
ing after a (word or syllabic) final Y, as a voiceless - w . The intro-
duction of the excrescent w simply means, of course, that the labial
rounding of the u- vowel lingers on after the articulation of the Jc-
sound, a phonetic tendency encouraged by the fact that the produc-
tion of the guttural consonant does not, as in the labials and dentals,
necessitate a readjustment of the lips. A few examples will illustrate
the phonetic process :
gelgulugwa f n I desire it
gelgulu^ w he desires it (contrast gelgulcfY he desired it, without
the labial affection of the -F because of the replacement of the
-u- by an -a-)
guxwl fi his heart
du^gwi't'gwa her dress
duY w woman's garment
yd u k!wa a his bones
As also in the upper Chinook dialects (Wasco, Wishram), where
exactly the same process occurs, the w- infection is often very slight,
and particularly before u- vowels the -w- is, if not entirely absent,
at least barely audible :
yok! w oyaf n I know it
yo'Wyan I shall know it
In one very common word the catch seems to be treated as a Jc- sound
in reference to a preceding u when itself followed by an -I- :
s'u^wili he sits; but
s'u f aWa a he will sit
28 BUKEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The first form was, for some reason or other, often heard, perhaps
misheard, as s'i s ul%.
10. INORGANIC a
It frequently happens in the formation of words that a vowel
present in some other form of the stem will drop out, or, more accu-
rately expressed, has never been inserted. Consonant-combinations
sometimes then result which are either quite impossible in Takelma
phonetics, or at any rate are limited in their occurrence to certain
grammatical forms, so that the introduction of an " inorganic" -a-,
serving to limber up the consonant-duster, as it were, becomes neces-
sary. Ordinarily this -a- is inserted after the first consonant; in
certain cases, after the two consonants forming the cluster. The
theoretical future of gini'Yde* i GO SOMEWHERE should be, for
example, *gink*de e ; but, instead of this somewhat difficult form,
we really get gina'lc*de e . That the -a'- is here really inorganic, and
not a characteristic of the future stem, as was at first believed, is
clearly shown by the imperative gVrik* (all imperatives are formed
from the future stem) . Similarly :
lc!iya f lc'de e I shall go, come; aorist, Tcliyi'Yde*
alxikla'Ihik* ( = theoretical * cdxikJliJc*) he kept looking at him;
aorist first person alxik! r JM n I keep looking at him
Iclema'n make it! ( = theoretical *Jc!emn); cf. Tclemna'n I shall
make it
bai s lye e wa'n drive out sickness!; aorist, -yewen he drove out
sickness
sgela'ue e I shall shout ( = theoretic *sgelwt*e e )', aorist second
person, sgelewaY you shouted
As an example of an inorganic -a- following a consonantic cluster
may be given:
wisma'e e I shall move (stem wism-) ; aorist, wits' !imt*e I moved 1
The exact nature of the processes involved in the various forms given
will be better understood when stem-formation is discussed. Here
iSuch an -a may stand as an absolute final; e. g., ba-imasga? START IN SINGING! (stem masg-), aorist
third person, -mats.Wk'. The form masga* well illustrates the inherent difficulty of delimiting the range of
a phonetic law without comparative or older historical material to aid in determining what is due to regular
phonetic development, and what is formed on the analogy of other forms. The final cluster -sk' does occur
in Takelma; e. g.,dink!a^sk' (long object) lay stretched out; so that a phonetic irregularity must exist in
one of the two forms. Either we should have *ma^sk', orelse^dink.'asa^k' or *d^nk. r asga^ is to be expected.
On closer examination it is found that the -fc' in forms like dink.Wsk' is a grammatical element added on to
the future stem dink.'as-; whereas in masga* the -g- belongs in all probability to the stem, and is no added
suffix; at least is not felt as such. It seems evident, then, that the quasi-mechanical juxtaposition of
grammatical elements does not entirely follow the same phonetic lines as organic sound-complexes.
10
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 29
it will suffice to say that there are three distinct sorts of inorganic or
secondary a- vowels : the regular inorganic a first illustrated above,
inserted between two consonants that would theoretically form a
cluster; the post-consonantal constant a of certain stems (such as
wism- above) that would otherwise end in more or less impracticable
consonant clusters (this -a appears as -4 under circumstances to be
discussed below); and a connecting a employed to join consonantal
suffixes to preceding consonants (such suffixes are generally directly
added to preceding vowels or diphthongs). The varying treatment
accorded these different secondary a vowels will become clearer in
the morphology.
11. SIMPLIFICATION OF DOUBLE DIPHTHONGS
By a double diphthong is meant a syllable consisting of an ordinary
diphthong (long or short) followed by a semivowel (y, w) or by I, m,
or n. Such double diphthongs are, for instance, aiw, aiw, auy, auy,
ain, din, alw, d a lw; those with initial short vowel, like ain, have,
like the long diphthongs (e. g. a a n), a quantitative value of 3 morae,
while those with initial long vowel, like din, have a quantitative value
of 4 morae and may be termed over-long diphthongs. Double diph-
thongs may theoretically arise when, for some reason or other, a con-
necting or inorganic a fails to lighten the heavy syllable by reducing
it to two (see particularly 65 for a well-defined class of such cases).
Double diphthongs, however, are nearly always avoided in Takelma;
there is evidently a rhythmic feeling here brought into play, a dislike
of heavy syllables containing three qualitatively distinct sonantic
elements.
In consequence of this, double diphthongs are regularly simplified
by the loss of either the second or third element of the diphthong;
in other words, they are quantitatively reduced by one mora (the
simple double diphthongs now have a value of 2 rnorae, the over-
long diphthongs 3 morae like ordinary long diphthongs), while
qualitivetatly they now involve only two sonantic elements. An
exception seems to be afforded by double diphthongs in -uy (e. g.
-any), which become dissyllabic by vocalizing the y to i, in other
words, -any becomes -awi:
Tfc' he ran fast; cf. ' fe/a-uya /e s fast runner,
(aorist) you ran fast
6 1 shall talk; cf. yawayaY (aorist) you talked
30 BUKEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The -awi- ( = theoretic -awy-) of these forms is related to the -away-
of the aorist as the -ilw- of bilwa / s JUMPER to the -iliw- of the aorist
MliwaY YOU JUMPED.
Such double diphthongs as end in -w (e. g. -aiw, -d a lw) simply
lose the -w:
gal eat it! (=*gaiw); galk* he ate it (=*galwV); compare
ga-iwa'n I shall eat it
Other examples of this loss of w are given in 18, 2. All other
double diphthongs are simplified by the loss of the second vowel (i, u)
or consonant (I, m, ri); a glottal catch, if present after the second
vowel or consonant, is always preserved in the simplified form of the
double diphthong. Examples of simplified double diphthongs with
initial short vowel are :
gelJiewe'Ji^n ( = *-^au n) I think; compare gelJiewe'Ji&u he thinks
imi'7i& i\. (=*-^am n) I sent him; compare imi'Tisun he sent him
mo^ma^n (=*mal e n) I stir it up; mo'Z man ( = *-maln) I shall
stir it up; compare parallel forms with connecting a: mo'lo s -
mala n, mo'Z malan, and third person aorist mo'?o mal
ma a nmsi fe ii ( = *-man n) I count them; compare damd a nmmi' n
(umlauted from -man-i'%) I counted them up
Jc!emxa't*e e (=*Jc!e>nmxa't*e e ) I shall make; compare &/emna /ff &
maker and fc/ema'n make it! (with inorganic a because accent
is not thrown forward)
Examples of simplified over-long diphthongs are :
da & ldi'n ( = *da,i(di'ri) I shall go to him for food; compare
d<*e e I shall go for food
el t'gelxl* (=*t^g^l]xl i ) wagon (literally, rolling canoe); compare
t*ge*ycflx it rolls
dat!agsi u (=*t!ag&i s n} I build a fire; compare datlag&i he builds
a fire
n (=*fc/emei n) I make it; compare Jclemei he makes it
n ( = *o7/on n) I give it; compare third person oyon he gives it
In the inferential, less frequently passive participle and impera-
tive, forms of the verb, double diphthongs, except those ending
in w, generally fail to be simplified. If coming immediately
before the inferential -Y- the double diphthong is preserved, for
what reason is not evident (perhaps by analogy to other non-aorist
forms in which the last element of the double diphthong belongs to
the following syllable) :
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA
31
fe*/aimF (but also ts'!a,yam F) he hid it; compare ts'!&-ima'n I
shall hide it
oinF he gave it; compare oma'n I shall give it
If the inferential -&'- does not immediately follow, an inorganic a
seems to be regularly inserted between the second and third elements
of the diphthong:
gelts'!a,ya f mxamk*na since he concealed it from us
Examples of other than inferential forms with unsimplified double
diphthong are:
oln give it! (yet ts'I&ya'm hide it! with inorganic a)
Consonants ( 12-24)
12. System of Consonants
The Takelma consonant system is represented in the following
table :
Aspirated
tenuis.
Voiceless
media.
Fortis.
Spirant.
Lateral.
Nasal.
Labial . .
n
b
D!
v. unv.
w -'*
nt
Dental .
f
d
t!
I
n
Sibilant
is!, ts\'
f r
Palatal
y
(0
Guttural
It'
g
k!
X
Faucal .
t
h
The spirants have been divided into two groups, those on the left-
hand side of the column (labeled v.) being voiced, while those on the
right-hand side (labeled unv.) are unvoiced. The rarely occurring
palatal lateral I (see 2, footnote) is also voiceless. Every one of the
consonants tabulated may occur initially, except the voiceless labial
spirant -* w , which occurs only with Jc at the end of a syllable. Prop-
erly speaking, - w should be considered the syllabic final of the
labialized guttural series (k*w, gw, Tc!w)', a consideration of the
consonant-clusters allowed in Takelma shows that these labialized
consonants must be looked upon as phonetic units. The catch ( )
as organic consonant is found only medially and finally; the I only
12
32 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
initially. In regard to the pronunciation of the various consonants,
w, Sj y, h, I, m, and n do not differ materially from the corresponding
sounds in English.
The first two series of stops tenuis Op', f, Y) and media (&, d, g)
do not exactly correspond to the surd and sonant stops of English or
French. The aspirated tenues are, as their name implies, voiceless
stops whose release is accompanied by an appreciable expulsion of
breath. The voiceless mediae are also stops without voiced articula-
tion ; but they differ from the true tenues in the absence of aspiration
and in the considerably weaker stress of articulation. Inasmuch as
our English mediae combine sonancy with comparatively weak stress
of articulation, while the tenues are at the same time unvoiced and
pronounced with decided stress, it is apparent that a series of con-
sonants which, like the Takelma voiceless mediae, combine weak stress
with lack of voice will tend to be perceived by an American ear some-
times (particularly when initial) as surds, at other times (particularly
between vowels) as sonants. On the other hand, the aspirated tenues
will be regularly heard as ordinary surd-stops, so that an untrained
American ear is apt to combine an uncalled-for differentiation with a
disturbing lack of differentiation. While the Takelma tenuis and
media are to a large extent morphologically equivalent consonants
with manner of articulation determined by certain largely mechanical
rules of position, yet in a considerable number of cases (notably
as initials) they are to be rigidly kept apart etymologically. Words
and stems which differ only in regard to the weak or strong stress
and the absence or presence of aspiration of a stop, can be found
in great number:
da a n- ear; t'a a n squirrel
bo u now; p'o u - to blow
ga that ; Ya what
dl*- on top ; fl*- to drift
bo u d- to pull out hair; p'o u d- to mix
da a g- to build fire ; da a g- to find ; t'a a g-to cry
gai- to eat; Yai- thing, what x
i These two series of stops are not at all peculiar to Takelma. As far as could be ascertained, the same
division is found also in the neighboring Chasta Costa, a good example of how a fundamental method of
phonetic attack may be uniformly spread over an area in which far-reaching phonetic differences of detail
are found and morphologic traits vary widely. The same series of stops are found also in Yana, in
northern California. Farther to the east the two series are apparently found, besides a series of true
sonant stops, in Ponca and Omaha (J. O. Borsey's p, t, k, and d , ?, q). The Iroquois also (as could be
tested by an opportunity to hear Mohawk) are, as regards the manner of articulating the two series, abso-
lutely in accord with the Takelma. A more accurate phonetic knowledge of other languages would doubt-
less show a wide distribution in America of the voiceless media.
12
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 33
The fortes (p!, t!, Jc!, ts! [ = ts'l], and , which has been put in the
same series because of its intimate phonetic and morphologic rela-
tion to the other consonants) are pronounced with the characteristic
snatched or crackly effect (more or less decided stress of articula-
tion of voiceless stop followed by explosion and momentary hiatus)
prevalent on the Pacific coast. From the point of view of Takelma,
p!, t!, and Jc! are in a way equivalent to p , t s , and Jc , respectively,
or rather to & , d , and g , for the fortes can never be aspirated.
In some cases it was found difficult to tell whether a fortis, or a voice-
less stop followed by a glottal stricture, was really heard :
yap!a^ and yap-a" man
ga'pfini* and ga'p ini^ two
In fact, a final tenuis + a catch inserted, as between vowels, to pre-
vent fhonetic amalgamation, regularly become, at least as far as
acoustic effect is concerned, the homorganic fortis:
aklcf he indeed (=aY he + deictic e cf; cf. ma' e cf you indeed)
saklelt* you shot him ( = saY he shot him + ( e )elf you are)
mapta^ just you [pi.] (= map 1 you [pi.] 4- s a?)
Nevertheless, p , t , Jc are by no means phonetically identical with
p!j t!, Jc!; in Yana, for instance, the two series are etymologically, as
well as phonetically, distinct. One difference between the two may
be the greater stress of articulation that has been often held to be
the main characteristic of the fortes, but another factor, at least as
far as Takelma (also Yana) is concerned, is probably of greater mo-
ment. This has regard to the duration of the glottal closure. In
the case of p , t , and Jc 8 the glottis is closed immediately upon release
of the stop-contact for p, t, 'and Jc. In the case of p!, t!, and Jc! the
glottis is closed just before or simultaneously with the moment of con-
sonant contact, is held closed during the full extent of the consonant
articulation, and is not opened until after the consonant release; the
fortis p! } e. g., may be symbolically represented as p (or b , better
as & , i. e., a labial unaspirated stop immersed in a glottal catch).
As the glottis is closed throughout the whole extent of the fortis
articulation, no breath can escape through it; hence a fortis conso-
nant is necessarily unaspirated. This explains why fortes are so apt
to be misheard as voiceless mediae or even voiced mediae rather than
as aspirated tenues (p!, e. g., will be often misheard as & rather than
p). The cracked effect of the fortes, sometimes quite incorrectly
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 3 12
34 BUKEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
referred to as a click, is due to the sudden opening of the closed cham-
ber formed between the closed glottis and the point of consonant
contact (compare the sound produced by the sudden withdrawal of
a stopper from a closed bottle) ; the hiatus generally heard between
a fortis and a following vowel is simply the interval of time elapsing
between the consonant release and the release "of the glottal closure. 1
That the fortis consonant really does involve an initial glottal catch
is abundantly illustrated in the author's manuscript material by such
writings as:
dulti'H!ili e n=dulu't!ili e n I stuff it
du'l e t!iUn==du'U!ilin I shall stuff it
leme' Tc!ia-uda = leme'lc!ia-uda as they go off
Many facts of a phonetic and morphological character will meet us
later on that serve to confirm the correctness of the phonetic analysis
given (see 13, end; also 30,4; 40,6; 40,13a, p. 113; 40,13b). Here
it is enough to point out that p!, t!, Tc!, ts'! are etymologically related
to ~b, d, g, s' as are i , us , l, m, n to i, u, I, m, n.
There is no tenuis or media affricative (ts dz; ts', tc dz', dj) corre-
sponding in Takelma to the fortis ts!, ts'!, though it seems possible
that it originally existed but developed to x (cf. yegwexi they bite
me [upper Takelma yegwe'tci]', ts'Ii'xi dog [from original *ts* tits' it 2 ]) .
Morphologically ts!, ts'! stand in the same relation to s, s' that p! } tl,
and Tc! stand in to &, d, g. For example,
Aorist stems :
tfomom- kill, ptugug- start (war, basket), Tdolol- dig are related
to their corresponding
Future stems :
do u m-, bu^g-, go u l-, as are the
Aorist stems:
ts'tadad- mash, ts'Ielel- paint to their corresponding
Future stems:
s'a a d-, s'e e l-
Of the other consonants, only x, -* w , and s, s' call for remark, x is
equivalent to the ch of German DACH, though generally pronounced
further forward (x). It frequently has a w tinge, even when no
it-vowel or diphthong precedes, particularly before i' } examples are
M'px w i CHILD and Tiax w iyc? (ordinarily Tiaxiya?) IN THE WATER. -F w ,
1 Doctor Goddard writes me that an examination of tracings made on the Rousselot machine leads
to substantially the same phonetic interpretation of the fortes as has been given above.
2 See Notes on the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon, American Anthropologist, n. s., ix, 257.
12
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 35
in which combination alone, as we have seen, -* w occurs, is the
aspirated tenuis Y followed by a voiceless labial continuant approxi-
mately equivalent to the wh of English WHICH, more nearly to the
sound made in blowing out a candle, s is the ordinary English s as
in SELL; while s' is employed to represent a sibilant about midway in
place of articulation between s and c (= sJi in English SHELL), the
fortes is! and ts m ! corresponding, respectively, in place of articulation
to s and s\ The two sounds s and s' have been put together, as it
is hardly probable that they represent morphologically distinct
sounds, but seem rather to be the limits of a normal range of varia-
tion (both sal- WITH FOOT and s'al-, e. g., were heard). The only
distinction in use that can be made out is that s occurs more fre-
quently before and after consonants and after :
s'a's'ant'e* I shall stand
ogu's'i he gave it to me, but ogu'sbi he gave it to you
lo u s'l fi his plaything 110.6
llasgi'n I shall touch it
le e psi" feathers
yols steel-head salmon
Jia-uJiana' s it stopped (raining)
13. Final Consonants
By a "final" consonant will always be meant one that stands at
the end of a syllable, whether the syllable be the last in the word or
not. Such a final position may be taken only by the aspirated tenues,
the voiceless spirants, the catch, the liquid (Z) , and the nasals, not by
the voiceless mediae, fortes, and semivowels (y and w) ; Ti occurs as
a final only very rarely :
Icfh excrement
lohlalicfnY he always caused them to die
A final semivowel unites with the preceding vowel to form a diph-
thong :
gayati he ate it (cf . gayawa' n I ate it)
gal grow! (cf. ga a ya f t* he will grow)
A final voiceless media always turns into the corresponding aspirated
surd; so that in the various forms of one stem a constant alternation
between the two manners of articulation is brought about:
se e ba' n I roasted it; sep* he roasted it
xebe f n he did it; xep'ga* I did it
xuduma'lda n I whistle to him; xuduma'W, xuduma'lt" gwa he
whistles to him
t!ayaga' n I found it; U.aycfY he found it, dak*na since he
found it
13
36 BUKEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
A final fortis also becomes the corresponding aspirated surd (-ts!
becoming - s), but with a preceding catch by way of compensation
for the loss of the fortis character of the consonant. This process is
readily understood by a reference to the phonetic analysis of the fortes
given above ( 12). Final p!, for instance, really Z>( ), is treated in
absolutely parallel fashion to a final &; the final media implied in
the p! must become an aspirated surd (this means, of course, that
the glottal closure is released at the same time as the stop, not sub-
sequently, as in the ordinary fortis), but the glottal attack of the b
still remains. Examples are:
wasgd f p!in I shall make it tight; wasga f p* make it tight
Yap!a f Yap'na n I throw them under (fire, earth) ; future, Va p*-
ba a xd't!an I shall win over him; t>a a xd' t* win over him! ba a xo' t*ga s
I won over him
alxtfJclin I shall see him; alxl' Y see him! (contrast alxl^g^n I
saw him; cblxl fi Y he saw him)
Jia wlha f nts !in I shall cause it to stop (raining) ; Ji,(L wlha'n s
make it stop raining!
no'tslafgwan next door to each other; no' u s' next door
7ia e lmi f t8ladan t!eimi' s six times 100; Tia*imi' s six
Consonant Combinations ( 14-17}
14. GENERAL REMARKS
Not all consonant combinations are allowable in Takelma, a cer-
tain limited number of possibilities occurring initially, while a larger
number occur as finals. Medial combinations, as we shall see (17),
are simply combinations of syllabic final consonants or permissible
consonant combinations and syllabic initial consonants or permis-
sible consonant combinations.
15. INITIAL COMBINATIONS
If, as seems necessary, we regard gw as a single labialized consonant,
the general rule obtains that no combinations of three or more con-
sonants can stand at the beginning of a word or syllable. The fol-
lowing table shows all the initial combinations of two consonants
possible in Takelma, the first members of the various combinations
being disposed in vertical columns and the second members, with
which the first combine, being given in horizontal lines. Examples
fill the spaces thus mapped out. Inasmuch as the mediae and fortes,
14-15
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA
37
the liquid, nasals, semivowels, and 7i never appear, or with very few
exceptions, as the first members of initial combinations, it was not con-
sidered necessary to provide for them in the horizontal row. Simi-
larly the tenues and fortes never occur as second members of initial
combinations. A dash denotes non-occurrence.
p'
'
fc f
6'
X
b
t'bdag- hit
sbln beaver
?
d
s-do'is-dagwa- put on style
xdeU' flute
Q
t'geib- roll
sgi'si coyote
gw
t'gwa* thunder
sg wini^ raccoon
J }
I
?
xliwi war feathers
m
t'mila^px smooth
sma-im- smile
?
n
s-na mamma!
xnW acorn mush
y
w
t'waplat'wap'- blink
[k' waa g w -
awaken]
swat'g- pursue
?
It will be noticed that only t* (p' and Y were given mainly for
contrast) and the two voiceless spirants s and x combine with fol-
lowing consonants (Fw- is not to be analyzed into Y +w, but is to be
regarded as a single consonant, as also gw- and Jc!w-, both of which
frequently occur as initials) ; furthermore that s, x, and y never com-
bine with preceding consonants. The general law of initial combi-
nation is thus found to be: tenuis (?) or voiceless spirant (s, x) +
media (6, d, g) or voiced continuant (Z, m, n, w). 1 Of the combina-
tions above tabulated, only t*b- t*g-, sb-, sg-, and perhaps sgw- and
sw-, can be considered as at all common, t*m-, t*w-, sd-, sn-, xd-,
xl-, and xn- being very rare, si-, sb-, xm-, and xw- have not been
found, but the analogy of xl- for the first, and of si)-, sm-, and sw-
f or the others, make it barely possible that they exist, though rarely ;
there may, however, be a distinct feeling against the combination
x + labial (b, m, w).
Only two cases have been found of fortis or media + consonant :
tlweple'tlwapx they fly about without lighting; future dwep'-
dwa'pxda*
This may possibly serve to explain why the aflricative is- (to correspond to is-.') is not found in Takelma.
15
38
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
fBULL. 40
16. FINAL COMBINATIONS
Final consonant combinations are limited in possibility of occur-
rence by the fact that only aspirated tenues and voiceless spirants
(p\ t\ Y, Jc' v , s, and x) can stand as absolute finals after other con-
sonants. The following table will give examples of all final combi-
nations of two or three consonants that have been discovered in the
available material.
P'
f
fc 1
/
m
n
s
X
p'
eit'p' ye are
-
&?lp' swan
s-a's-anp'
stand! (pi.)
t'
-
sgelewa'lt' he
shouted to him
ts.'dela'mt'
he paints it
p/d'ant'his
liver
k'
xZp'k'hedidit
p'j?aTk'
my sal-
mon
-
a Ik' silver-side
salmon
xa x mk' grizz-
ly bear
do77ic^nk'
he will
kill him
mz/a v sk'
he loved
her
k'wd'a-xk'
he's awake
k'w
-
fgweW* rat
?
yarik'* he
took it
along
p'k-
'
-
*-M' alp'k' he
sat
se'nsanp'k'
he whooped
fV
-
doma v lt'k' my
testicles
zda/a'mt'k'
my urine
bilga^nVk'
my breast
s
Za x ps blanket
-
blls moss
gums blind
pfe^ns
squirrel
t'geya^px round
-
t'geeya^\x i t
rolls
ya'mx grease
6i5nx hun-
ger
xk"
des-lpxk' i t
closed
-
gii'lk.'alxk' it
was blazing
date-/d v mxk'
it hurt
ugwa^nxk'
he drank
px
-
sgiUpx warm
your back!
?
No examples of -mV w and -npx have been found, but the analogy
of -Ipx makes the existence of the latter of these almost certain (Z'and
n are throughout parallel in treatment) ; the former (because of the
double labial; cf. the absence of -mp') is much less probable, despite
the analogy of -IV w and -nk' w . It is possible also that -IsV, -msk\
and -nsV exist, though their occurrence can hardly be frequent. Of
final clusters of four consonants -nt*p*Y has been found in s'a's'anVp^Y
HE STOOD, but there can be small doubt that the -t- is merely a dental
tenuis glide inserted in passing from the dental nasal to the labial
tenuis; compare the morphologically analogous form se'nsanp^Y HE
WHOOPED. However, the combinations -IpxY and -npxY (if -npx
exists), though not found in the available material, very probably
ought to be listed, as they would naturally be the terminations of
morphologically necessary forms (cf. des'lpxk*). Most, if not all, of
16
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 39
the preceding final combinations may furthermore be complicated by
the addition of , which is inserted before the first tenuis or voiceless
spirant of the group, i. e., after a possible liquid or nasal:
ti' i s'V he laughed
o' px dust, ashes.
ts'!u'n s (deerskin) cap
As compared to the initial combinations, the table of final clusters
seems to present a larger number of possibilities. It is significant,
however, that only those that consist of Z, m, or n + single consonant
can ever be looked upon as integral 'portions of the stem (such as
xcfmk* and t'gwe^llc' w ) ; while those that end in -s can always be sus-
pected of containing either the verbal suffix -s ( = t + x), or the noun
and adjective forming element -s. All other combinations are the
result of the addition of one or more grammatical elements to the
stem (e. g., s'u' s cilpW = s'u e (ilr+p* + lc*). Further investigation shows
that only two of the combinations, -t*p* (second personal plural sub-
ject aorist) and -W (first personal singular possessive) are suffixal
units ; though -t*p* might be ultimately analyzed into -t* (second per-
sonal singular subject aorist) + -p\ It is interesting to note that
these clusters are at the same time the only ones, except t*gw-, allowed
initially, t*b- and t*g-. The constitution of the Takelma word-stem
may thus be formulated as
tenuis (or voiceless spirant) + media (or voiced continuant) +
vowel (or diphthong) + liquid or nasal + stop (fortis or
media tenuis) ,
any or all of the members of which skeleton may be absent except
the vowel; h may also be found before the vowel.
17. MEDIAL COMBINATIONS
A medial combination consists simply of a syllabically final com-
bination or single consonant + an initial combination or single con-
sonant, so that theoretically a very large number of such medial
combinations may occur. Quite a large number do indeed occur,
yet there is no morphologic opportunity for many of them, such as
V-l, np'-m, and numerous others. Examples of medial combinations
are:
t!omoma'n-ma when he was killed
helk*-na when he sang
dak*-t*gu' u ba n I put hollowed object (like hat) on top (as on head)
17
40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The occurrence of such clusters as -Yn- must not for a moment be
interpreted as a contradiction of the non-occurrence of the same clus-
ters initially or finally, as they are not, syllabically speaking, clusters
at all. Had such combinations as, say, -t'gn- (in which -t* would be
the final of one syllable and gn- the initial of the next) occurred, we
should be justified in speaking of an inconsistency in the treatment
of clusters; but the significant thing is, that such clusters are never
found. A Takelma word can thus ordinarily be cut up into a definite
number of syllables :
ga$lc*na when he ate it ( ='galY-na )
yo'Yyan I shall know it ( = yo'Y-yan}
but these syllables have only a phonetic, not necessarily a morpho-
logic value (e. g., the morphologic division of the preceding forms is
respectively gai-Y-na and yok*y-ari). The theory of syllabification
implied by the phonetic structure of a Takelma word is therefore at
complete variance with that found in the neighboring Athapascan
dialects, in which the well-defined syllable has at least a relative
morphologic value, the stem normally consisting of a distinct syllable
in itself.
One important phonetic adjustment touching the medial combina-
tion of consonants should be noted. If the first syllable ends in a
voiceless spirant or aspirated surd, the following syllable, as far as
initial stops are concerned, will begin with a media (instead of aspi-
rated surd) or aspirated surd + media; i. e., for a cluster of stops in
medial position, the last can be a media only, while the others are
aspirated surds. As also in the case of single consonants, this adjust-
ment often brings about a variation in the manner of articulation
of the final consonant in the cluster, according to whether its positi'on
in the word is medial or final. Thus we have:
xep'ga s I did it; xep*Y he did it
Contrast, with constant -V- :
alxl' Ya I saw it; alxi'fy* 1 he saw it
the -g- of the first form and the -Y of the second being the same mor-
phological element; the -p* of both forms is the syllabically final &
of the stem xe e l- DO, so that xep'ga stands for a theoretical *xelik*a ,
a phonetically impossible form. Other examples are :
1 This form is distinct from alxi' e k' LOOK AT IT!, quoted before. The imperative theoretically = *alxl'k!
the text form
$ 17
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 41
ga-iwa't*ba ye shall eat it ; gayawaYp* ye ate it
di'n xga I (as long object) was stretching out ; di'n xk' long object
was stretching
Consonant Processes ( 18-24)
18. DROPPING OF FINAL CONSONANTS
There is a good deal to indicate that the comparatively limited
number of possible final consonant-clusters is not a primary condi-
tion, but has been brought about by the dropping of a number of
consonants that originally stood at the end.
1 . The most important case is the loss of every final -t* that stood
after a voiceless spirant or aspirated surd. Its former presence in
such words can be safely inferred, either from morphologically par-
allel forms, or from other forms of the same stem where the phonetic
conditions were such as to preserve the dental. Thus gwidW w HE
THREW IT represents an older reduplicated *gwidi^ w t^ ( = gwid-i-gwd-) ,
as proven by the corresponding form for the first person, gwidi'Jc* w da e n
i THREW IT and gwidi'Vdagwa HE THREW HIM (122.13). Similarly
all participles showing the bare verb stem are found to be phonet-
ically such as not to permit of a final -t\ and are therefore historic-
ally identical with the other participial forms that show the -C :
saV shooting ( = *sak*t*)
dox gathering ( = *doxf)
Tia-tlulY following in path ( = **/flZfcY)
sana^p* fighting ( = *8(mcfp*t*)
Compare:
yanaY going
lohoY dead
sebe^t* roasting
domt* having killed
se'nsant* whooping
yi*W copulating with
The combinations -Y w t' (-V w t'g-) and -Jc* w t*x-, however, seem to
lose, not the -'-, but the -&'">-, whereupon -'&' (-t*g~) remains, while
-t'x- regularly becomes -s- (see 20, 2) :
7ie eS gwidaW ( =*gwidaW w f-k' , inferential of gwidik* w d-)he lostit
he e gwida't*ga (=*gunda'F w t*-ga ) I lost it
xamgwidi'sgwide (=*gwidi'lc* w t*-x-gwi- or possibly *gwidi'Y w t*-
gwi-) I drown myself
18
42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
2. Somewhat less transparent is the former existence of a -w after
consonants. The following examples have been found in the material
at disposal:
lal she twined basket ( = *lalw) ; cf . la a lwa' n I twine it (that -w
really belongs to the stem is shown by the forms la a wa'n
I shall twine it ; letixi twine it for me !)
Jclel basket bucket ( = *7c!elw)', cf. klelwi'* her bucket
Val penis ( = *Yalw) ; cf . Valwl fi his penis.
sgelel (=*sgelel w) he keeps shouting; cf. sgelewaY you shout,
sgelwa'We* I shall keep shouting
alsgalYa? (=*sgalwVa ) I turned my head to one side to look at
him; cf. alsga a lwi f n I shall turn my head to look at him
alsgelelxi ( =*sgelelwxi) he keeps turning his head to one side to
look at me; cf. alsgala a Uwi' n I keep turning my head to look
at him, future alsgalwalwi'n
This process, as further shown by cases like gal EAT IT! (=*gaiw), is
really a special case of the simplification of double diphthongs (see
11). Perhaps such "dissimilated" cases as Za- and le e - (for Idu-
and leu-), see 7, really belong here.
Other consonants have doubtless dropped off under similar condi-
tions, but the internal evidence of such a phenomenon is not as
satisfactory as in the two cases listed. The loss of a final -n is probable
in such forms as lh,egwe'JiaY w HE WORKS, cf. ihegwe'7iaTc* w na s n i WORK,
and Ihegwe'halc^nanaW WE WORK. Certain verb-forms would be
satisfactorily explained as originally reduplicated like gwidiW, if we
could suppose the loss of certain final consonants:
gini' Y he went somewheres ( = ^gin-i'-^Yri)
gelgulu" w he desired it (= ( !*-gul-u^-Jc' w l)
In the case of these examples, however, such a loss of consonants
is entirely hypothetical. 1
19. SIMPLIFICATION OF DOUBLE CONSONANTS
Morphologically doubled consonants occur very frequently in Ta-
kelma, but phonetically such theoretic doublings are simplified into
single consonants; i. e., k*+g become F or g, and correspondingly
for other consonants. If one of the consonants is a fortis, the simpli-
fied result will be a fortis or aspirated surd with preceding catch,
according to the phonetic circumstances of the case. If one of the
1 Many of the doubtful cases would perhaps be cleared up if material were available from the upper
dialect, as it shows final clusters that would not be tolerated in the dialect treated in this paper; e. g.
Kii'toiufks-e RELATIVES (cf. Takelma k'winaxde MY KIN).
19
BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 43
Jc- consonants is labialized, the resulting Jc- sound preserves the labial
affection. Examples of consonant simplification are:
mo'VeY my son-in-law (= mo'f- + -dele')
latfwoY he gave him to eat ( = lag- + -Jc'woJc')
deJc!iya'Jc'i if it goes on (= dekliya'g- + -Jc'i )
Itfgwa'n I shall fetch them home ( = ll l g- + -gwari) ; cf . aorist
ligigwa' s n
dtfhila'Tc !weme s n I make him glad (= TiilcfY glad + Jc!eme n I
make him)
A good example of three fc-sounds simplifying to one is :
ginak'wi s if he comes (= ginag-Y w -Yi }
The interrogative element di never unites with the -f of a second
person singular aorist, but each dental preserves its individuality, a
light % being inserted to keep the two apart :
xemda/Mdi do you wish to eat ? ( = xemelaY + di)
The operation of various phonetic processes of simplification often
brings about a considerable number of homonymous forms. One
example will serve for many. From the verb-stem sa a g- SHOOT are
derived :
1. Imperative sak' shoot it!
2. Potential saV he can, might shoot it
3. Participle saY shooting ( = *saY)
4. Inferential saV so he shot it ( = *sag-k*)
The corresponding forms of the stem yana- GO will bring home the
fact that we are here really dealing with morphologically distinct
formations :
1. yana^ go!
2. yana f he would have gone
3. yanaY going
4. yanaW so he went
Another simplification of consonant groups may be mentioned
here. When standing immediately after a stop, an organic, etymo-
logically significant Ji loses its individuality as such and unites with a
preceding media or aspirated tenuis to form an aspirated tenuis,
with a preceding fortis to form an aspirated tenuis preceded by a
glottal catch (in the latter case the fortis, being a syllabic final,
cannot preserve its original form). Thus, for the Tc- series, g or Y +7i
becomes V , ~k! (or F) +h becomes F; gw or Y w -\-Ji becomes Jc*w,
lc!w (or lc' w ) +7i becomes *Vw. Under suitable conditions of accent
19
44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
(see 23) the contraction product V or Yw may itself become g or
gw, so that all trace of the original h seems to be lost. Examples for
the Tc- sounds 'are:
t'gunuJc*i s (=CgunuY + quotative -hi ) it became warm, it is said
nag<ma' a lc'i ( = nagana' a lc' + quotative -hi ; see 22) he always
said, it is said
gwen-he'Ywa a gw- (= reduplicated he'gw-hd a gw-) relate; with ac-
cent thrown forward gwen-hegwa' a gw-an-i- (=hegw-ha fa gw-};
compare, with preserved h } gwen-hegwe'hagw-an-i tell to
s'o'wo Y6p" ( = s'o f wo Y-hap* =*s'o'wok!-hap*) he jumps (6 =
wa; see 9) he jumps; compare s'owo'lcfanafn I cause him to
jump
Similarly, d or t* +h becomes t*, t! (or t*) +7i becomes '; 5 or p* + 7i
becomes p*, p! (or p*) + h becomes p* :
gana'fi (=gana?t* + emphatic -hi) of just that sort
yo't"i (=yoY being + emphatic -hi) alive; compare plural
yot'i'hi
he e sgu' u t'6 w (=sgu' u t!-Jiak' w ) cut away; compare Jie es sgo' u t!an
I shall cut it away
s' and x also generally contract with Ji to s' and x, e. g. :
nd u s'i /e (=no us s'+-hi ) next door, it is said.
20. CONSONANTS BEFORE x
No stopped consonant or spirant may stand before x, except p.
The dentals, guttural stops, and sibilants all simplify with x into
single sounds; the fortes (including ts!) following the example of
the ordinary stops and of the s, but leaving a trace in the vicarious .
1. All Jc- sounds (F, g, Jc!, Yw, gw, Tc!w) simply disappear before x
without leaving any trace of their former existence, except in so far
as lc! and Jc!w remain as ; if x is followed by a vowel, the w of the
labialized fc-sounds unites with x to form xw:
alxl fi xi he saw me ( =al-xl ri g-xi) ; cf. alxl H gi n I saw him
Ywd' a xde I awoke (=Jc'wd fa gw-x-de e )' } cf. lVwof a gwi n I woke
him up
gelgulu'xbi n I like you ( = -gulu'gw-x-bi ri) ; cf . -gulugwa, rs n I
like him
ba a dini' x (clouds) spread out on high ( =-dini f lc!-x) ; cf. di'nik!a n
I stretch it out
lu xwa? to trap ( =luk! w -xa?) ; cf. lo'~k!wan I shall trap (deer)
yexwinY ( =yegw-xink') he will bite me; but yexda 6 ( =yegw-x-da )
you will bite me
20
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 45
2. tx always simplifies to s, t!x to s. Whether the combination tx
really spontaneously developed into s it is naturally impossible to
say; all that can safely be stated is that, where we should by mor-
phologic analogy expect t + x, this combination as such never appears,
but is replaced by s. Examples are numerous:
lebe'sa* she sews (^ebe't-xa^] cf., for -t' of stem, lebeY she
sewed it, for suffix -xa , lobo'xa* she pounds
sgelewa'lsi he shouts to me ( =sgelewa'ld-xi) ; cf. sgelewoflda n I
shout to him
d&ibodobd 'sa s n they pull out each other's hair, with reduplicated
stem bodobad- + x-
xa a t*le fe t*bagams it is all tied together (=-fbagamt-x)'j cf.
xd a bd' a gamda n I tie it together
hansgd' u s he cut across, lay over (road) ( =-sgo' u t!-x) ; cf .
Jiansgd' u t!an I shall cut it across
This change of tx to s is brought about constantly in the course of
word-formation, and will be incidentally exemplified more than once
in the morphology.
3. sx simplifies to s, ts!x (= s sx) to s. Examples are:
yimi's'a* he dreams ( =yimi's'-xa , with suffix -xa as in lobo'xa*
above
Tia-uhana f s it stopped (raining) (=*-Jiana' sXj stem ~hanats!- +
-x)
21. DISSIMILATION OF n TO /AND m
If a (generally) final n of a stem is immediately followed, or, less
commonly, preceded by, a suffix containing a nasal, it dissimilates
to Z. The following examples have been found:
yalalaTiaY you lost it . (cf . yalnanada' s you will lose it, with n
preserved because it forms a consonant-cluster with Z)
7ia-gwd a l-a^m in the road (cf. gwan road)
Dldalcfm Grant's Pass (probably =over [d r ir] the rocks [da?n])
ccaZaWF my urine; xalcb'xame I urinate (cf. xdn urine)
la-is'in-xi r lik!wi n I blow my nose, with Z due to -n of prefix
s'in- nose (cf. xln mucus)
s'inp*i'l s flat-nosed, alongside of s'inp*i'n s
The possibility of a doublet in the last example shows that the
prefix s'in- is not as thoroughly amalgamated with the rest of the
word as are the suffixes; probably, also, the analogy of forms m-p'in s
with other prefixes not containing an n would tend to restore an
anomalous-sounding s'inp*i'l s to -p*i'n s.
21
46
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
A suffixed -(a)n dissimilates to -(a)l because of a preceding m in the
stem:
s'imi^l dew (cf. such nouns as pfiyi^n deer)
dak*-s'd u ma^l on the mountain (s'om mountain)
do u ma'lt' L V my testicles (do u m testicles)
With these compare:
dd a -ts!a a wa^n by the ocean (tsldu deep water)
In xd a -gulma^n AMONG OAKS, the Z immediately preceding the m
seems to have prevented the dissimilation of the -an to -al.
It is practically certain that the -am of Jiagwa a la^m, Dldala^m, and
xa a la'mCY is at bottom phonetically as well as functionally identical
with the suffix -an (-al), seen in xa a -gulma^n (gulifm OAK) and daV-
s'd u ma^l, and rests on a second dissimilation of the nasal lingual (n)
of the suffix to a labial nasal (m), because of the lingual (Z) of the
stem. The history of a word like Jiagwa a la^m is in that event as
follows: An original *hagwa a na^n IN THE ROAD (stem gwa a n--+ nominal
characteristic -an) becomes first *liagwa a la^n by the dissimilation of
the first n because of the following n, then Jiagwd a la^m by the .dissimi
lation of this second n because of the preceding Z. Similarly Dldala^m
and xa a la^mV would go back to *Didana^n and *xa a ncfnt*Jc* respec-
tively ; with the second form compare the reduplicated verb xala'xam-
( = *xanaxan-) URINATE. The probability of such a dissimilation of
n to m is greatly strengthened by the fact that nearly all nouns with
an evidently suffixal noun-forming element -(a)m have an Z in the
stem as compared to an -(d)n of nouns not so affected. Contrast:
-n
7ke e la v m board (cf. dtfhe'liya
sleeping on wooden platform)
<7ela v m river
hail (cf. stem tslel-
rattle)
sick, ghost
ts'Iu^lm wart *
habi\B?m empty
frog
turtle
wigm red lizard
pliyi^n deer (-n here as suffix
shown by pliya^x fawn)
yutlu^n white duck (cf. yutl-
u'yidi n I eat it greedily)
yu'xg&n trout
xdan. eel (cf . ha -xdd' a xdagwa n
I throw something slippery
far away)
wo u p!\m- eyebrows
* No other example of final -lm is known, so that this form was probably misheard for
(ct. gulu*m OAK).
21
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 47
yulvfm eagle (also 7/tda N m is dd a - n- ear
found)
guWm oak beb&n rushes
Jc'ulum fish (sp. ?) #a'&/an house ladder
\egem- kidney gwitlm- wrist
It should not be concealed that a few words (such as Jiultin OCEAN,
tlaga^m LAKE, and yuk!um-a- BONES) do not seem to conform to the
phonetic law implied by the table ; but more exact knowledge of the
etymology of these and similar words would doubtless show such
disagreement to be but apparent. It is probable that in delga^n-
BTJTTOCKS, ~bilgcfn- BREAST, and do'Win-i- ANUS, the g, (F) im-
mediately following upon the I prevented the expected dissimila-
tion of n to m; in le'Ywan- ANUS the dissimilation was perhaps
thwarted by a counter-tendency to dissimilate the two labials (k* w
and m) that would thus result. *yalan-an- LOSE (tr.), dissimilated,
as we have seen, to yalal-an-, fails to be further dissimilated to *yalal-
am- because, doubtless, there is a feeling against the obscuring of
the phonetic form of the causative suffix -an-. The great probability
of the existence of a dissimilatory tendency involving the change
of n to m is clinched by the form do'Wim-i- ANUS alongside of
do'Win-i-.
A dissimilation of an original Z to n (the reverse of the process first
described), because of an I in the stem, is found in
yiltfnma^n I keep asking for it ( = original *yill i lma' n [ I inserted
as repetition of stem -I- in iterative formation from yilima' n
I ask him])
le e ba'nxde I am carrying (object not specified) (= original *le e -
ba'lxde ) ; cf . identical suffix -al-x-, e. g., gayawa'lxde* I eat.
In u u gwa'nxde I DRINK (stem ugw-), it hardly seems plausible that
-an-x- is at all morphologically different from the -al (-an) -x- of these
words, yet no satisfactory reason can be given here for a change
of the I to n.
22. CATCH DISSIMILATION
If to a form with a glottal catch in the last syllable is added a syn-
tactic (conjunctive) element, itself containing a catch, the first catch
is lost, but without involving a change in the character of the pitch-
accent ; the loss of the catch is frequently accompanied by a length-
ening of the preceding vowel (or rather, in many cases, a restoration
of the original length) . This phonetic process finds its most frequent
22
48 BUEEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
application in the subordinate form of the third person aorist
intransitive :
ya' a da when he went (cf . ya' he went)
gim fi Yda when he went to (cf. gini f Y he went to)
yawa'ida when he spoke (cf . yawa' is he spoke)
loTio'ida* when he died (cf . loho' i he died)
The connectives -hi IT is SAID, and -s'i BUT, AND are, in regard to
this process, parallel to the -da of the preceding forms:
nagcb'ihi he said, it is said (cf. naga' i he said)
no u s'i' but, so (he went) next door (cf. no' u s' next door).
a'nls'i s but not (cf. a'nl not)
l's'is'i but no matter how (often) (cf. i's'i even if)
dal wl fi s'i but some (cf. dal s wi' sometimes; -wl fi s'i is related to
-uri' as is ya' a da to ya' )
23. INFLUENCE OF PLACE AND KIND OF ACCENT ON MANNER
OF ARTICULATION
The general phonetic rule may be laid down that an aspirated surd,
when not immediately followed by another consonant, can, with com-
paratively few exceptions, be found as such medially only when the
accent immediately precedes, provided that no consonant (except in
certain circumstances Z, m, and ri) intervene between the accented
vowel and the aspirated surd; under other conditions it appears
as a media. This phonetic limitation naturally brings about a con-
stant interchange between the aspirated surd and the correspond-
ing media in morphologically identical elements. Thus we have as
doublets -da and -t*a, third person possessive pronoun of certain nouns :
&emt'a a his stick
se' e Zt'a a his writing
wila'ut'si* his arrow
#a'Zt'a a his bow
mo't'a a his son-in-law; but
da'gaxda, his head
and numerous other nouns with -x-. This consonant in itself, as we
have seen, demands a following media. Another pair of doublets is
-de and -t'e , first person singular subject intransitive aorist (-de e
and -t'e e to correspond in future) :
p*ele'xade I go to fight; p'elxa't*e e I shall go to war
yant*e I go ; yana't'e* I shall go
nagalt*e I say; raz/t'e 6 1 shall say
23
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 49
but:
wits' !lsmade I keep moving; future wits' /e'smade 6 (contrast
wits'!imt'e I move and wisma't*e e I shall move)
Other examples of interchange are :
sgo u t'sga'Vi he cut them to pieces; sgo' u t'sgidi n I cut them to
pieces
ts'!umttmt*a n I boil it, s'Umt'an I shall boil it (stem s'u u m-t'a-) ;
s'omoda' n I boil it, s'omda'n I shall boil it (evidently related
stem s'om-d-)
S'as'inlp*ik* we stand; 6 c bi r F we are
This phonetic rule must not be understood to mean that a media
can never appear under the conditions given for the occurrence of a
surd. The various grammatical elements involved are not all on
one line. It seems necessary to assume that some contain a surd as
the primary form of their consonant, while others contain an organic
media. The more or less mechanical changes in manner of articula-
tion, already treated of, have had the effect, however, of so inextri-
cably interlocking the aspirated surds and mediae in medial and
final positions that it becomes difficult to tell in many cases which
manner of articulation should be considered the primary form of the
consonant. Some of the medially occurring elements with primary
tenuis are:
-'a, third person possessive
-t'a, exclusive (as in JcIwa'Wa young, not old; younger one)
-V, first person intransitive aorist (future, -t'e e )
-t*elc*, first person singular possessive (as in gafWeY my bow)
Such elements show an aspirated consonant whether the preceding
accent be rising or falling; e. g., bemt'a like Jie' e lt'a. Some of those
with primary media are:
-da, third person possessive with preceding preposition (corre-
sponding not to first person -t'ek*, -dek', but to -de)
-a'ld- and -a'md- indirect object
-da e , subordinating element
This second set regularly keep the media whether the accent imme-
diately precedes or not. The first two of these generally, if not
always, require the preceding accent to be a falling one:
dak* will' tda on his house
hat'gd /a da in his country
xa a sa'lda between his toes
xa a lia f mda on his back
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 4 23
50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL/40
liawa'nda under him
sgelewa'lda n I shout to him
ts!elela'mda n I paint it
The third retains its primary character as media when the preceding
verb form has the falling accent :
yewe'ida s when he returned
naga'-ida when he said
baxa'mda when he came
Tiele'lda* when he sang
xebe'nda* when he did it
On the other hand it appears as an aspirate tenuis when preceded by
the rising accent :
la a let'a e as it became
s'as'init*a when he stood
The rule first given, when interpreted in the light of a reconstructed
historical development, would then mean that a rising accent preserved
an immediately following aspirated surd (including always those
cases in which I, m, or n intervened), and caused the change of a
media to an aspirated surd; while a falling accent preserved a simi-
larly situated media or aspirated surd in its original form. That the
change in the phonetic circumstances defined of an original media to
an aspirated surd is indeed conditioned by a preceding rising accent,
is further indicated by such rather uncommon forms as hadedll-t'a
EVERYWHERES. Here the -fa is evidently the same as the -da of
liawill fi da IN HIS HOUSE, and the difference in manner of articulation
is doubtless in direct relation to the difference of accent.
A modification of the general phonetic rule as first given remains
to be mentioned. After Z, m, or n an original aspirated tenuis retains
its aspiration even if the accent falls on the preceding syllable but
one; also after a short vowel preceded by Z, m, or n, provided the
accented vowel is short. Examples are :
alwe f lc!a\t*e e I shall shine; alwe'1c!alp*igam we shall shine; alw&'-
Tclalk."wa to shine
fcVp'alt'e 6 1 shall be absent; Jc*e'p*alk'wa to be absent
wuln'hamt*e e I have menstrual courses for the first time
xala,'xamt*e e I urinate
I'm^amk'am he was sent off (I is short, though close in quality:
contrast domJiigam, he was killed)
Imi'Jiamk'wit* he sent himself
23
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 51
t8'!umu't8'lamt*a*n I always boil it (cf. s'omoda' n I boil it)
s'a's.ant'6 e I shall stand; s'a,'s'anp*igam we shall stand; s'aVan-
k'wa to stand
sene'sant*e I whoop; se'nsant^e* I shall whoop
de iwi fi gank*wide I spread (it) out for myself
dasg&'\it*a a (grain) will lie scattered about
With -t*a a and -t'e above contrast the morphologically identical ele-
ments -da a and -de of the following examples, in which the same
accentual condition prevails but with a consonant other than Z, m, or n
preceding the affected dental :
t*ge'its'!id(i a (round object) will lie (there)
s'u'Vdi&a a (string) will lie curled up
dak*t"eJc!e f xade I smoke (but future -xa f Ve e because of immedi-
ately preceding accent)
24. INORGANIC h
Whenever two morphologically distinct vowels come together
within the word (verbal prefixes and postposed particles, such as
deictic -a\ are not considered as integral parts of the word), the first
(accented) vowel is separated from the second by an " inorganic" -h-\
lt!ana'Jii n I hold it (aorist stem tlana- + instrumental -i-), but
future IHani'n (stem t!an-)
dak'-da-7iala f hin I shall answer him (future stem Jiala- + instru-
mental -i-), but aorist daV-da-lia a li' n (stem MZ-)
This inorganic h is found also immediately following an m, n, or Z
preceded by the accent:
wayanha n I put him to sleep (cf. same form with change of
accent wa-ya a na' n)
da a agdn?ii n I used to hear about it (cf . -agani' n I hear it)
liwllhaut* ''e I kept looking (cf . liwilofuCe I looked)
xar-i glHt* gaflhi he broke it in two (cf. with identical -i- suffix
xaPsalt* gwi'lt* gwili he broke [somebody's arm] by stepping)
I'mhamYam he was sent off (also in aorist stem imiham-)
wadomhik* he killed him with it (stem do u m- + -i-)
It will be observed that the insertion of the h is practically the same
phonetic phenomenon as the occurrence of an aspirated tenuis instead
of a media after an accented vowel. The vowel, nasal, or liquid may
appropriately enough be considered as having become aspirated under
the influence of the accent, just as in the case of the mediae.
24
52 BUKEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
MORPHOLOGY ( 25-114)
25. Introductory
Takelma conforms to the supposedly typical morphology of Amer-
ican languages in that it is thoroughly incorporating, both as regards
the pronominal, and, though somewhat less evidently, the nominal
object. If by " polysynthetic " is merely meant the introduction into
the verb-complex of ideas generally expressed by independent ele-
ments (adverbs or the like), then Takelma is also polysynthetic, yet
only moderately so as compared with such extreme examples of the
type as Eskimo or Kwakiutl. The degree of intimacy with which
the pronominal objective elements on the one hand, and the nominal
objective and polysynthetic (instrumental and local) elements on the
other, are combined with the internal verb-structure is decidedly
different. The former combine as suffixes to form an indissoluble
part, as it were, of the verb-form, the subjective elements of the
transitive verb, though in themselves absolutely without independent
existence, being secondarily attached to the stem already provided
with its pronominal object. The latter vary in degree of independ-
ence ; they are strung along as prefixes to the verb, but form no integral
part of its structure, and may, as far as grammatical coherence is
concerned, fall away entirely.
The polysynthetic character of the Takelma verb (and by discuss-
ing the verb we touch, as so frequently in America, upon the most vital
element of the sentence) seems, then, a comparatively accidental,
superimposed feature. To use the- term " polysynthetic " as a catch-
word for the peculiar character of Takelma, as of many another
American language, hardly hits the core of the matter. On the other
hand, the term " incorporation," though generally of more value as a
classificatory label than "polysynthesis," conveys information rather
as to the treatment of a special, if important, set of concepts, than
as to the general character of the process of form-building.
If we study the manner in which the stem unites in Takelma with
derivative and grammatical elements to form the word, and the vocalic
and consonantic changes that the stem itself undergoes for gram-
matical purposes, we shall hardly be able to find a tangible difference
25
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 53
in general method; however much the details may vary, between
Takelma and languages that have been dignified by the name "inflec-
tional." It is generally said, in defining inflection, that languages
of the inflectional as contrasted with those of the agglutinative type
make use of words of indivisible psychic value, in which the stem and
the various grammatical elements have entirely lost their single indi-
vidualities, but have "chemically" (!) coalesced into a single form-
unit; in other words, the word is not a mere mosaic of phonetic
materials, of which each is the necessary symbol of some special
concept (stem) or logical category (grammatical element) .
In support of the actual existence of this admired lack of a one-
to-one correspondence between a grammatical category and its pho-
netic expression is often quoted the multiplicity of elements that
serve to symbolize the same concept; e. g., Lat. -4, -ae, -a, -es, -us, all
indicate that the idea of a plurality of subjects is to be associated
with the concrete idea given by the main body of the words to
which they are attached. Furthermore, variability of the stem or
base itself is frequently adduced as a proof of its lack of even a
relative degree of individuality apart from the forms from which
by analysis it has been abstracted; e. g., German bind-, band-, bund-,
band-, bund-. These two characteristics are very far indeed from
constituting anything like a definition of inflection, but they are
often referred to as peculiar to it, and hence may well serve us as
approximate tests.
As regards the first test, we find that just such a multiplicity of
phonetic symbols for the same, or approximately the same, concept,
is characteristic of Takelma. The idea of possession of an object by
a person or thing other than the speaker or person addressed is
expressed by -xa, -a, -da (-fa), -t\ or -,all of which are best rendered
by HIS, HER, ITS, THEIR (the ideas of gender and number do not
here enter as requiring grammatical expression). Similarly, the idea
of the person speaking as subject of the action or state predicated
by the main body of the verb is expressed by the various elements
-*V (-de ), -t*e e (-de e ), - s n, -n, -a (-ga ), all of which are best ren-
dered in English by "I." -t*e is confined to the aorist of intransi-
tive verbs; -t'e e is future intransitive; - s n is aorist transitive; -n is
future transitive; and -Va s is used in all inferential forms, whether
transitive or intransitive.
54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
As for the second test, it soon appears that the Takelma stem may
undergo even more far-reaching changes than we are accustomed to
in German or Greek. As examples may serve :
do u m-, du^m-j tlomom- (t!omo u -), t!umu' ii - kill
na a g-, ne e -, naga^, nege- say to
The first form in each of these sets is the verb-stem, properly speak-
ing, and is used in the formation of all but the aorist forms. The
second is employed in non-aorist forms when the incorporated object
of the verb is a first person singular, and in several derivative forma-
tions. The third is characteristic of the aorist. The fourth is used
in the aorist under the same conditions as determine the use of the
second form of the stem in other groups of forms. It needs but a
moment's thought to bring home the general psychic identity of such
stem-variability and the "ablaut" of many German verbs, or the
Latin stem-variation in present and perfect :
frang- :freg- break
da- : ded- give
If the typical verb (and, for that matter, noun) form of Takelma is
thus found to be a firm phonetic and psychic unit, and to be charac-
terized by some of the supposed earmarks of inflection, what is left
but to frankly call the language "inflectional" ? " Polysynthetic" and
" incorporative " are not in the slightest degree terms that exclude
such a designation, for they have reference rather to the detailed
treatment of certain groups of concepts than to morphologic method.
Everything depends on the point of view. If chief stress for purposes
of classification is laid on the relative importance and fulness of the
verb, Takelma is polysynthetic ; if the criterion of classification be
taken to be whether the verb takes the pronominal object within its
structure or not, it is incorporating; if, finally, stress be laid on the
general method of building up the word from smaller elements, it is
inflective. Not that Takelma is in the least thereby relegated to a
peculiar or in any way exceptional position. A more objective, un-
hampered study of languages spoken in various parts of the world
will undoubtedly reveal a far wider prevalence than has been gener-
ally admitted of the inflectional type. The error, however, must not
be made of taking such comparatively trivial characteristics as sex
gender, or the presence of cases, as criteria of inflection. Inflection
has reference to method, not to subject-matter.
5 25
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 55
Grammatical Processes ( 26-32)
26. General Remarks
There are four processes employed in Takelma for purposes of
grammatical modification and word-formation: affixation (pre-, in-,
and suffixation), reduplication, vocalic change (ablaut), and conso-
nant change (consonant ablaut). Pitch-accent is of grammatical
importance, but is most probably a product of purely phonetic
causes. Of the processes mentioned, suffixation is by far the most
important; while the presence of infixation will have to be allowed or
denied according to the definition given of it.
27. Prefiocation
Prefixation is either of the loose polysynthetic type already referred
to, or of the more firmly knit inflective type. Loose prefixation is
extremely common, nominal objects, instruments, and local ideas of
one kind or another finding admittance into the word-complex, as
we have seen, in this manner. Examples of such loose prefixation are :
gwen- a'l-yowo he looked back (gwen- in back; al- is difficult to
define, but can perhaps be best described as indicative of action
away from one's self, here with clear implication of sight directed
outward; yowo f he was, can be used as independent word)
s'in-l-lats!agi' n I touched his nose (s'in- nose; I- with hand;
lats!agi' s n I touched him, as independent word)
gwenfge^m black necked (gwen- nape, neck; t'ge^m black)
The first example shows best the general character of loose prefixa-
tion. The prefixed elements gwen-, al-, s'in-, and I- have no separate
existence as such, yet in themselves directly convey, except perhaps
al-, a larger, more definitely apperceived, share of meaning than falls
to the lot of most purely grammatical elements. In dealing with
such elements as these, we are indeed on the borderland between
independent word and affix. The contrast between them and gram-
matical suffixes comes out strongest in the fact that they may be
entirely omitted without destroying the reality of the rest of the
word, while the attempt to extract any of the other elements leaves
an unmeaning remainder. At the same time, the first example well
illustrates the point that they are not so loosely attached but that
they may entirely alter the concrete meaning of the word. Pre-
fixation of the inflective type is very rare. There is only one
26-27
56 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY r BULL. 40
such prefix that occurs with considerable frequency, wi-, first person
singular possessive of nouns of relationship :
my father
your father
28. Suffixation
Suffixation is the normal method employed in building up actual
forms of nouns and verbs from stems. The suffixes in themselves
have for the most part very little individuality, some of them being
hardly evident at all except to the minute linguistic analyst. The
notions they convey are partly derivational of one kind or other.
In the verb they express such ideas as those of position, reciprocal
action, causation, frequentative action, reflexive action, spontaneous
activity, action directed to some one, action done in behalf of some
one. From the verb-stem such adjectival and nominal derivations
as participles, infinitives, or abstract nouns of action, and nouns of
agent are formed by suffixation. In the noun itself various suffixed
elements appear whose concrete meaning is practically nil. Other
suffixes are formal in the narrower sense of the word. They express
pronominal elements for subject and object in the verb, for the pos-
sessor in the noun, modal elements in the verb. Thus a word like
tlomoxiniV WE KILL ONE ANOTHER contains, besides the aorist stem
Homo- (formed from do u m-), the suffixed elements -x- (expressing
general idea of relation between subject and object), -in- umlauted
from -an- (element denoting reciprocal action [ -x-in- = EACH OTHER,
ONE ANOTHER]), and -i (first personal plural subject intransitive
aorist). As an example of suffixation in the noun may be given
tlibagwa^n-VY MY PANCREAS. This form contains, besides the stem
Hiba-, the suffixed elements -gw- (of no ascertainable concrete signifi-
cance, but employed to form several body-part nouns; e. g., tlibaW"
PANCREAS 47.17), -an- (apparently meaningless in itself and appear-
ing suffixed to many nouns when they are provided with possessive
endings) , and -tW (first personal singular possessive) .
29. Infijcation
Infixation, or what superficially appears to be such, is found only
in the formation of certain aorist stems and frequentatives. Thus
the aorist stem mats lag- (from masg- PUT) shows an intrusive or
28-29
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 57
infixed -a- between the s (strengthened to ts!) and g of the stem.
Similarly the aorist stem wits' !im- (from wism- MOVE) shows an
infixed i. Infixation in frequentative forms is illustrated by:
yonoina' n I always sing (aorist stem yonon-)
tslayalY he used to shoot them (cf. tslaya^Y he shot them)
On examination it is found that the infixed element is invariably
a repetition of part of the phonetic material given by the stem.
Thus the infixed -a- and -i- of mats lag- and wits' lim- are repetitions
of the -a- and -i- of the stems masg- and wism-; the infixed -i- of
yonoin- and tslayaig- are similarly repetitions of the y- of yonon
and -y- of tslayag-. It seems advisable, therefore, to consider all
cases of infixation rather as stem-amplifications related to reduplica-
tion. An infixed element may itself be augmented by a second
infixation. Thus we have:
Verb stem Aorist stem Frequentative
Tiemg- take out Jiemeg- 7ieme e mg-
ts!a-im- hide tslayam- tslaya-im-
masg- put mats lag- mats!a a sg-
yawl- talk yawa-i- yawa-iy-
baxm- come baxam- l>axa a xm-
30. Reduplication
Keduplication is used in Takelma as a grammatical process with
surprising frequency, probably as frequently as in the Salish languages.
The most interesting point in connection with it is probably the fact
that the reduplicating increment follows the base, never, as in most
languages (Salish, Kwakiutl, Indo-Germanic) , precedes it. It is,
like the infixation spoken of above, employed partly in the formation
of the aorist, partly to express frequentative or usitative action.
Some nouns show reduplicated stems, though, as a process, redupli-
cation is not nearly as important in the noun as in the verb. Some
verbs, including a number that do not seem to imply a necessary
repetitive action, are apparently never found in unreduplicated form.
Four main types of reduplication, with various subtypes, occur :
1. A partial reduplication, consisting of the repetition of the vowel
and final consonant of the stem :
aorist helel- (from he e l- sing)
aorist tlomom- (from do u m- kill)
The reduplicated vowel is lengthened in certain forms, e. g., liele e l-,
t!omo u m-.
30
58 BtJEEAIT OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
1 a. A subtype of 1 is illustrated by such forms as exhibit an
unreduplicated consonant after the reduplicated portion of the word,
the second vowel in such cases being generally long
aorist ts'IumvPmt^Or- (from s'vPmfa- boil)
usitative aorist tlulvFlg- (from verb stem tfvPlg-, aorist t!ulug-
follow trail)
usitative aorist ginl l ng- (from verb stem ging-, aorist ginig- go to ;
ging-j ginig- itself is probably reduplicated from gin-)
2. A complete reduplication, consisting of the repetition of the
entire base with a change of the stem-vowel to a:
aorist tleutla'w- (from tleu- play shinny)
aorist bofbad- (from lo u d- pull out one's hair)
aorist la a - sal- xo(x)xag come to a stand (pi.) ; aorist sal-xog-V-
stand (pi.)
3. A complete reduplication, as in 2, with the addition of a con-
necting vowel repeated from the vowel of the stem:
aorist yuluyal- (cf . verb stem yulyal- rub)
aorist frequentative Jiogohag- keep running (from Jio u g- run)
aorist frequentative s'wilis'wal- tear to pieces; verb stem s'wil-
s'wal- (from aorist s'wtfls-wal- tear; verb stem s'wtfl-)
If the stem ends in a fortis consonant, the reduplicating syllable
regularly shows the corresponding media (or aspirated tenuis) :
sgotlosgad- cut to pieces (from verb stem sgo u t!-, aorist sgo u d- cut)
3 a. A subgroup of 3 is formed by some verbs that leave out the -a-
of the reduplicating syllable:
gwidiV w d- throw (base gwid-}
4. An irregular reduplication, consisting of a repetition of the
vowel of the stem followed by -( )a- + the last and first (or third)
consonants of the stem in that order :
frequentative aorist Homoamd-, as though instead of *t!omo-
t!am-; cf. non-aorist do u mdam- (from aorist Homom- kill)
frequentative aorist Jc!eme s amg- (from Jc!eme-n- make; verb stem
Jc!em-n-)
frequentative aorist p!uwu e aug-, as though instead of *p!uwup!aug-
(from aorist pluwuk!- name)
It will be noticed that verbs of this type of reduplication all begin
with fortis consonants. The glottal catch is best considered a partial
representative of the initial fortis; in cases like Jc!eme e amg- an original
30
BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 59
-k!am (i. e., - gam) may be conceived of as undergoing partial meta-
thesis to - s amg.
Other rarer reduplications or stem-amplifications occur, and will be
treated in speaking of aorist formations and frequentatives.
31. Vowel-Ablaut
Vowel-ablaut consists of the palatalization of non-palatal stem-
vowels in certain forms. Only o and a (with corresponding long
vowels and diphthongs) are affected; they become respectively
u (u) and e. In sharp contradistinction to the i- umlaut of an
original a to i, this ablaut affects only the radical portion of the
word, and thus serves as a further criterion to identify the stem.
Thus we have we e ga'si HE BROUGHT IT TO ME (from stem wa a g-,
as shown also by wa a g-iwi /e n i BROUGHT IT TO HIM), but wege'sinY
HE WILL BRING IT TO ME (from stem waga-, as shown also by waga-
wi'n I'LL BRING IT TO HIM), both i- umlaut and stem-ablaut serving
in these cases to help analyze out the stems. Vowel-ablaut occurs
in the following cases :
1. Whenever the object of the transitive verb or subject of the
passive is the first person singular :
mele'xi he told it to me 172.17, but mala f xbi n I told it to you
(162.6)
nege's'i he said to me 186.22, but naga'sam he said to us (178.12)
dUmxina s I shall be slain (192.11), but domxbina* you will be slain
(178.15)
gel-luliuigwa' si he avenges me, but -lohoigwa'^n I avenge him (148. 3)
Not infrequently vowel-ablaut in such cases is directly responsible for
the existence of homonyms, as in yeweyagwa' 'si HE TALKS ABOUT ME
(from yaway-talk) , and yeweyagwa' si HE RETURNS WITH ME (from
yew ei-return) .
2. With the passive participial endings -aF% -iY w :
wase e gW w wherewith it is shot (from sa a g- shoot)
me'xaY having father (from ma'xa his father)
wa -i^duxiY w deY my gathered ones (=1 have been gathering
them) (from do u x- gather)
dal s ^wa-p'H't!iJc' w mixed with (from p'ot!- mix) 178.5
3. In some verbs that have the peculiar intransitive-forming suffix
-x-, by no means in all:
geyewa'lxde* I eat (136.15) (cf. gayawa' e n I eat it 30.11)
le*lcfnx he carries 178.6 (stem la a b~)
31
60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
dida a t*be' e lc't*bag-ams (= -amtx) they had their hair tied on sides
of head (from base t^a a g-) 142.17; cf. -t*ba' a gamda n I tie his
hair (27.1)
No satisfactory reason can be given why most verbs in -x- do not show
this stem-palatalization. It is quite possible that its occurrence is
confined to a restricted number of such verbs; at any rate, there is
some limitation in its employment, which the material at hand has
not been found extensive enough to define.
4. In nouns ending in -x-ap* (-s-ap* = -t-x-ap ( ), probably derived
from such verbs in -x- as were referred to under 3 :
xd a le' e sap' belt (cf. xa a la' a da n I put it about my waist)
halu' u x6p' (= -x w ap") shirt (cf. Jialo' u V she put on [her dress])
5. In verbs provided with the suffix -xa-, which serves to relieve
transitive verbs of the necessity of expressing the object:
lu' xwagwadinin ( = luk!-xa-) I'll trap for him (stem lok! w -)
llu'pxagwanV she shall pound with (stone pestle) (cf. lobcfp* she
pounds them)
Jc!edeixade I was out picking (cf. lc!add n I pick them, Tcladai he
picks them)
ts!eye'mxade I hide things (cf. ts!ayama f n I hide it)
6. In reflexive verbs ending in -gwi- or -Viva- (-gwa-~) :
Jcletfgwtfp* pick them for yourself! (stem lfc!a a d-)
alts leyelc' wit' he washed himself with it (cf. alts! ay ap* he washed
his own face)
llets!ek'wide I touch myself (cf. llats!agi' n I touch him)
k!edelk'wa n I pick them for myself (aorist stem Jc/adai-)
alnu' u wa he painted his own face (stem no u gw-)
Yet many, perhaps most, reflexive verbs fail to show the palatal
ablaut :
plagank'wif he bathed himself
t'gwd a xa'nt'gwide e I shall tattoo myself (but lu' u gwanCgwide I
trap deer for myself)
xd a -sgd /u t'gwide I cut myself
igaxaga f xgwa n I scratch myself
We have here the same difficulty as in 3. Evidently some factor or
factors enter into the use of the ablaut that it has not been founp
possible to determine.
7. Other cases undoubtedly occur, but there are not enough of
them in the material gathered to allow of the setting up of further
groups. All that can be done with those cases that do not fall
S 31
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 61
within the first six groups is to list them as miscellaneous cases.
Such are:
gwel-lelsde e I shall be lame (cf. gwel-la'is Idemnafn I shall make
him lame
le e psV wing (if derived, as seems probable, from stem la a b- carry)
t!emeycL'nwia us people go along to see her married 178.1 (cf.
t!amayana' n I take her somewheres to get her married [148.5])
Palatal ablaut, it should be noted, does not affect the -a- of the
second member of reduplicated verbs :
t*ga a lt*gcfl it bounced from her 140.8
t*ge e ltg*a'lsi it bounced from me
The connecting vowel, however, of verbs reduplicated according to
the third type always follows the stem-vowel:
daVda-tiele'lialxade* I am accustomed to answer (stem ~7ia a l-)
It is difficult to find a very tangible psychic connection between the
various cases that require the use of the palatal ablaut, nor is there
the slightest indication that a phonetic cause lies at the bottom of
the phenomenon. If we disregard the first group of cases, we shall
find that they have this in common, they are all or nearly all intransi-
tives derived from transitives by means of certain voice-forming ele-
ments (-X-, -xa-, -gwi-, -Ywa-), or else nominal passives or derivatives
of such intransitives (-ak* w , -x-ap') ; -k*wa-, it is true, takes transi-
tive pronominal forms; but it is logically intransitive in character
in that it indicates action in reference to something belonging to the
subject. The only trait that can be found in common to the first
group and the remaining is that the action may be looked upon as
self-centered; just as, e. g., a form in -xa- denotes that the (logically)
transitive action is not conceived of as directed toward some definite
outside object, but is held within the sphere of the person of central
interest (the subject), so, also, in a form with incorporated first per-
son singular object, the action may be readily conceived of as taking
place within the sphere of the person of central interest from the
point of view of the speaker. No difficulty will be found in making
this interpretation fit the other cases, though it is not conversely true
that all forms implying self-centered action undergo palatalization.
The explanation offered may be considered too vague to be con-
vincing; but no better can be offered. In any event, the palatal
ablaut will be explained as the symbolic expression of some general
mental attitude rather than of a clear-cut grammatical concept.
31
62 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Besides these regular interchanges of non-palatal and palatalized
vowels, there are a number of cases of words showing differing vowels,
but whose genetic relationship seems evident. These vocalic varia-
tions have not been brought into the form of a rule; the number of
examples is small and the process apparently touches rather the
lexical material than the morphology. Variations of this character
between a and e are:
g&l&-b-a' n I twist it; pfV-wa-gele-g-i^n I drill for fire with it
(88.12), di i al-golegal-a'mda n I tie his hair up into top-knot
(172.2)
dd a -d&l&-g-a' 'mda e n I pierce his ear (22.1); da a -dele-b-i' n I stick
it through his ear
Za x ' excrement 122.2; le'-k'w-an-t* my anus
Variations between o (u) and u are :
s'omoda' n I boil it (58.10); ts'!umumt*a n I boil it (170.17)
xumcf food 54.4; x\rni\\.'Yde I am sated (130.18)
An a u variation is seen in :
hau-Ji&n&' s it stopped (raining) 196.8; p!ai-7iunu /u s he shrank
33.16
Variations between a and i are:
y&w<*e I talk (132.3) ; yiwiya'ut*e I keep talking, I converse
(194.5); yiwin talking, (power of) speech 138.4
lab&'n I shall carry it (124.5); libin news (what is carried about
from mouth to mouth[?]) 194.9
Of o (u) e variations there have been found:
Io7iolt*e I die 184.18; leJieit'e I drift dead ashore (75.5)
xa a -kuk!\\'lidk'na n I breathe; xa a -hvgQ r liciYna n I breathe (79.2)
/os-6' u little 180.20; aZ-/e e HY little-eyed 94.3
An e i variation is found in the probably related:
p!eyent'e I lie 71.5 (future p!e't*e e [146.9]) ; gwen-p!iyi'nk*wa e n
I lie on pillow (future gwen-p HYwari)
t*ge e ya^lx it rolls; a'l-t*gl [ ycflx tears rolled from (his) eyes 138.25
32. Consonant- Ablaut
Consonant-ablaut, ordinarily a rare method of word-formation,
plays a rather important part in the tense-formation (aorist and non-
aorist) of many verbs. The variation is in every case one between
fortis and non-fortis; i. e., between p!, t!, lc!, is!, and Z>, d, g, s, respec-
tively. Three main types of grammatical consonant change are to
be recognized:
32
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 63
1. An initial fortis in the aorist as opposed to an initial media in
non-aorist forms:
aorist Iclolol- (stem go u l- dig)
aorist tlebe- (stem de e b- arise)
aorist tlayag- (stem dd a g- find)
2. A medial fortis followed by a vowel in the aorist as opposed to
a medial tenuis followed by a consonant in non-aorist forms :
aorist loplod- (stem lop'd- rain, snow, or hail)
aorist latslag- (stem lasg- touch)
3. A medial media in the aorist as opposed to a medial fortis in
the remaining forms :
aorist nu u d- (stem nu u t!- drown)
aorist wtfg- (stem wlk!- spread)
Needless to say, this consonant-ablaut has absolutely nothing to do
with the various mechanical consonant-changes dealt with in the
phonology.
A few examples of consonant-ablaut not connected with regular
grammatical changes have also been found:
s'omod- boil; ts'Iumu^mt'a- boil
Jiau-gwen-yut \uyad-i- swallow down greedily (like duck or hog)
126.10; hau-gwen-yunu yau-i- dit.
The second example illustrates an interchange not of fortis and non-
fortis (for n is related to n as is t! to d), but of non-nasal stop and
nasal.
I. The Verb ( 33-83)
33. Introductory
The verb is by far the most important part of the Takelma sen-
tence, and as such it will be treated before the independent pronoun,
noun, or adjective. A general idea of the make-up of the typical
verb-form will have been gained from the general remarks on mor-
phology; nevertheless the following formula will be found useful by
way of restatement:
Loosely attached prefixes + verb-stem (or aorist stem derived
from verb-stem) + derivational suffixes + formal elements (chiefly
pronominal) + syntactic element.
This skeleton will at the same time serve to suggest an order of
treatment of the various factors entering into verb morphology.
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64 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Before taking up the purely formal or relational elements, it seems
best to get an idea of the main body or core of the word to which
these relational elements are attached. The prefixes, though not
entering into the vital grammatical structure of the verb, are impor-
tant for the part they play in giving the whole verb-form its exact
material content. They may, therefore, with advantage be taken up
first.
1. Verbal Prefixes ( 34-38)
34. GENERAL REMARKS
Verbal prefixes may be classified into four groups when regard is
mainly had to their function as determined largely by position with
respect to other prefixes: incorporated objects, adverbial (including
local) elements, incorporated instrumentals, and connective and
modal particles. These various prefixes are simply strung along as
particles in the same order in which they have been listed. Inasmuch
as the exact function of a prefix is to a considerable extent determined
by its position, it follows that the same prefix, phonetically speaking,
may appear with slightly variant meanings according as it is to be
interpreted as an object, local element, or instrument. Thus the
prefix I- always has reference to the hand or to both hands; but the
exact nature of the reference depends partly on the form of the verb
and partly on the position of the prefix itself, so that I- may be trans-
lated, according to the circumstances of the case, as
HAND(S):
l-plV-nd'uYwtfn I warm my hands
WITH THE HAND:
l- s o u dini' n I hunt for it with the hand ( = I am feeling around
for it)
IN THE HAND:
p*im-l-7id u gwagwa / n I run with salmon in my hand
In the first of these three examples the I- as object precedes the
incorporated instrumental pfl* FIRE, so that the form means literally
i WARM MY HANDS WITH FIRE. In the third form the I as local ele-
ment follows the incorporated object p'im SALMON. Such a triplicate
use is found only in the case of incorporated nouns, particularly such
as refer to parts of the body. These incorporated elements are to
be kept distinct from certain other elements that are used in an
34
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA
65
adverbial sense only, and regularly occupy the second position.
The line between these two sets of prefixes is, however, difficult to
draw when it comes to considering the place to be assigned to some
of the prefixed elements. It is doubtful whether we are fully justified
in making absolutely strict distinctions between the various uses of
the body-part prefixes ; at any rate, it is certainly preferable, from a
native point of view, to translate the three examples of I- incorpora-
tion given above as :
I-hand-fire-warm(-as-regards-myself)
I-hand-hunt-for-it
I-salmon-hand-run-with
leaving in each case the exact delimitation in meaning of the element
HAND to be gathered from the general nature of the form. The fol-
lowing examples will render the matter of position and function of the
various prefixes somewhat clearer:
Object.
Locative
adverb.
Instrument.
Modal.
Verb proper.
bem- sticks
wa- together
l- hand
t!oxo'xi n I gather (them) (=1
gather sticks together)
he#- away
wa- with it
waagiwi'n she is bought (= she
is brought with it) 176.17
gwan- road
ha- in
yaxa- continuously
t!uliiulga' s n I follow (it) (=1
keep following the trail)
dan- rocks
bda~ up
e l- hand
sget!e'sgidi s n I lifted (them) (=1
lifted up the rocks)
han- across
waya- knife
swilswa'lhr}\Q tore him (=he
tore himopen with a knife)73.3
dak'- above
da- mouth
wala ft sina- truly
haali'nda & I answering him (= I
did answer him)
j
10- between,
in two
I- hand
ml' i s wa- probably
sgl'ibi e n I cut him (=I'll prob-
ably cut him through) 31.13
If two adverbial (local) elements are used, the body-part prefix
follows that which is primarily adverbial in character ; thus :
ba-ide' didi'nik!at* did you stretch it out? ( = Zxz-i- out + de-lip,
in front + di interrogative particle + di'niklat' you stretched it)
In general it may be said that instances of a body-part prefix pre-
ceding a primarily adverbial element (like 6o-i-, ba a - } he e -, and others)
are rare or entirely lacking.
From what has been said it might seem that the connective and
modal elements (like yaxa, mi' i wa, and di) are more closely associated
with the verb form than are the other elements, yet this is only
apparently the case. Properly speaking all these modal elements are
post-positives that normally attach themselves to the first word of
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 5 J 34
66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
the sentence, no matter what part the word plays in the sentence.
Thus in a form like me' -di-ginigaY DID YOU COME ? ( = me - HITHER +
di- interrogative particle + ginigaV YOU WENT TO) , the modal (inter-
rogative) element di regularly stands nearest the verb ; but as soon as
another word is introduced before the verb, the interrogative particle
shoves back a step, and we have a form of sentence like, e. g., hoida' s
di me' giniga,y DID YOU COME AS SINGER, i. e., TO SING? From this
it becomes f airly evident that the di in the first example is not prop-
erly a verbal prefix at all, but merely a post-positive particle depend-
ing upon the preceding me' 5 , in the same way that, in the second
example, it depends upon the noun 7ioida' s SINGER. This inference
is clinched by a form like giniga't'tdi DID YOU GO (SOMEWHERE)?
for here the di is evidently an enclitic element, not a prefix.
In sharp contradistinction to such movability, the body-part and
adverbial prefixes occupy rigidly fixed positions before the verb;
they therefore belong to a class quite distinct from the modal parti-
cles. These latter are verbal prefixes only in so far as then 1 post-
positive tendency may force them to become embedded in the
verb-complex, in which case they seem to cut loose the incorporated
object, adverbial prefix, and instrumental element from the verb.
Diagrammatically the last form tabulated may be represented by
xa-l- [ml' i wa] -sgl ri bi n. We may then dismiss the modal elements
from our consideration of verbal prefixes, to return to them when
speaking of connective and adverbial particles.
35. INCORPORATED NOUNS
It may seem strange at first sight to interpret in the examples
given above such elements as bem STICKS, gwan ROAD, and da^n ROCKS
as incorporated objects, when they occur as absolute nouns in that
form as well, though a faint suggestion of incorporation is given
by gwan-7ia-yaxa-t!ulu' ii lga' n i KEEP FOLLOWING THE TRAIL, in that
the modal post-positive yaxa follows not gwan, but rather Tia-, as
though the direct object were not quite felt to be an element inde-
pendent of the verb. Without laying particular stress on this latter
point, there are, it would seem, good reasons for considering the
nouns referred to as incorporated, though in any event the incor-
poration must be called a loose one, and not at all comparable with
the Iroquois usage.
35
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 67
1. In the first place it is evident from such examples as l-pft*-
no' u Ywa n i WARM MY HANDS and Jian-waya-swilswa'lhi HE TOKE HIM
OPEN WITH A KNIFE, that nouns (in these cases p!l* FIRE and way a
KNIFE) occur as incorporated instrumental, for such elements as l-
and Tian- can not possibly be isolated from the verb (Jian- does not
occur as independent adverb, but only as prefix; I- is inconceivable
as independent noun) ; furthermore, if, in the forms just quoted, p!l*
and way a be looked upon as absolutely independent nouns, they lose
all semblance of grammatical form, there being, indeed, nothing but a
definite position in a verb-complex that could here suggest the notion
of instrumentality. It is also possible to isolate waya, but that
would involve considerable readjustment of the verbal structure.
To be stamped as an instrumental, waya must in that case be fol-
lowed by a postposition wa WITH, so that the sentence then reads,
Jian-swilswa'lhi wa'ya wo" (the phrase wa'ya wa* may also precede).
If we wish to incorporate the instrumental idea into the verb, and
yet keep the noun outside of the verb-structure, we may let the wa,
which seems properly to denote WITH IT, occupy the place of the incor-
porated waya, which, as an appositive of wa, then either precedes or
follows the verb-form, wa'ya 7ian-wa-swilswa'lhi, or han-wa-swilswa'lhi
waya* HE-ACROSS-WITH-IT-TORE-HIM (it, i. e.), THE-KNIFE. This con-
struction is identical with the well-known appositional structure of
Nahua or Chinook (e. g., I-IT-KILLED THE-DOG), except that the incor-
porated element is here instrumental and not objective in character.
The noun and its representative can not both be incorporated in the
verb, such a form as Jiarwvaya-wa-swilswa'lhi, for instance, being
quite impossible.
It becomes clear, therefore, that an incorporated instrumental
noun like wa'ya is quite analogous to an instrumental body-
part prefix like i- HAND, with the difference that wa'ya may
be isolated in that form, while I- must, when isolated, be
provided with a possessive pronominal element. The form han-l-
swilswa'lhi i TORE HIM OPEN WITH MY HAND is strictly analogous to
han-waya-swilswa'lhi; the sentence iuxdeW harwva-swilswa'lhi MY-
HAND I-ACROSS-WITH-IT-TORE-HIM corresponds to wa'ya 7ian-wa-swil-
swa'lhi; and, finally, Jian-swilswa'lhi iuxde'Jc* wa* I-ACROSS-TORE-HIM
MY-HAND WITH (-IT) is parallel to Jian-swilswa'lhi wa'ya wa*. What-
ever is true morphologically of i- must be true of wa'ya; the evident
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68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
incorporation of I- involves the incorporation of wa'ya in the analogous
form.
As the incorporation of the noun as an instrument seems a rather
important trait of Takelma, a number of further examples may be
given :
xa a -be e -nd' u Ywa e n I warm my back in (really = with) the sun
(fo e sun); cf. 188.20
lie eS -xi-le'me Yi he destroyed them with water (xi water)
Tie e -p!l i -leme f Yi he destroyed them with fire (pH* fire) 98.12
xa-dan-t' 'gtflt' 'ga'lhi he broke it with a rock (dan rock) 24.4
gwen-waya-sgo' u t*i he cut their necks off with his knife (waya fa wcf
with his knife, apart from verb-structure) 144.5, 22
xa a -be e m-lc!wd u t'Jc!widi n I broke it with a stick (be e m stick)
da a -he e l-yebebi' n I sing for him, literally, I engage (?) his ears
with song (7ie e l song; al-yebeb-i- show to)
da a -t*mu u gal-lewe' liwi n I shake my ears with twisted shells
(attached to them) (t'mu u gal twisted shell) 122.1
dV-Yal-p^ili'p^iltfn I squash them with my penis (FaZ penis) 73.14
de-ye't*-baxamagwanaW we came crying, literally, we came hav-
ing (our) mouths with tears (yet* tears)
yap!a-dauy(L a -ts!aya'Yi he shot people with his shaman's spirit
(dauya' a V w da his shaman-spirit, apart from verb-structure);
cf. 164.14
All these, except the last, begin with elements (xd a -, 7ie e -, gwen-, da a ~,
dl*-, de) that can not be isolated from the verb.
Instrumental, whether nouns or body-part prefixes, can occur
only in transitive verbs. The forms noxwcf yana-wa-lobobi f *n i
POUND ACORNS WITH A PESTLE and noxwa^-l-loboxagwa f n i POUND
WITH A PESTLE, as compared with lobo'xade* i POUND, will serve to
illustrate this. The first sentence reads, when literally translated,
PESTLE (noxwa^) I-ACORNS (ycbno") -WITH-IT-POUND. The logical
instrument (noxwcf) stands outside the verb-complex and is in
apposition with its incorporated instrumental representative (wa-),
yana? being the direct (incorporated) object. The form lobo'xade*
i POUND is made intransitive by the element -xa- (hence the change
in pronominal form from transitive - n to intransitive -de ), and
allows of no instrumental modification ; a form like l-lobo f xade could
hardly mean i POUND WITH THE HAND; at most it could signify
i POUND IN THE HAND. If we wish, however, to express the logical
instrument in some manner, and yet neglect to specify the object, we
must get around the difficulty by making a secondary transitive of
35
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 69
the intransitive in -xa-. This is done by the suffixed element -gw-
HAVING, ATTENDED BY. The grammatical object of a transitive verb
in -gw- is never the logical object of the action, but always dependent
upon the comitative idea introduced by this suffix. Hence the sec-
ond form is not provided with a true instrumental (WITH A PESTLE),
but takes the logical instrument (noxwa^) as a direct object, while
the I- is best rendered by IN THE HAND; to translate literally, the
form really means i POUND HAVING A PESTLE IN THE HAND.
It sometimes happens that a verb form has two instrumenta-ls,
one, generally I- WITH THE HAND, expressing indefinite or remote
instrumentality, the second, a noun or demonstrative, expressing the
actual instrument by means of which the action is accomplished. In
such cases the second instrument is expressed outside of the verb-
complex, but may be represented in the verb by the incorporated wa
WITH IT following the first instrumental element (I-} . Examples of
such double instrumentals are:
gwalt* ba a - l-wa-xd' u t'i wind he-up-hand- with-it-caused- them-to-
fall, i. e., he caused them to fall by means of a wind (that he
made go up) 168.2
go, i-wa,-molo ma'lhi that she-hand- with-it-stirs-it-up, i. e., she
stirs it up with that (incidentally, of course, she uses her hand
too) 170.16
dan (object) Iclama (instr.) p!ai- i-wa-sga' a k*sgigi n rocks tongs
down-hand-with-it-pick-up, i. e., I pick up the rocks with the
tongs (and put them) down
2. The noun as instrument has been shown to act in a manner
entirely analogous to the instrumental body-part prefix. The latter
can, without phonetic change, become the direct object of the verb
by occupying the proper position :
s*in-i-lats!agi' n I touched his nose with my hand (s'in- nose)
but, theoretically at least,
l-s'in-lats!a,gi' n I touched his hand with my nose
If we bear in mind that such elements as s'in- and I- are really nothing
but nouns in their stem form (with possessive pronoun: s'in-i-x-da
HIS NOSE; I'-u-x-da, HIS HAND), the parallelism with such noun-
objects as 6gm and gwdn (see examples on p. 65) becomes complete.
The fact that they may occur independently, while s'in- and l-
never do, is really irrelevant to the argument, as a body-part noun
must necessarily be associated with some definite person. Entirely
35
70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
analogous to the nominal elements -l { -x- and -u-x- of s'inlxda and
I'uxda is, e. g., the -am- of gwd a l-a^m-t*k* MY ROAD. Just as they
drop off when the body-part nouns are incorporated, whether as
object or instrument, into the verb, so, also, the -am- of gwa a l-am-
( = gwd a n-an-) drops off when the noun is used without pronominal
or prepositional modification. That the -am- has nothing per se to
do with the pronominal affix, but is really a noun-forming element
added to the stem, is proven by forms like ha-gwd a la^m IN THE ROAD.
Thus:
object &em, in ~bem-wa -i-t!oxo'xi n I gather sticks, is related to
object s'in-, in s'in-i-lats!agi' n I touch his nose, as
instrument &em, in xd a -be e m-k!wd u t*lc!widi n I broke it with a
stick, to
instrument s'in-, in s'in-t!ayagi' s n I find it with my nose ( = 1
smell it)
In view of the complete parallelism of noun and body-part element
and the transparent incorporation of the noun as instrument, nothing
remains but to look upon the simple noun without pronominal
affixes, when placed immediately before the local and instrumental
prefixes of the verb, as itself a loosely incorporated object. Exam-
ples of noun-objects in such form and position are to be found in
great number; in fact, the regularity with which the object is put
before the verb, as contrasted with the freely movable subject, argues
further for the close relation of the noun-object to the verb.
A few further examples of incorporated noun-objects are given by
way of illustration:
Jie e l-gel-gulugwa' s n I desire to sing (literally, I-song-breast-desire ;
7ie e l song)
7ie e l-yununa' s n I sing a song (106.7)
wili-wa-l-t!a'nida you shall keep house (literally, you-house-
together-hand-will-hold ; will house) 28.13
abai xuma-Jc!emna' s cook (literally, in-the-house food-maker;
xuma food) 54.3
wai-s'ugu's'uxgwa n I am sleepy (literally, I-sleep-am-confused ?-
having; wai sleep)
plV-da-Uagdl he built a fire (p!l* fire) 96.17
p!l i -ld a -ydnk' w he picked up the fire (literally, he-fire-up-went-
having) 96.25
xi- ugwa^nk* he will drink water (xi water) 162.17
s'ix-ligi^Y' u> he brought home venison (s'lx venison) 134.4
35
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 71
In none of these would the placing of the object after the verb-
form be at all idiomatic; in some (as in he e l-gel-gulugwa' s n and wai-
s-ugu' s'uxgwa s n) it would be quite inconceivable. The incorporation
must be considered particularly strong in those cases in which the
object is what might be called a root-noun identical in form with a
verb-stem of corresponding significance:
wai 1 sleep, to sleep
Jie e l- song, to sing
se e l- black paint, to paint
likewise where the object gives special color to the verb, deter-
mining the concrete significance of the form, as in xuma-Jc!emna,' s s
and wili-wa-l-t!a'nida .
3. Besides being used as instrumentals and direct objects, a few
incorporated nouns are found employed in set phrases, apparently as
subjects. Such are:
ba a -be e -7c!iyl fi Jc'da forenoon (literally, up-sun-going, or when-it-
goes) (&a- is never used as independent adverb, so that be e -
sun must here be considered part of the verb-complex)
no u -be e -Jc!iyl' i Jc*da e afternoon (literally, down-river [i. e., west]-
sun-going)
mot'-woW as son-in-law he visits wife's parents ( = mot'- son-in-
law + w&Y, probably identical with woY he arrived) 17.13, in
which mot'- must be considered an integral part of the verb,
because unprovided with pronominal affix (cf . mo't"a a his son-
in-law), and, further, because the whole form may be accom-
panied by a non-incorporated subject (e. g., bo'mxi mofwoW
Otter visited his wife's parents, literally, something like : Otter
son-in-law-arrived)
4. Several verb-forms seem to show an incorporated noun forming
a local phrase with an immediately preceding local prefix; in such
cases the whole phrase must be considered an incorporated unit, its
lack of independence being evidenced either by the fact that
it is itself preceded by a non-independent verbal prefix, or else differs
in phonetic form from the corresponding independent local phrase.
Examples are:
da a -ts'!elei-sgalawi' n I looked at them out of the corners of my
eyes (literally, I-alongside-eye-looked-at-them) 2 ; cf. dd a -ts'!e-
leide alongside my eyes
*wai- indeed could not be obtained as an independent noun, its existence as substantive being inferred
from forms such as that cited above.
2 It may be, however, that this form is to be interpreted as I-ASIDE- ( WITH-THE-) EYE-LOOKED-AT-THEM,
ts'lelei- being in that case an incorporated instrumental noun.
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72 BUKEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
7ia-fga a -gwidiW v> he threw it into the open (literally, he-in-earth-
threw-it) ; cf . Jia-t'gau in the earth
'ba-i-daY-wili-t!d a di' n I ran out of the house (ba-i- out, adverbial
prefix + dak"- on top of + will house) 24.13; cf. dak*-vrill on
top of the house
Jia-yau-ge'nets!<i s n I put it about my waist (literally, I-in
[ under ?]-rib-put-it-about) ; cf. Jia-yawade inside my ribs
Such verbs with incorporated local phrases are naturally not to be con-
fused with cases in which a local prefix is followed by an incorporated
(instrumental) noun with which it is not, however, directly connected.
Thus the 1m- of ha-tga a -gwidW w is not directly comparable to the
Jia- of a form like:
Jia-p!l i -ts'!u r luk!i n I set it on fire (pli* with fire) 73.9
Here Jia-pft*- cannot be rendered IN THE FIRE.
Some verb-forms show an evidently incorporated noun that has so
thoroughly amalgamated with the stem that it is difficult to make
out its exact share in the building up of the material content of the
verb. For example:
s'omlohoya'lda s n I doctor him as s'omlo7io'lxa s
doubtless contains the incorporated noun s'om MOUNTAIN; but the
implied allusion is not at all evident, except in so far as the protecting
spirits of the s'omloho'lxtfs are largely mountain-spirits. The verb
itself is probably a derivative of the verb-stem loho- DIE (aorist
lohoi-} .
36. BODY-PART PREFIXES
Having disposed of the modal prefixes, which on analysis turned
out to be verbal prefixes only in appearance, and of incorporated
nouns, which one would hardly be inclined to term prefixes in the
narrower sense of the term, there remain for our consideration two
important sets of genuine prefixes, body-part elements and adverbial,
chiefly local, prefixes. The former will be taken up first. By " body-
part prefix" is not meant any body-part noun in its incorporated form
(many of these, such as ts'Ielei- EYE, tliba- PANCREAS, not differing
morphologically from ordinary incorporated nouns), but only certain
etymologically important monosyllabic elements that are used to indi-
cate in a more general way what body-part is concerned in a particular
action, and which may be regarded as in some degree verbal classifiers.
With the exception of I- HAND and s'in- NOSE, classed with the rest
36
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA
73
because of their very extended use, they differ fundamentally from
other body-part nouns in that they have, besides their literal, also a
more formal, local value ; in this capacity they are regularly employed,
also, as the first element of noun and pronoun local phrases, and, some
of them, as the second element of local postpositions. In the fol-
lowing list the second column gives the literal body-part significance ;
the third, the generalized local meaning; the fourth, the correspond-
ing independent noun (in a few cases, it will be observed, there is no
such corresponding noun); and the fifth column, an example of a
local phrase:
Prefix.
Body.
Local.
Noun.
Phrase.
dak'-
head
over, above
da'g-ax- dek' my head
dak'-wiU over the house
{da-, de-
mouth, lips
dex- dek'
de-
in front
del' gwa in front of himself
dda-
ear
alongside
dda- n- x- de*k'
daa-gela^m along the river
s-in-
nose
S'in-ii-x-de^k'
gwen-
neck, nape
in back,behind
[bo'k' dan-x- de'k']
gwen-t'gaiiou. east side of the
land
i-
hand
l-u-x- de'k'
xaa-
back, waist
between,in two
xan-ha^m-t'k'
xaa~ gweldS between my legs
dH-
back
on top of
dli-ludZ over my hand
gelr
breast
facing
gSl-x-dek', [Mlg-an-x-deW}
geldS facing, in front of me
dV-
anus
in rear
[delg- a*n- t'k']
di s -t'gau on west side of the
land
ha-
woman's pri-
in
hau-x-dek'
ha-xiya* in the water
vate parts
gwel-
leg
under
gwel-x-dek'
gwel-xiya* under water
la-
belly
llaa- excrement
La-t'gdu Uplands ( = ? front
of the country)
sal-
foot
down, below
sal-x-de*k'
al-
eye, face
to. at
[ts- ! eld- t'k' my eye]
al- s- ou ma'l to the mountain
[li'ugw- ax- dek' my face
dli*al-
forehead ( =
dlWl-t'k'
dH s a'lda at his forehead
above eye)
gwenha-u-
nape (=neck
gwenha-u-x-de^k'
gwenha-udZ at my nape
under)
The last two are evidently compounded; the first of dl*- ABOVE
and al- EYE, FACE, the second of gwen-NECK and probably adverbial
prefix Jia-u- UNDER. The noun Jiau-x- WOMAN'S PRIVATE PARTS may
possibly be connected with this prefix ha-u-, though, in view of the
fact that Jia- appears as the incorporated form of the noun, it seems
more probable that the resemblance in form and meaning is acci-
dental. It is possible that other rarer body-part prefixes occur, but
those listed are all that have been found.
In not a few cases, where the body-part prefix evidently has neither
objective nor instrumental meaning, it may yet be difficult to see a
clearly local idea involved. This is apt to be the case particularly
36
74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
with many intransitive verbs, in which the share of meaning con-
tributed by the body-part prefix is apparent enough but where the
logical (syntactic) relation of its content to that of the verb proper is
hardly capable of precise definition. Thus, from yowo /s HE is are
formed by means of body-part prefixes :
al- s yowo /s he-eye-is, i. e., he looks 62.6
da a - yowo / he-ear-is, i. e., he listens, pays attention 96.9
~ba a -gel- yowo' he-up-breast-is, i. e., he lies belly up 140.5
In these cases it is obviously impossible, yowo- being an intransitive
verb not implying activity, to translate aZ-, da a -, and gel- as instru-
mental (WITH THE EYE, EAR, BREAST) ; nor is there any clear idea of
location expressed, though such translations as AT THE EYE, EAR,
BREAST would perhaps not be too far fetched. In many verbs the
body-part prefix has hardly any recognizable meaning, but seems
necessary for idiomatic reasons. In a few cases prefixes seem to
interchange without perceptible change of meaning, e. g., al- and
dak' in:
aldemxigam we shall assemble (186.7)
d&\zdemxia us t* people (indef.) will assemble (136.11)
Where two body-part prefixes occur in a verb form, they may
either both retain their original concrete significance, the first prefix
being generally construed as object, the second as instrument (e. g.,
s'al- l-lats!agi' n I-FOOT-HAND-TOUCH-HIM, i. e., i TOUCH HIS FOOT WITH
MY HAND) ; or the first prefix may have its secondary local signifi-
cance, while the second is instrumental in force (e. g., de- l-wl fi gi n
I-FRONT-HAND-SPREAD-IT, i. e., i SPREAD IT OUT); or both prefixes
may have secondary local or indefinite significance (e. g., gwel-ge'l-
yoWO HE-LEG-BREAST-IS, i. 6., HE FACES AWAY FROM HIM); rarely
do we find that two body-part prefixes are concrete in significance and
absolutely coordinated at the same time (see footnote to 12 below).
To illustrate the various uses of the body-part prefixes it seems
preferable to cite examples under each separate prefix rather than to
group them under such morphologic headings as objective, instru-
mental, and local, as by the former method the range of usage taken
up by the various prefixes is more clearly demonstrated. The
examples are in each case divided into two groups : (a) literal signifi-
cation (objective, instrumental, or local) and (&) general adverbial
(local) signification.
36
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 75
1. dak'"
(a) HEAD, WITH HEAD, IN HEAD!
dak.*ts!ayap*de I washed my head (literally, I washed in
my head
dsik"t'la' a gamt* he tied together (their head hair) 27.1
dsik^lats!agi / n I touched top of his head
d&k.'Jiagdlt'e I felt thrill in my head (as when sudden cold
tremor goes through one)
aldsik'sa a mscfm he bumped (with) his head against it 79.7
do^iYiwi r Y(iuYwcb s n I brandish it over my head
(6) ON TOP OF, ABOVE :
da]zt*gu /u ba, n I put rounded scooped-out object (like hat or
canoe) on top (of head) (61.9)
d&]zt'eJc!e'xade I smoke (literally, I raise [sc., tobacco-
smoke] over [one's head]) (96.23)
dsik'limlmxgwaf it (i. e., tree) falls on you (108.12)
dsik'wa a ga f n I finish it (literally, I bring it on top) (110.17)
will dak?ya a ngwa/ e n I pass house (? literally, I go with house
above me) (150.8)
dak'daM a li' n I answer him (61.6; 180.18)
dak?tlem8xik* we assembled together (43.9; 136.11)
do^iJiene e daf s n I wait for him
The last three or four examples can hardly be said to show a
transparent use of daY-. Evidently the meaning of the prefix
has become merged in the general verbal content, becoming
unrecognizable as such; cf. UNDER in English UNDERSTAND,
UNDERGO.
2. da-, de-
It seems possible that we have here two distinct prefixes to begin
with, dor INSIDE OF MOUTH (cf. d&ts!ayap* HE WASHED HIS
MOUTH) and de- LIPS (cf. de e ts!ayap* HE WASHED HIS LIPS and
noun de e -x- LIPS), from the second of which developed the
general local significance of IN FRONT; contrast also AadaY-
gwa IN HIS OWN MOUTH with def gwa in front of himself. The
strict delimitation of the two, however, is made difficult by
the fact that da- } alone in this respect among non-radical
verbal elements, undergoes palatal ablaut (thus becoming de-)
whenever the stem shows a palatal vowel, whether primary
or itself due to ablaut; observe also the stem-change from
da- to de- in Jiada,'t*gwa 170.2 and Jiadede IN MY MOUTH. These
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76 BIJBEATJ 'OF AMERICAN- ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
apparently secondary de- prefixes will be listed together with
and immediately following the da- prefixes, while the true,
chiefly local, de-, (da)- prefixes will be put by themselves.
(a 1 ) da-, (de-) MOUTH, IN MOUTH, WITH MOUTH, LIPS, TEETH,
TONGUE :
Jda 0#o2Mhegavehim to eat (lit., he mouth-gave him) (186.25)
{fafugu's'i he gave me to eat 186.2
d&t!aya /i he went to get something to eat 75.9
dada'FdaW sharpen your teeth! 126.18; 128.23
da,ts!ala'ts!ili n I chew it
ald&t!ele't!ili n I lick it
d&lats!agi' n I taste it (literally, I mouth-touch it)
aldo,p'dp'iwi n I blow at it (194.1)
d&dama' x he was out of wind 26.5
d&smayama f n I smile
Jiad& yowo' u da (creek) going into (river) (literally, in- mouth-
being)
td&ld u l he lied (literally, he mouth-played) 110.23; 156.14
[deltinhixi he lied to me
d&yuwo' s he suddenly stopped (singing, talking) (literally,
he mouth-started, as in fright) 138.23
\da~k* da,Jia a li' n I answer him (180.18)
{dak'deTielsi he answers me
(a 2 ):
Tie e dsle'lek!i n I finished (story, talking) 50.4
delumu'sgade 5 1 tell truth (184.3)
dexebenaY you said it (literally, you mouth-did it) 14.10; 15.6
aldets'!u'luk!i n I suck it
dedets'!u'luk!i n I kiss her (first de- as object, her lips; sec-
ond de- as instrument, with my lips)
deJiememi' n I taste it (cf . iJiemem- wrestle)
ba-idehenenaY you are through eating (literally, you are
out-mouth-done) (136.16)
deligia'lda n I fetch it for him to eat (130.9)
dehe'yelc!i n I left food over
da- can not stand before I- HAND, because of the palatal timbre
of the latter. Examples of de s l-:
&e e lda'mk!irik* it will get choked
de e llats!agi' n I touched his mouth (de- =da- as object; I- as
instrument. Contrast above da-lats!agi' n I tasted it, with
da- as instrument)
Similarly other palatal non-radical elements cause a change of
da- to de-:
36
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 77
de-his-gulu-gwa' n I want it in my mouth ( = I desire to eat
[his = trying])
(6) d&-,(da-) IN FRONT, AHEAD, AT DOOR OF HOUSE!
de e lk!(da f Jc!iUn (house) was scratched on door 154.1, 2, 3
dtflse' e Y he opened door of house (cf. alse' e Y he bowed to
him) 63.12
de lp*owo' Jc* he bent it
'ba a d& /s yeweya^ w he started traveling again (literally, he
up-ahead-went-again-with it) 22.4; 24.9; 25.6
dewiliwa'lsi she is fighting me 27.3
he stuck (threw) it into (fire) 27.8
tfn I brandish it before my face (172.12)
gasaflhi de'hitsla a ga' e 8 fast stepper (literally, quickly ahead-
stepper)
ba-ide di'nixia u they marched by in regular order (literally,
they out-ahead-stretched) 144.14
dG lwl H gi n I spread it out (120.1)
t" ga a dofJii lc!iya'~k*i if the world goes on (literally, world
ahead-goes-if) 146.4
dsimatslaW he put it point foremost (into their eyes) 27.8
As in the case of dale'-, so also here, not a few forms occur in which
the meaning of the prefix da-, de- is far from being clearly in
evidence:
d&t!aga n I build a fire (96.17)
[aU&tclu'lu^V he caught fire 98.3
[aldetdu'lu^xi I caught fire
degulii'ldalx it glows (142.1) ; 188.15
aldsit*guyu' i si (fire) blisters my face (25.11)
.de e tfa,'mak!i s n I put out the fire
d&amcb f x the fire goes out
d&t!abaga' n I finish it (176.6)
d&sgayanaf n I lie down
As the first seven of these examples show, da-, de- sometimes
imply a (probably secondary) reference to fire.
3. da n -
(a) EAR, WITH EAR (referring to hearing), IN EAR, CHEEK, SIDES
OF HEAD:
d&^tstayap* he washed his ear
d<s' lamcfJc* he squeezed his ears
d& ilats!agi' e n I touched his ear, cheek
dsL ae agani / n I heard it (55.3; 108.16)
d& & da a gi' n I am able to hear it (literally, I can ear-find it)
(100.12)
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78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
d& & le lagwa' n I listen to him (55.1; 96.2; 146.5)
da, a ts'!emxde I hear big noise 90.21
am ge d&' yowo he did not listen to it (literally, he not there
ear-was) 96.9
dsi & sgeJc!el7ia n I kept listening (102.3)
da, a yehel he went where he heard (noise of people singing or
gambling) 106.10.
da, a dele'p*i he stuck it across his ear
d& a dalaga,'mt* he made holes in his ears
e' ee Jc*t*1>aga,ms they had their hair tied on sides of head
a - probably as incorporated phrase, over ears) 142.17
idify I pull out his hair (from side of head) (194.7)
(6) ALONG, ON SIDE:
wi'lau dsi^watfba'vgamdiTia* arrows shall be tied along (their
length) with it (i. e., sinew) 28.1
4. s'in- NOSE, IN NOSE, WITH NOSE:
s'iYflgile' sgw(L he scratched his own nose 14.11 ; 15.7
s'int!ayagi' n I smell it (literally, I nose-find it) (160.20)
s'mdalaga'mt* he made holes in septum (cf. under dd a -) 22.1
s'inZo' w fc'i he stuck it into nose
s'in.de e le'p*gwa he stuck it up into his own nose
S'mgeycfn he turned away his nose
s*myuwo' s he dodged with his nose (as when fly lights; cf.
under da-)
s'mt*uwulc*de I feel warm in my nose
s'mxi'ntfxanp^de 5 1 sniff
s'mwili fi Jc*ap*de I blow my nose
als'inld' u xa n they meet each other (24.12)
5. gwen-
(a) NECK:
gwepiSgd' u da n I cut his neck (144 2, 3, 5, 22)
gweuts!ayaga' n I washed his neck
7ia-ugwen.yunu' yini n I swallow it greedily (cf. 126.10)
gwenZo /w Fi he stuck it in his throat (cf. under s'in-) 25.4
gwen llats!agi' n I touched back of his neck
gwemvayanaganhi he swung his knife over their necks 144.2
(&) BACK, BEHIND:
gwe'n alyowo he looked back
gwenyewelt*e s I went back (152.13; 188.19)
gwe'nZiwiZa w he looks back (on his tracks) 59.14; 94.9
gwenhegwa' a gwarihi he related it to him 17.11
In gwena-ia' s GOOD SINGER, the part played by the prefix is not
clear.
36
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 79
6. t- HAND, IN HAND, WITH HAND
No body-part prefix, except perhaps al-, is used with such fre-
quency as v, the scrupulousness with which verbs implying
action with the hand incorporate it seeming at times almost
pedantic. Only a small selection out of the great number of
occurrences need here be given:
Its lay ap* he washed his hand
Ipltfno'uYwafn I warm my hands
wilcfu ihoyodagwa' n I dance with arrow in hand
nax ihele e lagwa / n I sing with pipe in hand
lgl ri na he took it 15.1; 31.8; 44.8; 47.9
jJc*wsi' a gwi n I woke him up 16.4
lgaxagixi' n I scratch him
lgis'igis'i' n I tickle him
lJiegwe f JiaY w ncb n I am working
xa lts'!iwiY he split it open 26.6
iheme^m he wrestled with him 26.11; 27.10,11
lyono' u Y he pulled it
lguyu' Y she pushed her 55.14
s'eleV w llu f pxagwanY she shall pound with acorn pestle 55.9
Jie e lleme f Y he killed them off 55.1; 144.6.
lt!a'ut!iwi n I caught hold of her (29.12; 140.15)
ifwtfyili^n I make it whirl up
al lyulu'yili n I rub it
lt*gwanye' e git* you enslaved her 16.14
In some cases one does not easily see the necessity for its use :
wi lge'ye xi they are round about me (48.5)
cillwulu' u xbi he ran away from you
7. xa a ~, (oca-)
(a) BACK, WAIST:
x& A ts!ayap* he washed his back
p!l* x.& a dat*guyu fi sgwa his back got blistered 25.11
xa, ilats!agi' n I touched his back
x.o, a 'p!i i nd' v 'k*wa he warmed his back 188.20
^a, & la /a da n I put (belt) about my waist
(b) BETWEEN, IN TWO (in reference to breaking or cutting) :
^Si & p!a-its'!iudi f n I shall split it by throwing (stone) down
on it (140.7)
x.a, a wlsa a go-between (in settling feuds) 178.11, 13, 18
n I cut, saw it (21.2, 4)
(bodies) cut through 21.2
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80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
'lhi he broke it with rock 24.4
' ee Jc*ffiagams it is all tied together 27.13
wili he broke it by stepping on it 31.4, 5
yL&*le e 7Yik!d u t~k!idi n I broke it with stick
In x.&hege'TiaYna n i BREATHE (79.2) and x&huk!u'Jiak'na n i
BREATHE, the xd- may refer to the heaving motion up from the
waist.
(a) BACK:
The local uses of xa a - and dl { - (IN MIDDLE, BETWEEN, and ABOVE,
respectively) would indicate that, in their more literal signifi-
cation, they refer respectively to the LOWER BACK about the
waist and the UPPER BACK, though no direct information
was obtained of the distinction.
dlHsfayap* he washed himself in back of body
d^hax his back is burning
di i fbd u lc!a'lxde I have warts on my back 102.20
d^duUgwcfnY she will wear it (i. e., skirt) 55.9
(Z>) ABOVE, ON TOP:
d^Jie'liya sleeping on board platform 13.2
dlda a t*l)a' a gamt*gwide I tie my hair on sides of my head (see
under da a -) (140.11; 142.17)
dl i algelegala f mda n I tie his hair up into top-knot (172.2)
dl uyu f ts!amda n I fool him (aorist uyutsl- laugh)
dPJiinxd'ugtfn I scare him
dPmas (earth) is lit up (78.1)
d^TiiWgwaf^n I am glad 22.2
dl*- is used in quite a number of verbs of mashing or squeezing,
the primary idea being probably that of pressing down on top
of something:
dl i p*ili'p*'ili e n I squash (yellow-jackets) (74.3); contrast
gel-b8m-p l ili'p'ili n I whip him on his breast (literally,
I-breast-stick-whip-him) (cf. 76.1, 2, 3)
dlWiytfsi^n I mash them
ba-idigwibl'Wwap* it popped all around 27.14
diWgumu'fgimi'n I squeezed and cracked many insects (such
as fleas)
In many cases, as in some of the forms given above, the primary
signification of dtf- is greatly obscured. It is not at all certain
but that we are at tunes (as in dl'uyu'tslamdafri) dealing really
with the phonetically similar prefix dl e - REAR.
36
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 81
9. gel-
(a) BREAST, WITH BREAST (mental activities) :
geltslayap* he washed his breast
ge\ ilats!agi' n I touched his breast
ba a ge'\ yo lie down with belly up! (lit., up-belly-be!) 140.4
ge\gulugwa' s n I desire, want it 32.5, 6, 7
gelhewe'Jiau he thought 44.11; 124.3; 142.20
gelloJioigwa' n I avenge him (apparently = I breast-die- with
him) (146.8; 148.3)
gelttayaW they thought of it (see under s'in- and da a ) 152.10
g\yalaxaldi n I forgot him (lit., I breast-lost him) (77.10)
gelts'laya'mxamk* she hid (certain facts) from us 158.7
ge\dulu'Fde I am getting lazy
ge\heye' x he is stingy (literally, he breast-leaves-remaining =
keeps surplus to himself) 196.8
(&) FACING:
ge\t!ana f hi she pushed him (? literally, she held him [away]
facing her) 1 (25.10)
gelwayan he slept with her (literally, he caused her to sleep
facing him) 26.4; (108.3; 190.2)
wa't'gwan ge\ yowo' they faced each other (literally, to
each other they breast-were) 26.15
gelk!iyi f he turned around so as to face him 170.2
10. dl e -
(a) ANUS:
dl ts!ayap* he washed his anus
ba-idl~fgats!a't*gisi n I stick out my anus (164.19; 166.1)
dl s Jiax his anus is burning 94.13
dl hagalt'e I feel ticklish in my anus (as though expecting
to be kicked) (cf. under dak'-) 166.1
di xo' u s (food) is spilling out from his anus, (acorns) spill out
from hopper 94.2, 4, 5
(b) IN REAR, BEHIND:
dl s salyomo'Jiin I shall catch up with him in running
be e dl' e Jc!iyi / Tc* afternoon came (lit., sun went in rear) (124.15)
da o'l di e hiwilitit*e e I ran close behind
As happens more or less frequently with all body-part prefixes,
the primary meaning, at least in English translation, of dl -
seems lost sight of at times:
abaidl e yowd' u da coming into house to fight (a&oi-into house;
yowo' u da being) 24.14
1 Though perhaps better SHE HELD HIM WITH HER BREAST, taking gel- as instrument.
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 6 36
82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
p!a-idi hana' s it stopped (wind, rain, snow, hail) 152.16
In a number of verbs dl - expresses: felling, digging under, or
erecting a tree or stick, the fundamental notion being probably
that of activity at the butt end of a long object:
di sgot!olha bem he was always cutting down trees 108.8
di k!olola'n (tree) was dug under 48.5
dl e lsguyu /u Jclin (tree) was made to fall by being dug under
48.7, 8, 12
p!a-idl lo fu gwa n I make (stick, pestle) stand up (by placing
it on its butt end) (116.18; 176.1, 2)
p!a-idl sgimi'sgam they set (house posts) down* into ground
11. ha-
(a) WOMAN'S PRIVATE PARTS:
h&ts!ayap* she washed her private parts
ha, s llats!agi' n he touched her private parts
ha, iwesga'hak* w she spread apart her legs 26.4
'(&) IN:
(danxdagwa) h&ts!ayak' he washed inside (of his ear)
(dexda) h&lo' u Jc'i he stuck it into (his mouth)
(s'inixda) h&dele'p*i he stuck it up into (his nose)
hsiloJidn he caught them in trap (literally, he caused them
to die in) (100.8)
(gwari) hsit!ulugwa' n I follow in (trail) (96.8,9)
haZo /M F she put on (her dress), they put on (their skins,
garments) 160.6
ha, s lhu'lu u hal they skinned them 160.5
hB/yar-uge'nets!a e n I put on (my vest)
As the last examples show Tia- sometimes conveys the special
notion of putting on or taking off a skin or garment.
12. gwel-
(a) LEG, IN LEG, WITH LEG:
gwe\ts!ayap* he washed his legs
gwelle'ye e sde I am lame
put on (your leggings)!
i / ?i I beat him in running (lit., I-leg-left-him) (184.14)
gwe\salt!eyesna e n * I have no fat in my legs and feet 102.22
(&) UNDER, AWAY FROM VIEW:
gwelmate/a v F they put (food) away (sc., under platforms)
124.22; (132.8)
gwelge'l yowd u da he having his back to him (literally, facing
him away from view) 122.7
1 This form is an excellent example of the rather uncommon coordinate use of two body-part prefixes
(gwel- LEG and sal- FOOT).
36
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 83
13. la-
(a) FRONT OF BODY (probably BELLY as contrasted with gel-
BREAST) :
\a,ts!ayap* he washed himself in front of body
(6) BURST, RIP OPEN:
laf W a x it burst 24.17
la, lt*l>a fa Jc!it*1)a you (pi.) shall rip them open (like game
after roasting) 118.5
leisalt'~ba' a gi n I burst it with my feet (140.22)
\a, wayat*bd /a gi n I rip it open with knife (waya knife, as
incorporated instrument)
14. sal-
(a) FOOT, WITH FOOT:
s&llats!agi' n I stepped on it (instrument sal-: I foot-touched
it) (196.18)
s&\ llats!agi' n I touched his foot (object sal-; instrument 1-)
s&\ts!ayap* he washed his feet
s&lxugl they are standing 63.2
~h,e e $&\t'gUn kick him off ! (24.17)
als<'ba' a he kicked him 86.16,17,18
gelbam s&\gwi't*gwat* kick it way up!
s&\yuwo' s he suddenly lifted up his foot (as when frightened)
(cf. under da- and s'in-)
s&\p!tfnd' u lc'wa n I warmed my feet
15c al- FACE, WITH EYE, TO, AT
This is in all respects the most difficult prefix in regard to the
satisfactory determination of its exact meaning. In a large
number of cases it seems to involve the idea of sight, not infre-
quently adding that concept to a form which does not in
itself convey any such implication. In most of the verb-
forms, however, many of which have already been given
under other prefixes, the al- seems to have no definitely ascer-
tainable signification at all. In some cases it may be consid-
ered merely as an empty element serving as a support for a
post-positive modal particle. For example:
&\-Tiis-gulugwa' n I am desirous of something
where Jiis TRYING can not occupy an initial position
B\-di-yolc!oyaY did you know him?
Here &lyolc!oyaY in itself hardly differs in content from
yoTdoyaY YOU KNEW HIM. The most satisfactory definition
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84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
that can be given of al- in its more general and indefinite
use is that it conveys the idea of motion out from the sphere
of the person concerned, whether the motion be directed
toward some definite goal (object) or not; an approximate
translation in such cases would be TO, AT. The correctness
of this interpretation is borne out by the fact that al- at
times replaces a more definite local phrase, as though it were
a substitute for it, of the same general formal but weaker
material content.
wa a da lo u gwa' n to-him I- thrust-it, where wd a da definitely ex-
presses a local pronominal idea TO, AT HIM.
Compare :
alld' u gwi n I stretched it out to him
where the exact local definition of the action is not so clearly
expressed; the direct object of the verb being here not the
object thrust, but the person aimed at, while the indirectness
of the action is interpreted by means of al- as an adverbial or
local modification of the verbal content. The change of vowel
in the ending, a i, is closely connected, as we shall later see,
with this change of "face" in the verb. The first form may
be literally translated as TO-HIM I-IT-THRUST; the second, as
I-HIM-TO-THRUST (IT) . Similarly, in &\ ilats!agi' n i TOUCHED
HIS BODY, the al- is probably best considered as a general
directive prefix replacing the more special prefixes (such as
sal-, s'in-, and so on) that indicate the particular part of the
body affected, or, as one might put it, the exact limit of
motion. The use of al- in local phrases shows clearly its
general local significance: o\s'd u ma^l AT, TO THE MOUNTAIN;
ga a^l TO THAT, as postposition equivalent to TO, FOR, FROM.
(a) FACE, EYE:
&l o u dini' n I look around for him (cf . o u da' n I hunt for him)
(92.27)
&\xl fi gi n I see, look at him (-xtfg- never occurs alone) 186.7;
188.11.
&\gaya^n he turned his face
&\yebebi' n I showed it to him (77.8)
si[yowdt'e I looked (cf. yowot'e I was) (64.3)
<s!ayaga' n I washed his face (64.5)
manx &lnu' u k'wa he painted his (own) face
36
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 85
W he found, discovered it (literally, lie eye-found it;
cf. under s'in-, da a ~, and gel-) 47.10; 92.27; 194.13
a\sgala a liwi' s n I looked at them (moving head slightly to
side)
&\t'~bd u 'k!a f lxde I have pimples on my face (cf. 102.20)
<*wap!a't*'wap*na n I blink with my eyes 102.20
&\we'Jc!ala n I shine
xa & r lt!anaTii they watched it (literally, they-between-eye-
held it; xa- al as incorporated local phrase[?]) 136.8
(6) TO, AT:
It is at least possible, if not very probable, that al- TO, AT, and
al- EYE, FACE, are two entirely distinct prefixes. As many
preceding examples have incidentally illustrated the local use
of al-, only a few more need be given:
slp'oup'auTii he blew on it 15.1
&\Myuxde I go hunting (42.1; 58.14; 70.2; 126.21)
&lgesegasa'lt*e I was washing
&lhemeW they met him 24.11
%\. s lxlep!e'xlap* he mashed it up into dough-like mass 94.11
&\ lts' ! o' u di n I touch, reach it
&\se' e gi n I bowed to him (172.10)
16. dl u al- FOREHEAD:
dl i &\ts!ayap* he washed his forehead
dl i Si\gelegala'ms he tied his hair up into top-knot 172.2
dl^alFa'^V^ ne P ut (dust) on his forehead 136.28
17. gwenha-u- NAPE:
gwei\h.Si f -uts!ayaga n I shoot off nape of neck
gwenha-uZ' be' e gams he has his hair tied in back of his head
It will have been noticed that several of the body-part prefixes
have developed special uses that almost entitle them, at times, to
being considered verbal in function. Thus xd a - BACK, BETWEEN has
been seen to develop, from its latter local use, the more strictly verbal
one of cutting, splitting, breaking, or rending in two; the ideas of
BETWEEN and of DIVISION IN TWO are naturally closely associated.
The specialized semiverbal uses of some of the prefixes may be thus
listed :
da-, de- activity in reference to fire (burn, set on fire, glow)
xa a - rend in two (cut, split, break)
al 1 - crushing activity (mash, squeeze)
dl - fell, erect (long object)
Jia- dress, undress
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la- burst, rip open
al- look, see
The resemblance between this use of the Takelma body-part prefixes
and the Siouan use of verb prefixes denoting instrumental activities
(e. g., Ponka l>a- BY PRESSING WITH THE HAND, ma- BY CUTTING, $a-
WITH THE MOUTH, BY BLOWING) is not far to seek, although in Takelma
the development seems most plausibly explained from the local, rather
than the instrumental, force of the prefixes. Neither the employment
of Takelma body-part nor of Siouan instrumental prefixes with verb
stems is in any morphologic respect comparable to the peculiar com-
position of initial and second-position verb stems characteristic of
Algonkin and Yana. The same general psychic tendency toward
the logical analysis of an apparently simple activity into its com-
ponent elements, however, seems evident in the former as well as in
the latter languages.
37. LOCAL PREFIXES
The purely local prefixes, those that are not in any way associated
with parts of the body, are to be divided into two groups:
(1) Such as are used also in the formation of noun and pronoun
local phrases or of postpositions, these being in that regard closely
allied to the body-part prefixes in their more general local use; and
(2) Such as are employed strictly as verbal prefixes, and are inca-
pable of entering into combination with denominating elements. The
following table gives all the common prefixes of both groups, examples
of noun or pronoun local phrases being added in the last column :
Prefix.
Translation.
Local phrase.
han-
across, through
hanwaxga^n across the creek
ha-u-
under, down
hawandS under me
he es -
away, off
hetes-oumaV beyond the mountain
dal-
away into brush, among, between
dan gada^l among rocks
Jiafya-
on both sides
ha'tyade on both sides of, around me
Aoof-
yonder, far off
m<-
hither
wl-
around
hawi-
in front, still
wa-
together
baa-
up
ba-i-
out, out of house
p!a-i-
down
aba-i-
in house, into house
bam-
up into air
xam-
in river
37
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 87
Of these, the first five belong to the first group, the last nine to the
second. The position of lia a - and me - is somewhat doubtful; but
the fairly evident etymological connection of the former with 7ia a ya
and the correlative relation in form and meaning between me - and
he e -, make it probable that they are to be classed with the first
group. While some of these prefixes (such as dal- and Jian-) are
inconceivable as separate adverbial elements, others (particularly
aba-i, which is apparently composed of demonstrative element a-
THIS -f 6a-i) are on the border-land between true prefix and inde-
pendent adverb. me - and lie e -, though they are never used alone,
stand in close etymological relation to a number of local adverbs
(such as eme HERE and ge THERE), which also, though not so rigidly
as to justify their being termed prefixes, tend to stand before the
verb. The difference between local prefix and adverb is one of
degree rather than of fundamental morphologic traits; in any case,
it is rather artificial to draw the line between me - in such forms as
me yeu COME BACK! and ge in, e. g., ge yowo' THERE IT is. Sometimes,
though not frequently, two local prefixes, neither of them a body-part
element, occur in a single verb form. See, e. g., p!ai-hau- under 2
below, also abai-ba a - 62.1.
1. han- THROUGH, ACROSS:
h&nyada't'e I swim across
he threw it across 120.22
' he looked through it
h&nyewe' ie he went back across 178.16
gwan-h&i].sgd' u sde I lie stretched across the trail (literally, I-
road-across-cut) (148.8)
2. ha-u- UNDER, DOWN:
h&-ugwenyut!u'yidi n I swallow it down greedily, making grunting
noise (126.10)
ha-usaF he paddled him down river (ba a - up river)
ha,-uyowo't*e I sweat (literally, I-under-am)
ei p!a-iha,'-\it'gu u px canoe upset 60.8
h&-uhana / s it stopped (raining) 196.8
3. he e - OFF, AWAY:
he ileme' F he killed them off 14.13; 110.21; 144.6
h& e sgo fu da n I cut it off (44.4); 72.10; (92.14,16)
he e gwidiW w he threw it away
he es iuk*wa he went away from him (23.12; 146.18)
he e salfgunfgini n I kick him off (24.17)
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88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
he e l7iu'lup !i n I beat off bark (with stick)
h&tflc^apIaWibfrn I chipped them off (92.3)
he e wa a ga' n I buy it (literally, I carry it off) (176.17)
he* e t*guyu' i s it is blistered
4. dal- INTO BRUSH, AMONG:
dalyewe fi he ran off into brush 14.6; 110.10
d&\gwidiW w he threw it into brush
d&lp*d' u di n I mix it with it (178.5)
dalxabili' u he jumped between them 106.20
5. ha ya- ON BOTH SIDES:
ha e ya^m' F they passed each other
h& ya,wat!emexia u they assemble coming from both sides 144.23
6. ha a FAR OFF:
h&' a yewe i they returned going far off 146.22; (47.4; 188.1)
ha, xda' a xdagwa n I threw something slippery way off
This prefix is evidently identical with the demonstrative stem Jia as
seen, e. g., in ha f ga THAT ONE YONDER.
7. me - HITHER:
* he came here 146.24 (ge gini' he went there 77.7)
iniW they come from across (note two local prefixes;
Jiangintflc" they go across)
me ^ come back! (yn return!) (23.11,12,13,14; 96.5); 59.5
me hiwili' u he came running this way
Not infrequently me - conveys the fullar idea of COME TO ,
as in:
me bep*xip' come (pi.) and chop for me! 90.16
8. wl- AROUND:
wi e lt*ge'ye s xi they are surrounding me (48.13; 190.14)
wtfge'ye e *k*i they put it round about 176.14
9. hawi- IN FRONT, STILL:
fhawM/anZV I go in front
\h&wiyana / s front dancer
hawi&am / m still they come, they keep coming 146.1
~bo u h&widegu f lk!alxda a after a while it will blaze up (bo u = now)
10. wa~ TOGETHER:
waJdoyoxiniJc* we go together
w& s lts' !o'm e Jc* squeeze (your legs) together! (26.5)
ba a wsiwilik* w he traveled up along (river) (literally, he went up
having it together with him) 21.14
w&yanlc* w he followed him (literally, he went having him together
with him) 23.11
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 89
wa,t!emexia u they are assembling together (110.3); 144.23
wsi lt!oxo f xi he gathered them, together 112.6
WB,t!illJc*ni she gave them one each 130.4
w&himiY he talked to him 59.16; 63.10
da'gaxdeV w& alt*geye'fgiyi n I tied it about my head (literally,
my-head I-together-to-surround-it)
p!d a s wsJc!e e wa'lxgwa snow is whirling around
Sometimes wa- seems to indicate simultaneity of activity, as in:
wa2d a la'u7ii she kept twining basket (while talking) 61.5 1
In many cases the adverbial meaning of wa- is hardly apparent, and
one is sometimes in doubt whether to look upon it as the prefix
here discussed or to identify it with the instrumental element
wa- WITH, WITH IT; the two may indeed be at bottom identical.
11. ba a - UP (55.16; 59.10; 60.11; 63.6,12):
b& a dini' x (clouds) were spread out in long strips (literally, they
stretched up) 13.3
b&H!ebe'e I get up 186.14; (196.1)
b& a wadawayaW w he flies up with it
b&yarik*" he picked it up 15.9; 24.3; 59.15
Jcliytfx ba a itfdF smoke comes out (literally, up-arrives) 29.3
(danxda) ba, algwili^s he turned up (his ear)
(dak'will) \)&*gini' e Tc* he went up (on top of house) 30.6
bsi a s'd' s' stand up!
b& a yewe' i he got better (literally, he-up-returned) (15.2)
b& a hawa' Jc* she dipped up (water)
12. ba-i- OUT, OUT OF HOUSE, OUT OF WATEK TO LAND, FROM
PLAIN TO MOUNTAIN:
b&-iyewe' i they went out again
b&-ixodo'xat' she took off (her garment) 13.4
borisili'xgwa he lands with (boat) 13.5
ba-isaF w he came to land
b&-i a'lyowo he looked outside
b&-ihimima' n I drive him out
ba-i gwidW w he threw it out 92.15,16; (haxiya'daf) b&-igwidi*k* w
he threw it (from in the water) on to land (31.2)
bsi-ibiliwaY you jumped out of house 24.15; (46.6)
Qiadede) b&-iyeweyini' n I took it out (of my mouth) (literally,
I-out-caused-it-to-return)
bsi-ideJienenaV you are through eating (literally, you-out-mouth-
are-finished) (132.14)
b&-it!ixi'xi he pulled (guts) out 92.17
(dak*s'd u ma f l) ba-iwofc' he got up (on the mountain) 124.4; (60.9)
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90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
In certain idiomatic turns the primary signification of 'ba-i- is as
good as lost:
(7ie e l-)l>ei-imats!aW he began to sing (lit., he-song-out-put) 102.17
}>a,-ik!iyi' V he comes 92.1, 2; 156.24; 168.13
13. p!a-i- DOWN:
pla,i tt!ana'Jii n I held him down
pldL-igwidiW w he threw it down
pl&-iwaya' he went to lie down, to sleep (lit., he down-slept) 25.9
p \a,-ilo7iolt*e I fell down (literally, I down-died)
pl&-iyewe' i (arrow) fell down back 22. 5; 48.14
p \&-i a'lyowo he looked down 26.14
p\&iyowo' s they sat down (literally, they down-were) 56.2
p \&-isgaya'pxde I lay down
14. aba-i- IN HOUSE, INTO HOUSE
It would perhaps be best to consider this an independent adverb
(demonstrative pronoun a- THIS + ba-i-, formed analogously
to eme HERE [ = demonstrative adverb e- HERE + me ]) ; its
correlative relation to ~ba-i- makes it seem advisable to give
examples of its occurrence here:
abai#im' F he went inside 25.8; 27.7,13; 64.3
&b&ihiwili' u he ran inside 16.12
aba-iwoF they went into house 29.6; (44.7); 160.19
aba-h/owctfV I stay at home
abaife/aFfe/e& / F he stepped into house 31.3
15. bam- UP INTO AIR
This prefix occurs often with preposed elements gel- or di*- as
gelbam- or dtfbam-, which would seem to mean respectively
WITH BELLY SIDE UP and WITH BACK SIDE UP, Or IN FRONT OF
and DIRECTLY OVER one :
w he threw it up
w he threw it up
w he threw it up
gelbamsaF he shot it up 22.5
he looked up
he was sitting up (in tree) 48.7
16. xam- IN RIVER, INTO WATER, FROM MOUNTAIN TO PLAIN:
xa,malts!ayap* he washed himself in river
xa,mgwidW w he threw it into river (33.6) ; 108.5
xa,mUwili' u he ran to river 29.13; 94.16
they became in river ( = were drowned) 166.16
he looked down from top of mountain 124.4 (con-
trast p\a,i a f lyowo s he looked down from ground 26.14)
37
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 91
38. INSTRUMENTAL wa-
it is somewhat difficult to classify this prefix, as it does not belong
either to the body-part or the purely local group. Strictly speaking
it should be considered the incorporated form of the demonstrative
pronoun in its instrumental function. As was seen above, it may
represent an instrumental noun, but, while the noun may itself be
incorporated to denote the instrument, this is not the case with the
demonstrative pronoun. For example:
ga wede yap!a-wa-domJiiga s that not I-people-with-shall-kill ( = 1
shall not kill people therewith)
In other words, it would seem likely that such a form as ga al wa-
ts!ayagi f n i WASH HIM WITH THAT is related to an al wats!ayagi' n
i WASH HIM WITH IT as, e. g., xi al wats!ayagi' n i WASH HIM WITH
WATER, to the form alxits!ayagi' n i WATER- WASH HIM, i. e., the wa-
rn al wats!ayagi' n is to be regarded as an incorporated ga THAT, IT
(such forms as *algats!ayagi' n have never been found to occur). It
will be noticed that the verb-forms with incorporated wa- are nor-
mally characterized by a suffixed -i- or -hi- ; as soon, however, as the
verb loses its instrumental "face," this -i- is replaced by the normal
-a-. Thus:
wilau wats!ayagi f n arrow I-shoot 1 -him- with-it (with incorpo-
rated wa-, wila^u ARROW being outside the verb-structure and
in apposition with wa-)
but:
ts!ayaga' n wi'lau wa^ I-shoot-him arrow with (in which also wa-
stands outside the verb-complex, acting as an instrumental
postposition to wila^u)
Examples of instrumental wa- are:
(salxdeJc')sal wsilats!agi' n I touched him with my foot (literally,
my-foot I-foot-with-it-touched-him)
(xl i }^N^ s u u gwa r nhi I drink (water) with it
(yap!a)wa,t!omomi' s n I kill (people) with it (but yap!a t!omoma' n
I kill people)
alw&ts!eyeFwide s I washed myself with it
ga Ids do u mia gelwa,gulugwi' n I try to kill him with that (literally,
that trying killing-him I-with-desire-it)
se e l-wa,ts!elelamda n I write with it
(iuxdeW)w&gaya-iwi' n I used to eat with (my hands)
1 Aorist ts.'ayag- SHOOT and aorist ts.'ayag- WASH are only apparently identical, being respectively formed
from stems scfaQ- and tstcLiQ-
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(p*im)wa,sana'hink* they will spear (salmon) with it 28.15 (cf.
sancfnY they will spear it)
Although, as was suggested before, the prefix wa- as instrument
may be ultimately identical with the adverbial wa- TOGETHER (the
concepts of DOING SOMETHING WITH, BY MEANS OF IT and DOING
SOMETHING TOGETHER WITH IT are not very far removed), the two
can not be regarded as convertible elements. This is clearly brought
out in such forms as bem wa, e lwa,t!oxo'xi s n i PICKED THEM TOGETHER
WITH STICK. Literally translated, this sentence reads, STICK i-
TOGETHER-HAND-WITH-IT-PICKED-THEM; the first wa- is the adver-
bial prefix; 1-, the general instrumental idea conveyed by the
character of the verb (GATHER WITH ONE'S HANDS) ; and the second
J the incorporated representative of the more specific instrument
STICK. If preferred, I- may be interpreted, though less prob-
ably, as a local element (-Iwa- = with it in hand) .
2. Formation of Verb-Stems ( 39, 40)
39. GENERAL REMARKS
By a verb-stem will be here understood not so much the simplest
possible form in which a verb appears after being stripped of all its
prefixes, personal elements, tense-forming elements, and derivative
suffixes, but rather the constant portion of the verb in all tense and
mode forms except the aorist. The verb-stem thus defined will in
the majority of cases coincide with the base or root, i. e., the simplest
form at which it is possible to arrive, but not always. Generally
speaking, the aorist is characterized by an enlargement of the base
that we shall term " aorist stem," the other tense-modes showing
this base in clearer form; in a minority of cases, however, it is the
aorist stem that seems to coincide with the base, while the verb-stem
is an amplification of it. Examples will serve to render these remarks
somewhat clearer:
Aorist stem
Verb-stem
Probable base
t.'omom-
downi'
doum- kill
naga-
naag-
ndag-(nag-~) say to
haal-
hala-
hdfllr answer
dud-
odo
dud- hunt for
lohoi-
loho-
loh- die
yuluyal-
yulyal-
yul- rub
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA
93
By far the larger number of verbal bases are monosyllabic. Where
the simplest radical element that can be analyzed out remains dis-
syllabic (as in dawi- FLY, agan- PERCEIVE, yimi- LEND), the proba-
bility is always very great that we have to reckon either with ampli-
fications of the base, or with suffixes that have become so thoroughly
amalgamated with the base as to be incapable of separation from it
even in formal analysis; in some cases the dissyllabic character of
the verb-stem is due to a secondary phonetic reason (thus dawi- is
for dawy-, cf. dauy-\ while in agan- the second a is inorganic, the
real stem thus being *agn-) . Most bases end either in a vowel or, more
frequently, in a single consonant; such as end in two consonants (as
yalg- DIVE, s'omd- BOIL, bilw- JUMP) may often be plausibly suspected
of containing a petrified suffixed element.
The few examples of verb and aorist stems already given suffice to
indicate the lack of simple, thorough-going regularity in the forma-
tion of the aorist stem from the base. Given the verb-stem, it is
possible only in the minority of cases to foretell the exact form of the
aorist stem. Thus, if do u m- had followed the analogy of the pho-
netically parallel na a g-, we should have in the aorist not Homom-,
but dome-; similarly, the phonetic similarity of odo- and loho- would
lead us to expect an aorist stem lo u Ji-, and not lohoi-, for the latter.
Nor is it safe to guess the form of the verb-stem from a given aorist
stem. Thus, while the aorist lohoi- corresponds to a verb-stem loho-,
yewei- corresponds to yen- RETURN; nagai-, to na- SAY, DO; and
Jclemei-, to 7c!emn- DO, MAKE. Mere phonetic form has, indeed, com-
paratively little to do with determining the relation of the two
stems. This is clearly evidenced by the following cases of homony-
mous but etymologically distinct bases with corresponding aorist
stems.
Verb base
Meaning
Aorist stem
heem-
1. mock
2. wrestle
hemeham-
hemem-
Jieegw-
fl. work
(2. relate
1. be finished
hegwehagw-
1iegw(h)aagw- , Jiegwe-
Jiagw-
henen-
heen-
2. wait for
henee-
daag.
1. find
2. build fire
t.'ayag-
t.'agAi-
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The signification of the verb-stem gives almost no information
as to the form of the aorist stem, the various types of aorist forma-
tion being each exemplified by a heterogeneous array of verbs, as far
as any discernible similarity of meaning is concerned. It is true that,
in a comparatively few cases, certain types of aorist formation can
be shown to be characteristic of intransitive verbs; but in these the
formation of the aorist stem involves the addition of a distinct pho-
netic element that has every appearance of being a worn-down suffix.
Not the least remarkable feature of tense-formation lies in the fact
that the most frequently used of the tense-modes, the aorist (equivalent
to immediate future, present, and past) , generally shows the derived or
amplified form of the base; while the far less important tense-modes,
the future, inferential, potential, and present and future imperatives
employ the generally more fundamental verb-stem. In its naked
form the aorist stem appears as the third person subject third per-
son object aorist transitive. For example:
tlomom he killed him
nagcf he said to him
-hal he answered him
o' u C he hunted for him
The bare verb-stem appears as the second person singular (third per-
son object) present imperative intransitive and transitive. For ex-
ample :
do u m kill him !
odo^ hunt for him!
no? say! do!
and as the first element of the periphrastic future, that will later
receive treatment.
In striking contrast to the extensive use in Athapascan of distinct
and unrelated stems for the singular and plural, only a very few such
cases have been discovered in Takelma; and even in these the singu-
lar stem may, it seems, also be used in the plural.
Sing, verb-stem
PI. verb-stem
Sing, form
Tl. form
s-as'- stand
sal-xogw-
s'as'im he stands
sal-xogwl they stand
baa-saasa'sde s (= saas-
sas-) I come to a
stand
baasal-xo'xiginak' (=
xog-xag-} we come to
a stand
s~u al- sit
al-xalii
s - u s wiUt'e e (= s'u s all-)
I am seated
al-xattyanaW we are
seated
39
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 95
It is interesting to observe that, while STAND and SIT are intran-
sitive in the singular, the plural stems sal-xog w - and al-xall*- make
transitive forms with a third personal object (-ancfY first person
plural aorist transitive, -W intransitive; cf. tlomomancfY we kill
him, but s'as'inlp^iY we stand and s'u s willp'iJc' we are seated, dwell,
stay).
The great majority of verb-stems are either necessarily transitive
or intransitive, or are made such by appropriate suffixes. Only a
few cases occur of verbs that are both transitive and intransitive,
the respective forms being kept distinct only by the varying pro-
nominal suffixes. Such are:
moyugw-a'n-t*e I am spoiled, and moyugw-an-a' n I spoil him
ligl-n-t*e s I rest, and Ugtf-n-a^n I rest him
~k!uwu' they ran away in flight, and Jcluwu he sowed, threw
them about
Certain forms are alike for both transitive and intransitive; e. g.,
second person plural subject: Jc!uwuwaYp\
40. TYPES OF STEM-FORMATION
In looking over the many examples of verb and corresponding
aorist stems obtained, it was found possible to make out sixteen types
of stem-relations. Of this large number of types about half are of
frequent occurrence, while of each of the rest but few examples have
been found. It is not claimed for a moment that all of these types
should be regarded as being exactly on a par, but merely that they
have the value of forming a convenient systematization of the some-
what bewildering mass of methods of radical or base changes encoun-
tered. It is very probable that some of these are ramifications of
others, while some types show more or less petrified suffixes that for
some reason or other became specialized in certain tenses. As com-
parative linguistic material is entirely lacking, however, we can not
make a genetic classification of types; a purely descriptive classifi-
cation must suffice.
In the following table of types of stem-formation, c means conso-
nant; v, vowel; d, the fortis correspondent of c; c lf c 2 , and so on, other
consonants; v v denotes pseudo-diphthong; other letters are to be
literally interpreted.
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Table of Types of Stem-Formation
[BULL. 40
Type
No.
Formula verb-stem
Formula aorist stem
Example verb-stem
Example aorist stem
1
v+c
w+c
06- dig up
oub-
2
tH-(c)
v+c+v
j/o-be
yowo-
3
V+C+Ci
v+c!+v+ci
<uits!- laugh
[masg- put
uyuts!-
matsfag-
4a
VV+C
v+c+v+i
t'aag- cry
t'agai-
46
v+c+v
v+c+v+i
loho- die
lohoi-
5
v+c+v
vv+c
yana- go
yaan-
6
w+c!
vv+c
p'ot!- mix
p'oud-
7a
C+W+Ci
C.'+V+Ci+V
deb- arise
t.'ebe-
76
C+W+Ci
c!+v+c\+v+i
duugw- wear
t.'ugui-
8
C+W+Ci
C.'+V+Ci+V+Ci
goul- dig
k.'olol-
9
C+VV+Ci
c!+v+y+v+ci
daag- find
t.'ayag-
lOa
C+V(+Ci)
C+V+C(+Ci)
Zo- play
loul-
106
C+V+Ci
C+V+Ci+C(+V)
sana- fight
saans-
11
C+V+Ci+C
C+V+Ci+V+C
yawy-t&lk
yawai-
12
C+VV+Ci
c+w+ci+c+a+ci
t!bu- play shinny
t.'tut.'au-
13a
c+v+Ci+c+a+ci
c+v+Ci+v+c+a+ci
sensan- whoop
senesan-
136
c+v+Ci+c!+a+c\
c+v+c.i+v+c!+a+ci
dultlal- stuff with
dulutlal-
13c
C+V+Ci+V+C+Ci
lobolb- be accustomed
to pound (also
lobolab-)
14
v+c
v+c+v+n
xeeb- do
xeben-
(15a
-H
s-as-an- stand
s-as-inli-)
(156
-as
-V
dink. 'as- lie spread out
dinkfli-)
(16
v+c+ci+i
V+C+V+Ci
k.'alsi - be lean
k'alas-)
Not all forms find an exact parallel in one of the sixteen types
here listed. There is a considerable number of more or less isolated
cases left, particularly of frequentative or usitative forms, that it is
difficult to classify ; but on closer examination some at least of these
are seen to be secondary developments. Verb-stem al-sgalwal(w)-
KEEP LOOKING BY TURNING HEAD SLIGHTLY TO SIDE, as Compared to
aorist stem al-sgala a l(a'w)-, looks anomalous because of its apparently
inserted first -w-; but these two forms become explicable as frequen-
tative developments, according to Type 8, of their corresponding
simplexes, verb-stem al-sgalw- LOOK BY TURNING HEAD TO SIDE and
aorist stem al-sgalaw-. It will be convenient to dispose of such
anomalous and difficult cases under such headings as allow them to
appear as at least comparatively regular formations. It should not
be supposed that a particular yerb-stem always and necessarily
involves a fixed aorist stem in all possible derivations of the verb,
though in probably the larger number of cases such a fixed parallel-
ism may be traced. As examples of the occurrence of more than one
aorist stem to match a verb-stem may be mentioned :
40
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 97
verb-stem -xlk!- see; aorist Type 6 -xVg- and Type 2 -xlk!i-xa-
see (without object)
verb-stem yeu- return; aorist intransitive Type 4 yewei-, causa-
tive Type 2 yewe e -n-, and, according to Type 8, yewew-ald-
go back for some one
There are few if any verbs whose verb and aorist stems absolutely
coincide. If in nothing else the two differ at least in the quantity
of the stem vowel, the aorist stem always tending to show a long
vowel. In some cases the two (dissyllabic) stems seem identical in
phonetic form because of the persistence of an inorganic a in the
second syllable of the verb-stem and the presence of a repeated
radical a in the second syllable of the aorist stem. Sometimes only
certain of the forms built on the verb-stem exhibit the inorganic a;
in such cases the secondary character of the a is directly proven by
the forms that lack it. A case in point is:
aorist stem ts'layam- hide; verb-stem ts'!ay[a] l m- and ts'!a-im-
Other verbs, however, are phonetically so constituted as to require
the presence of the inorganic a in all forms derived from the verb-
stem. Such are:
aorist stem agan- feel, hear; verb-stem ag[a]n-
aorist stem plahan- be ripe, done; verb stem p!ah[a]n-
Under such circumstances ambiguous forms may result; e. g. ;
M?a e aganiY may be construed either as an aorist (YOU FELT IT) or as
a potential (YOU WOULD FEEL IT) derived from the stem ag[a]n-.
But evidence is not lacking even in these cases to prove the inor-
ganic character of the second a in the non-aorist forms. One test
has been already referred to in another connection the incapability
of a secondary diphthong (a diphthong involving an inorganic a) to
have a rising accent. Thus:
aorist Ja agan (-aga v n) he heard it; but imperative cZa a ag[a']n
hear it!
A second test is the failure of inorganic a to become ablauted to e.
Thus:
aorist p!ehen- a'nxi he causes me to be done; but future p!eh[a]n-
a'nxinlc he will cause me to be done
The various types of stem-formation will now be taken up in the
order of their occurrence in the table.
1 Brackets indicate an inorganic element.
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 7 40
98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
TYPE 1. Verb-stem v + c; aorist v v + c. In this type are embraced
partly monosyllabic and partly dissyllabic verb-stems that either
seem to undergo no change at all in the aorist or merely lengthen
the stem-vowel. The number of verbs that follow the type does not
seem to be very great. Examples:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
woga / f he will arrive (196.20) wo u k' he arrived 47.15
oba'n I shall dig it up o u ba fe n I dug it up (48.7)
yi x l^ copulating 86.5 yl l la' e n I copulated with her 26.3
ugwa'n I shall drink it (162.17) u u gwa' $ n I drank it 186.3
hogwana'n I shall make him run ho u gwana' n I made him run
(138.2) (79.2)
7iin e x-mwa /e s coward 76.5 ; 1uin e x-i&wa'*n I was afraid (17.7)
(160.19)
wife 6 1 shall travel (178.11) wife* I traveled (90.1)'
t Wla'mxade e I shall go fishing t ftla'mxade* I went fishing
yimi'Am I shall lend it to him yi 1 miya'*n. I lend it to him
(98.14) (98.15)
huli'itfV I shall be tired out hu u li'nV I was tired out (102.1)
hagaif e e I shall have a cold thrill hagaif e I had a cold thrill 166.1
lohona'n I shall cause him to die loho u na' n I caused him to die
(100.8)
aZ-ge'y &nde e I shall turn my face al- gey ano/ ?i I turned my face
As regards the accent of the stem syllable, the examples show that,
whenever accented, it takes the rising pitch when long, the raised
pitch when short (and final). Compare further:
o u p" he dug it up 124.5, 12 hin x-nlu he was afraid
Uk* w he drank it 162.20 al-geycfn he turned his face
TYPE 2. Verb-stem v + c; aorist v + c + v. If, as seems probable,
the second consonant of verbal bases ending in two consonants is in
many cases really a petrified suffix, a very large proportion of those
verbs that might be listed under Type 3 really belong here, thus
making Type 2 probably the most numerously represented of all types.
In some forms it is possible to detect the derivative character of the
second consonant by a comparison of etymologically related forms
that lack it; e. g., in ts'Ielm- RATTLE (aorist ts'Idem-), the -m- is
shown to be a suffix, though of no determinable signification, because
of its absence in the corresponding frequentative ts'lelets'lal-. A
corroborative phonetic test lies in the treatment of the first con-
sonant of the cluster, in so far as verbs following Type 3 show a fortis
in the aorist as against a media or tenuis in the verb-stem, while those
40
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 99
of Type 2 suffer no change in this respect; e. g., verb-stem wism-
MOVE has aorist according to Type 3, wits' !im-, as contrasted with
verb-stem t'gism- GET GREEN with aorist of Type 2 t'gisim- (t'gism-
should therefore be analyzed as base t'gis- + suffix -m-). This
criterion enables us to pick out an otherwise unsuspected suffix in
verbs like t!ap*g- FINISH, aorist tlabag- (not Type 3, *l!ap!ag-}, but
can be applied only where the first consonant of the verb-stem is s,
?>, d, or g. A more general phonetic test would seem to be the
position occupied by the inorganic vowel -a-. In those cases in
which we have most reason to consider the second consonant as
part of the base, this -a- follows the cluster as " constant" a; while
otherwise, and indeed in the majority of cases, it is inserted between
the two consonants: wisma f t"e e i SHALL MOVE (base wism-\ but
t*gisa'mt'e e i (AS PLANT) SHALL GET GKEEN. An application of these
various criteria, were sufficient material at hand, would probably
show that but a comparatively small number of verbs follow Type 3.
Examples of verbs of Type 2 are :
Verb-stem Aorist stem
l-i l&ni'n I shall hold him (28.11) i-t\a,u&'U n I held him 73.16
wa-k !o u ya'n I shall go with him wa-k loyo n I went with him
(33.15)
o'sbin ( ? ok-s-) I shall give ifc ogu'sbi n I gave it to you 23.3
to you (178.15)
oina'n I shall give it oyona' n I gave it (180.20)
ysilxaldan I shall lose it (188.18) y&\&xalda s n I lost it (77.10)
yo'fe* I shall be (33.10) yowd*V I was (42.1)
nak'mF he will say to him naga N he said to him 180.7
(94.16)
da-sg&lpxde 6 1 shall lie down <Za-sgaya'^a^6 Iamlyingdown
t'u u <7a'^' it will get hot t'uwu' F it got hot 94.15
s'omda'n I shall cook it s'omoda' e n I cooked it (58.10)
Examples illustrating the intrusive -a- are :
Verb-stem Aorist stem
bila'ut'e* I shall jump (160.17) bilifitfV I jumped 1 (45.14)
milada'n I shall love her ml\l [ da' n I love her
k\iya'de e I shall come 196.1 -kliyiTde* I came (156.24)
gma'fcde* I shall go somewhere gini'&'de 6 I went somewhere
14.3 21.10
duwa'Fde* I shall be good duwuFde I was good (146.7)
1 Perhaps best considered as belonging to Type 3 (verb-stem bilw-).
40
100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Verb-stem Aorist stem
xuma'F de e I shall be satiated xumu'fc'de 6 I was satiated
(130.18)
vriya'Jc*de e I shall groan wiyi'FJe I groaned (192.11)
xudo/mf e e I shall whistle xudum^V I whistled (33.16)
ts-!ela'ra*V I shall rattle ts'!elerafe I rattled (102.13)
ts'lus.a'mt'e* I shall make whis- ts'Ius'um^V I made whistling
tling noise by drawing in noise (78.9,10,12)
breath between teeth and
lower lip
iFga'^V I shall rest liglnfe* I rested (79.2,4)
yala'r^' e e I shall be lost (cf. 14.3) yalantfV I am lost (note differ-
ence in accent between aorist
and future)
It is to be understood, of course, that this -a- is in no sense a
characterizing future or non-aorist element, as, when the phonetic
conditions allow, it drops out altogether. This takes place when the
consonant following the intrusive -a- is itself followed by a vowel.
Thus the second person singular future (-ada' ) of some of the verbs
listed has no -a-: bilwada' , gingada' 8 , du u gada f , wtfgada^, yalnada' .
Similarly the simple stem xud- WHISTLE appears in xut*ma' s WHISTLER.
In regard to vocalic quantity it will be observed that the verbs of
this type divide themselves into two classes those with short verb-
stem vowel (such as t!an-, og-, s'om-d-, gin-g-, yal-n-) and those with
long verb-stem vowel (k!d u y-, yal-x-ald-, Wg-[a]n-, t'u u -g-, mll-[a]d-).
The first and second stem vowels of the aorist of verbs of the first
class are regularly both short (tfana-, ogo-, s'omo-d-, gini-g-, yala-n-) ;
the aorists of the second class seem generally to have a short first
but long second vowel (Jc!oyo u ~, yala a -x-ald, ligtf-n-, t'uwu u -g-, mlltf-d-).
The verb na a g- (aorist naga-) SAY TO and perhaps a few others (sgdi-
p-x-, aorist sgaya-p-x- ', al-ts!di-g- WASH aorist al-ts!aya-g-; but
al-ts!di-p'- WASH ONESELF, aorist al-ts!aya a -p*-) do not follow this
rule. Of the verb yo- (aorist yowo-) forms of both accent classes are
found (yot'e 6 as well as yo't'e 6 , yowo't*e as well as yowot'e ), and
indeed a lengthening of the second vowel of aorists of the first class
seems to occur with considerable frequency. The rising for long and
the raised for final short stem vowels seem to be the normal accents
for verbs of Type 2, whether the stress falls on the first or second
(in aorists) vowel. If, however, the accented vowel is followed by a
40
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 101
glottal catch or fortis consonant the accent, as generally in such a
case, is a falling one. Thus :
s'o' u V6p'de e I shall jump (148.8)) s'owd' u V6p'de I jump (48.15 ; 49.1)
Such forms as wa-k!oyo n are only apparently opposed to the rule
(see 65).
TYPE 3. Verb-stem v + c + c t ; aorist v + c! + v + c r The most
satisfactory test of a verb of this type is the intervocalic fortis
consonant of the aorist stem as contrasted with the correspond-
ing non-fort is consonant of the verb-stem. As only the minority of
base-final consonant-clusters begin with a consonant that is capable
of being changed to a fortis, there are in the material available only a
few verbs to which the test can be applied. Those showing an
intervocalic fortis (changed from non-f ortis) in the aorist stem are :
Verb-stem Aorist stem
i-lasgi'fi I shall touch it -lats !agi / ?i I touched it
masgo/n I shall put it (102.15) mats !ago/ ?i I put it 74.13
wismada' you will move wits* lima Y you moved 148.16
yo'k'ycwi I shall know it (162.6) yokloya f n I knew it 50.5
lop'dia/ M Z' it will rain lop!odia /M it rained 152.11
In other verbs of this type the only characteristic of the aorist
stem is the repetition between the consonants of the cluster of the
stem-vowel. The following verb-forms exemplify this group, with
the reservation that if in any case the second consonant of the
cluster be really a suffix, the form should be assigned to Type 2.
Verb-stem Aorist stem
t l&myana'n I shall go to get her t !amaya?ia' ?i I went to get her
married (150.5,19) married (148.5)
ts!a-uya /e s fast runner 138.2 tsIawaftV I ran fast
dl -u'its'lamt* fool him! dl uyu'ts'\amda n I fooled him
baxmaY e el ( = ~baxm-} I shall come baxam^V I came (114.16)
ga-iwa'n I shall eat it 128.18 gayawa' n I ate it 30.11
moigwana'n I shall spoil it moyugwana' n I spoiled it
(31.12)
yo' us snan I shall scare him (186.10) yowo' sna n I scared him
(186.10)
malgim'rz, I shall tell him malagim' ?i I told him (30.15)
&o-i-xilgwi'?i I shall snatch it &a-i-xiligwi / ?i I snatched it out
out (33.4)
i This verb clearly belongs to Type 3 because of constant -a- following -xm-. Had it belonged to Type 2
it would have assumed the form *baxa'mt'et.
40
102 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Verb-stem Aorist stem
gwel-leisde e I shall be lame gwel-\e'-ye e sde I am lame
fdawif e e I shall fly (166.18) dawaKV I flew (166.18)
|da-uya' s flyer
fco-i-hemga'Ti I shall take (food) &a-i-hemego/ f/ ?i I took (food)
out (16.10) out (58.9; 118.12)
Jian-gVlba'n I shall put (beam) han-giliba' n I put (beam) across
across (176.3)
&a-i-k!a a lsi'7i I shall take it out &a-i-k!ala'si n I took it out
(25.4)
p'elgo/Ti I shall go to war against p'elego/ ?i I went to war against
them (124.19) them (110.4)
yamda'n I shall ask him (70.6) yamada' n I asked him (56.3)
yi'ms'aldari I shall dream about yimi's'alda n I dreamed about
him him 186.3
ha-u-ha,'ii sda a it will stop (rain- Aa-i-hana' s it stopped (rain-
ing) (198.9) ing) 196.8
y6 u ga'?i I shall marry her (192.16) yowoga' ?i I married her (43.3)
As long as the first consonant of the cluster is a semivowel (w, y)
or a liquid or nasal (I, m, ri), the question as to whether the verb
belongs to Type 2 or Type 3 is a purely etymological or historical one.
Descriptively it makes no difference whether a form like p'elega f n
i WENT TO WAR AGAINST THEM is derived from p'eleg- by the inser-
tion of the stem-vowel -e- between Z and g (Type 3), or from p*el-g-
by the addition of the -e- to a base p'el- (Type 2). From a purely
descriptive point of view, then, the most typical aorist formation in
Takelma may be said to be characterized by the repetition of the stem-
vowel immediately after the first consonant following the stem-vowel.
From the point of view of vocalic quantity the verbs of Type 3
fall into the same two classes as those of Type 2 such as have a
short vowel in the stem (tfamy-, tslawy-, malg-, p'elg-, hants!-) and
such as have a long vowel (nits' !-, gtflb-, Jc!a a ls), these latter being
apparently much less numerous than in Type 2. The quantity of
both the stem vowels of the aorist is regularly short, even when the
verb-stem vowel is long (gilib-, Iclalas-) ; only rarely is the second
vowel of the aorist stem long (leye e s-, uyifits' !-) . The accent of
stressed stem vowels follows the same rules as in the case of verbs of
Type 3 (dowait*e , han-giWp" with rising or raised pitch; but hana' s,
Jie' i x-da a HE WILL BE LEFT OVER, uyu fii s'de i LAUGH, with falling
accent because of the glottal catch).
40
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 103
TYPE 4. Verb-stem v v + c(+v)j aorist v + c-\-v + i. Verbs of this
type are intransitive, the -i-, though confined to the aorist, being
evidently in some way connected with the intransitive character.
That it is really a derivative element characteristic of the aorist is
shown by its conduct in transitive forms derived from the intransitive.
In the causative in -n- it drops out:
t'aga a no/ e ?i I make him cry
while in certain other transitive derivatives it is preserved:
t'agaya<7wa' ?i I cry having it
The contradiction in treatment is here only apparent, as the absence
or presence of the -i- would seem to depend not so much on the
transitive or intransitive form of the verb as on whether the action
expressed by the verb is logically transitive or not (in a causative the
action is necessarily directed toward an object, in a comitative the
formal object is not concerned in the action of the verb at all) . Types
4a and 4& may properly be considered subclasses of Types 2 and 1
respectively, though it should be noted that the -i- occurs nowhere
except in one special tense the aorist. Examples of Type 4a are:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
ye'mV I shall return (92.24) yeweftV I returned (58.9,13)
p!ak'(Ze I shall bathe (58.5; 118.7) plagaftV I bathed 58.2
t'ak'de* I shall cry (29.11) t'agaKV I cried (29.13; 62.2)
na'^V (irregular) I shall say, do 196.5 nagaftV I said, did 126.3; 180.1
Even less numerous are the examples of 4?> that have been found:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
lohoY dead (98.10; 170.1; 186.21) lohoftV I died 184.18
leheY drifting dead to land lehe /i he drifted dead to land
75.5
The aorist of verbs of Type 4 regularly have the rising accent on
the {- dipthong formed by the repeated stem vowel and the i- suffix.
The stressed stem-vowel of forms built on the verb-stem regularly
has the rising (4a) or raised accent (second vowel of 4b). na-j which
is irregular also in other respects, has a short vowel in the verb-stem
and takes the raised accent in non-aorist forms under appropriate
conditions (naY saying; no" say it!).
TYPE 5. Verb-stem v + c + v; aorist v v + c. This type of verb is
morphologically very difficult to understand, as it is in effect the very
opposite of Type 2. Morphologically yana- GO : tlan- HOLD = yd a n- :
40
104
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
tlana-; but phonetically the proportion would gain in symmetry by
reversing the positions of its first and third terms. Examples are:
Verb-stem
w&g&wi'n I shall bring it to him
(45.6)
wege'sinF he will bring it to me
yanaYe 6 I shall go 14.3
haxaYe c I shall burn (92.29)
dak^-da-h&lafhin I shall answer
him
laba' carry it! (70.5); 192.8
sagwa v paddle it! 112.3,9
wede'FmF he will take it from
him (16.10,11; 17.10,11)
lebe'n I shall pick it up and eat it
sebe'n I shall roast it (44.6)
he ee -iwi l 'xinY he will go away
from me
hawax--xiwi't*e e I shall rot (194.8)
odo'n I shall hunt for it (116.7, 11)
woo W he will go to get it (162.8)
p*uyumda'n I shall smoke them
out
yomo'n I shall catch up with him
(46.7; 136.12,13)
Aorist stem
-n I brought it to him
(176.17)
we e ga'si he brought it to me
(194.11)
yanZV I went 14.7
hax<Z<? I burnt (98.1,4)
dak'-da-ha a H /c "7i I answered him
(122.4; 146.14; 180.18)
lap' he carried it 160.9
sa a gwo/ 7i I paddled it (14.6)
wet'^i he took it from him 16.13 ;
(76.1)
Ie e ba' nlpickedandateit94.5,12
se e ba' ?i I roasted it (118.10)
Jie ee -lus'i he went away from me
(184.14,15)
hawax-xlut* e I am rot ting (100.1)
o u da' n I hunted for it (13.9)
wo u Zf he went to get it 160.4
p'dyam^a n I smoked them out
(76.11)
yo u miya / ?i I caught up with him
(final -i { - of aorist stem unex-
plained) (140.14)
The two stem vowels of the verb-stem are always short in quantity,
the second regularly having the raised accent (imperatives yancf, lebe^,
odo^, woo^). 1 The long stem vowel of the aorist, when stressed, takes
the rising accent. To this latter rule there is one curious exception.
The verb odo- HUNT FOR always has the falling accent on the o u of
the aorist (o' u t* HE HUNTED FOR IT 13.9 ; 88.8, never *o u tf), but the non-
aorist forms follow in everything the analogy of other verbs of this
type. This anomaly is quite unexplained. Can it be that a leveling
out of two originally distinct paradigms has taken place (*o u d- , odo^- of
Type 5 and b' u d- , *d'H!- of Type 6)?
TYPE 6. Verb-stem v^ + d; aorist v v + c. Most of the verbs that
follow this type have as second consonant in the aorist one capable of
1 Such forms as lebe'n, with falling accent on the second vowel, are only apparently opposed to this
rule, as in these cases the falling accent regularly goes with the personal ending -n. Practically all vio-
lations of the accent rules found in the examples are of this merely apparent character and will be readily
explained away when the subject of personal endings is considered.
40
BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 105
becoming a fortis; such as do not, introduce a catch before the second
consonant in non-aorist forms. There seem to be no primarily in-
transitive verbs of this type. Examples of the type are :
Verb-stem Aorist stem
l-k'wa/ a k!wmlshall wake him up i-kVa /a gwi e n I woke him up
16.4; (75.6)
kVa' a zde e Ishallwakeup(190.5) kVa' a zcZe I woke up (16.3, 5)
xa a -\&'t\an I shall put it about xa a -]&' a da n I put it about my
my waist waist
Za- e $-t'ba'k!w I shall burst it /a- i-t'ba' a gf c 7i I burst it (24.17)
(118.5)
wd-sga/p lin I shall make it tight wa-sga /a bi rzJmadeit tight (140.6)
a-xi'k!m I shall see him (146.21) al-xl fi gi n I saw him 188.9
deM-wi'k \in I shall spread it out de -l-wl fi gi n I spread it out
(120.1)
dafc'-tV e k!m I shall give him to <2aF-tV e gi%Igavehimtosmoke
smoke (170.13)
&a a -xo't \an I shall win over him ba a -xo fu da n I won over him
(170.9) (168.5)
'al-Wklwan I shall thrust it al-lo' u gwa n I thrust it (152.19)
daZ-p'6't!m I shall mix it (178.5) dal-p*d fu di n I mixed it
de -l-n\Ji f t lin I shall drown him de -i-nu' u di n I drowned him
(118.9)
de-Wklin I shall fill it de-ku'^grfn I filled it (140.3)
i'-gi na take it! (102.14) i-gf'na he took it 15.1; 45.13
Despite the change of the second consonant from fortis to non-
fortis, it is not certain that it is always an integral part of the stem;
in de-bu'ugi n the g (&/) seems to be a verbifying suffix (cf. de-bu'e
FULL as adjective). The accent of the base of verbs of Type 6 differs
materially from that of verbs of types heretofore discussed. The
normal pitch-accent of most verb-bases is the rising tone for long,
the raised for final short, vowels, unless a catch immediately follows.
Thus in Type 5 dak'-da-Jial HE ANSWERED HIM; Type 2 naga* HE
SAID TO HIM; but with catch Type 4 naga' i HE SAID. The verbs,
however, of Type 6, as will have been noticed, all have the falling
accent in both aorist and non-aorist forms. This variation from the
accentual norm becomes intelligible if we remember that a fortis
is the equivalent of a catch + a media; e. g., alxl'lclin i SHALL SEE
HIM; alxl' e Y SEE HIM! As the catch tends to bring about a falling
accent before it, the falling accent peculiar to verbs of Type 6 may
plausibly be ascribed to the fortis (i. e., glottal catch) quality of the
final consonant of the stem. Compare also, in Type 3, Jie'ik!in
40
106 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
i SHALL LEAVE IT OVER. The retention of the falling accent in the
aorist, although the presumable cause of it has been removed, is an
example of form-parallelism, and argues, at least in verbs of this
type, for the secondary origin of the aorist stem. The relation
between xd'Han and xd' u da n is, then, the same as that which obtains
between yowo f HE WAS and yowo' u da e WHEN HE WAS 79.7.
The organic character of the fortis consonant of verbs of this type
is still further evidenced by many derivative forms (iteratives, con-
tinuatives, -xa- forms used to imply lack of object) which are reg-
ularly derived from the verb-stem, not the aorist stem, even in their
aorist forms. Thus from sgo fu tl- 45.10 (aorist sgo' u d- 72.10) CUT are
derived the derivative aorists sgot!o'sgade i CUT FREQUENTATIVELY
(62.1), sgot!dl-ha n i KEEP CUTTING IT (108.8), sgut!u'xade i CUT (with-
out object) (92.2). Parallel forms are derived from most other verbs
of this type, such as xi fi k!-, lo /u k!- } sgl fi p!- CUT, sge' e tl- LIFT UP. A few
verbs of Type 6, however, form the aorists of these derivatives from
the aorist stems of the simple verbs. Such forms are the frequenta-
tives Maga'fbag- 14.12 (from Ma' a lc!- 136.20) and sege'sag- 172.10
(from se' e lc!- NOD TO, OPEN DOOR 138.18).
TYPE 7 . Verb-stem c + v v + c lf - aorist c!+v + c l + v( + i). The second
sub-group (7&) of this sparsely represented type of verbs is apparently
related to the first (7 a) as are verbs of Type 4<z to those of Type 2.
It is very improbable, however, that the characteristic -i- element
of the aorist is morphologically the same in both Type 4 and Type 7&,
as verbs of the latter type are clearly transitive, while in Type 4 the
-i- was found to be a clearly intransitivizing element. A further
difference between the two types lies in the marked length of the
repeated vowel in verbs of Type 7&. This vocalic length is perhaps
responsible for the loss of the -i- in certain forms; e. g., dl-t!ugul
HE WORE IT, but dl-t!ugu n i WORE IT. (See 65.)
Of Type 7 a only the following examples have been found:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
ba a -dep'de e I shall arise 196.3 Z>d-t!ebeYe e I arose 186.14
wa-d.ilnJiin I shall distribute wa-t\i\lni e n I have distributed
them them (130.4)
dwe c p'dwa'px^a a they will fly t!wep!e' tlwapz they flew v/ith
without lighting out lighting
The last example follows also Types 6 and 13<z.
40
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA
107
Aorist stem
To Type 7& belong:
Verb-stem
da-dak* build a fire! da-t!agai he built a fire 96.17
di-du^g^a^nk* she will wear it 55.9 dl-t !ugui she wore it 96.16
tfgw&^xa'ntfgwide* I shall tattoo Vgw&x.&lk'wide* I tattooed my-
myself self
k!a a daVF he will pick them Idada! he picked them
(116.17) swadai he beat him in gambling
The last three verbs happen to have stems beginning with a conso-
nant or consonant-combination that does not allow of development into
a fortis, so that there is no initial modification in the aorist. A few
other transitive verbs have aorist stems like those of type 76, but
form their non-aorist forms according to other models, as the aorists
~k!emei- MAKE (only with third personal object; otherwise ~k!eme (e} -n-.
corresponding verb-stem Jc!em-n- of Type 2) and ye/iei- HEAR SINGING
FAR AWAY (verb-stem yehl 1 -). In both aorist and non-aorist forms
the stem vowel or long i-dipli thong, when stressed, bears the rising or
raised accent (Jdaf PICK THEM! l)a a -t!ebe^ HE AROSE).
TYPE 8. Verb-stem c + v v + c l ; aorist c! +v-{-c l + v + c 1 . The aorist
stem of this type is characterized by reduplication of Type 1 (see
30) combined, wherever possible, with change to fortis of the ini-
tial consonant. Examples are:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
gait *e e I shall grow (77.9)
go u da'n I shall bury him (118.3)
go u la'n I shall dig it
gu u wa'n, I shall plant it (94.10)
do u ma'n I shall kill him (178.14)
wa -l-dox^in I shall gather them
6a-i-dixm I shall pull (guts) out
da a la'n I shall crack it
de Q g\va'ldan I shall watch for
him (116.20; 126.20)
wa -l-de e mi'n I shall gather
them (for war)
ba a ba'?i I shall chop it (90.16)
dl-bifigwa'n I shall start (war,
basket) (110.21; 170.10)
s-aMo/ft, I shall mash it
I grew (77.9)
k\ododa fs n I buried him (96.16)
k\o\o\a' n I dug it 73.10,14
k!uwuwa / 7i I planted it (132.10)
t!omonm / ?i I killed him 71.7
wa -l-t toxo'xi^n I gathered them
(112.6,11; 192.4)
&a-i-t!ixi'xi e n I pulled (guts) out
(92.17)
t!alala/ 7i I cracked it
t ! egwegwa'lda n I watched for
him (118.2; 158.12)
w a -l-t !eme r m he gathered
them (for war) 110.3
p!ababa / ?i I chopped it (90.11)
(^-p!ugugw-<2/ 7i I started it
ts'!adada / ?i I mashed it (130.23)
40
108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Verb-stem Aorist stem
s'umt'an I shall boil it (170.16) tsMumum^Vn I boiled it
(170.17)
de -l-s'lloin I shall close door de -i-ts* \ibibi' s n I closed door
(90.4) (90.5)
ye e gwa'?i I shall bite him (88.2) yegwegwa / ?i I bit him (88.3)
lo u ba'n I shall pound them loboba / n I pounded them
(16.6) (16.9)
' tree will fall (108.12) limi / m tree fell (108.11)
I shall sing (106.15) helelf e I sang (104.2, 5, 6)
In the transitive verbs of this type the repeated consonant of the
aorist is found only when the object is of the third person; otherwise
it is dropped, with lengthening of the preceding vowel. Thus:
tlomom he killed him 16.15; butt!omoxU n he killed you(cf . 178.12)
Before certain intransitivizing derivative suffixes, particularly -x-
(see 56) and -xa- (see 53), the same loss of the repeated consonant
of the aorist stem is to be noted. Thus:
p!ala?p" he chopped it 90.11; but p!ebe'xa he chopped 55.6
wa -l-t!emem he gathered them together; but dak*-t!emex they
are gathered together 43.9; 136.11
With -x- the preceding vowel is lengthened, with -xa- it remains
short. The second consonant of the stems of verbs of Type 8 never
involves a radical glottal catch, hence the falling accent is never
found on either the first or second stem vowel.
TYPE 9 . Verb-stem c + v v + c 1 ' } aorist c! + v + y + v + c r This type is
not at all a common one. It differs from Type la in that the added
vowel (in every case a, as far as the material goes) is put before the
last consonant of the base, the y serving perhaps merely to connect
the 'stem -a- and added -a-.
Of Type 9, examples are:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
da a ga'n I shall find it (110.15) t!ayaga / 7i I found it (27.12)
sa a ga'n I shall shoot him ts! ayaga' ?i I shot him (45.13)
da-deilt*e e (-da a y-) I shall go to <Za-t!ayai'e I went to get
get something to eat (33.9) something to eat 1 (75.9)
da-dsi a ldi'n ( = daiM-, see 11)1 da-i\&yaldi' e n ( = t!ayaiZ<2-, see
shall go to get it to eat (33.9) 11) I went to get it to eat
(76.9)
1 This verb might be considered as entirely parallel to gaay- (aorist Jc'ayai-) of Type 8. The deriva-
tive in -Id-, however, seems to prove it to be of Type 9; the -Id- forms, if belonging to Type 8, would
probably appear as *da-dapya'ldin, *da-tlayaya'ldi s n.
40
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 109
!C ( + C ^
V
This type embraces the few verbs that form their aorist stem by
merely repeating the initial consonant of the verb-stem. Of 10a,
that is, those that introduce the initial consonant immediately after
the stem-vowel, there have been found :
Verb-stem Aorist stem
lo u x to play 31.7; (31.6, 8, 9) lo u l*V I played
\&p*de e I shall become (25.2) la a lif e I became (also of Type
15a) 186.19
la a wa'?i I shall twine basket la a lwa / ?i I twined basket (61.7)
A^-i-le'^Jt/mlshalllethimgo Tie SJ L-\Q f \ok!i s n I let him go
(182.20) (50.4)
The last verb differs from the others in that it repeats in the aorist
both the consonant and the vowel of the verb-stem; it is the only
verb known which shows perfect duplication of the verb-stem (as-
suming the suffixed character of the -&/-) - 1 Perhaps -lekl- is misheard
for -lelk!-.
The only certain example of 10 b is:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
sand" spear it! (33.9) sans he speared it (110.20)
The verb-stem here is of Type 5. The simple base (san-) is best
seen in the fully reduplicated sa a nsa'n-sinia, ue THEY ARE FIGHTING
EACH OTHER 23.14. An aorist of Type 10 I is probably also:
ha-u-gwen-yut\i'hi ( = *yut \j-\h]i)
he gobbled it down (cf. fre-
quentative yutfuyad-)
See also aorist yd u mtf- under Type 5. Stems of this type are more
frequent among nouns than verbs, e. g., lelp* SWAN (see 86, 5).
TYPE 11. Verb-stem c + v + ^ + cy aorist c + v + c 1 -{-v + c. Verbs
belonging to this type differ in the aorist from those of the preceding
type in that they introduce before the repeated initial consonant also
the vowel of the stem, thus approaching in form the more fully
reduplicating Type 13. Only a few examples of the type occur:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
loma'kV (a is inorganic) I lomolZV I choked
shall choke
xalxo/mfe e I shall urinate (cf. xala'xam^V I urinated 3
xa a l-am- urine)
1 There are many apparently perfect duplications of verb-stems in -a-, but the -a- of the second member
is never a repetition of the stem-vowel. See Type 12.
2 This verb is better considered as belonging to Type 13a, xalxam- and xalaxam- being respectively
dissimilated f rom * xanxan- and *xanaxan- (see 21).
40
110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Verb-stem Aorist stem
yawi'JV I shall talk (cf. base yawalf e I talked (30.4; 126.2)
yiw- talk) (126.2)
da-l>o'k\op'na s n I made bub-
bles (base bole!-) 102.22
ba -al-mo'\ s man I shall turn ~ba -al-mQ r \o ma n I turned
things over (base mol -} things over
(Za a -ye / hi i 7i I shall go to where da a -yehel he went where there
singing is heard was singing (see Type 7Z>)
106.10
legwela f mda n I suck it out
of it (186.18)
la a mala / ?i I quarrel with him
(27.2)
It is quite possible that many verbs whose verb-stem ends in a con-
sonant identical with their initial consonant (and that one would be
inclined to list under Type 2) really belong to Type 11. In such
cases as:
ging- go somewhere (aorist ginig-)
7c!iy[a]g- go, come (aorist Jcliyig-)
gel-gul[a]g- desire (aorist- gulug-)
it is not easy to decide whether the final -g- is a suffixed element, as
in many verbs of Type 2, or a repetition of the initial consonant of
the base. As to the genesis of the form in verbs of Type 11, it seems
clear that it is only a secondary development of the far more richly
represented Type 13. This is indicated by the existence of second
forms of Type 13 alongside those of Type 11 :
da-bok!obcb f Yna n I make bubbles yiwiyafufe* I talk (148.9)
mo'lo mala n I turn things over
(170.16)
A form like mo'lo mat' YOU TURNED THINGS OVEK may go back to
a *mo f lo mlat' (Type 13&), itself a reduced form of the fully redu-
plicating mo'lo malat* ; but see 65.
TYPE 1 2 . Verb-stem c + v v + c t ; aorist c + v v + c x + c + a + c r Verbs of
this type form their aorist by reduplicating the verb-stem according
to Type 2 (see 30) ; the a of the second syllable of the aorist stem
is regularly umlauted to i by an i of the following syllable (see 8,
3a). Morphologically such aorist stems are practically identical
with the verb-stems of Type 13a, though no further deductions can
be drawn from this fact. Contrary to what one might expect, most
verbs of the type show no marked iterative or frequentative signifi-
40
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 111
cation. Examples of this rather frequently recurring type are:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
sana'n 1 I shall fight him (28.15) sa a nsa'nf e I was fighting 184.13
7ie e -sal-t*gu u ni'n I shall kick it Jie e -sal-t*guut*gmi n I kicked it
off off (24.17)
I shall play shinny t!eut!a'uZV I played shinny
(47.7)
'n I shall catch him (33.8) t-t!aut!iwi e n I caught him 33.4
I shall make it stand &a-dik'daga s 7i I made it stand
up up (59.10)
Jie e -s'wl\xk* it is torn -s'wils*wili n I tore it (73.3)
ts!a a go/ f he will step ts!a a k'ts!a /e k' he stepped 32.9
da -l-bd u di'n I shall pull out his da -i-l>dt'})idi n I pulled out his
hair hair (194.7)
ba-l-sgsi a gi'n I shall pick it up fra-^-sgak'sgigi^ I picked him
up (32.12)
la, a wi'n I shall call him by name la a liwi / ?i I called him by name
(for la a - = Uu- see 7) (116.3)
There is a tendency to prevent a long it-diphthong of the first
syllable of the aorist stem from standing immediately before a
diphthong-forming semivowel or consonant (y, w, I, m, ri) of the
second syllable. In such cases the u is either lost, as in the last
example above (dissimilation is also a possible explanation) or a con-
necting -i- is introduced between the u, which now becomes w, and
the following consonant. Examples are:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
leuxirik* he will call me by name le e wila'usi 2 he calls me by name
59.7
liutfV I shall look (142.18) liwila'u^V 3 I look (59.14)
The stem vowel of verbs of Type 12 is regularly long, and, when
stressed, as it generally is in aorist forms, receives the rising accent.
The a of the second syllable of the aorist stem is stressed only when
forming a secondary diphthong with a following repeated radical
element, in which case it receives a falling (Ja a la f uhi HE CALLED HIM)
or raised accent (Jie e -sal-t*gu u nt*gcfn).
1 The various forms of this verb seem to be made up of three distinct stems. The non-aorist forms of both
transitive and intransitive (sana'p'de e I SHALL FIGHT) employ a stem (sana-~) of Type 5. Most aorist forms,
including the reciprocal aorist, use the stem saansan- of Type 12 (se^nsa'nsi HE FIGHTS ME; saansa'nsinik'
WE FIGHT EACH OTHEE). The stem saans- of Type 10& is probably limited to such transitive forms of the
aorist as have a third person object (saansa' n I FIGHT HIM; sans HE FOUGHT HIM).
2 Parallel form, perhaps with iterative significance, to kela'usi, 7.
s This verb has a short i in the first syllable of the aorist, so that, as far as the aorist stem is concerned,
it seems to belong to Type 13a. Perhaps it is best considered a verb of mixed type (13a in aorist, 12 in
non-aorist).
40
112
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
TYPE 13. Verb-stem c + v + c^ + c + a + c^ aorist
+ c r For ir umlaut of the a see 8, 3a. This type embraces a very
large number of verbs, chiefly of iterative, usitative, or intensive sig-
nification. Of these, some are the iterative or usitative derivatives
of simpler verbs; others, again, are hardly found in simpler form,
the action they express being of a necessarily repetitive character
(e. g., RUB, RATTLE, CHEW) ; in still others the repetitive idea is not
strongly marked or is even absent. Of Type 13a, which covers prac-
tically the whole number of type-cases, examples will be given under
the characteristic stem-vowels.
Verb-stem
(1) a:
i-gaxgix^ I shall scratch him
da-ts la'lts !ilm I shall chew it
Ae e M>-kV p'k'ibw I shall chip
them off
(2) e:
vts-Je'ltsMilm I shall rattle it
t-he e gwa / k' w rwm (see 19) I
shall work
aZ-gesgasa'Zf e e I shall be wash-
ing
se'nsanf e e I shall whoop
hemhamaVF he will imitate
him
(3) o (u):
^'-t'gumt'ga^m squeeze and
crack (insects) !
^-yulya'l rub it!
al-p Itf-ts ' hi'lts * l&lhip* do ye
put it on fire !
(4) i:
i-smilsmilm I shall swing it
I shall tear it to
Aorist stem
n I scratched him
da-ts lala'ts \ili n I chewed it
7ke e M-k'ap!a'k'ibi ?i I chipped
them off (118.11; 120.16)
$-ts'!ele'ts*!iK e 7i I rattled it
vhegwe'hak' w ?ia 7i I worked
I was washing
sene'sanf e s I whooped (180.15)
heme'ham he imitated him
24.4, 8
d^'-t'gumu'tg'imi^n I squeezed
and cracked (insects)
i-yulu'yil^Ti I rubbed it
aZ-^/^'-tsMulu'ts'IiH^i I put it
on fire (152.20)
-smili'smili 7i I swung it (72.10)
l-s' will's 'wi\i n I tore it to pieces
pieces
ts'!i'nts*!ana%Ze e I shall be an-
gry
i-si'ls'al/zi distribute it!
ce-k'iuk'auFw(m I shall
brandish it before my face
(172.11)
yiwiyawo-'^s one who talks
148,18
40
was angry
ts'! inlets -!an^e I
(24.16; 148.15)
l-s 'ili's '&\Jii he distributed it 3 1 . 1
de-k'iwi'k'auFwa 7i I bran-
dished it before
(172.12)
my face
yiwiya' u he talks, makes a
sound 148.9
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 113
The verb-stem of the last example seems at first sight identical with
the aorist stem, but the second i is to be explained as a connective
element similar to the i of le e wilau- above (see under Type 12) ;
yiwiyawa' s is thus developed from a theoretical *yiwyawa' s s.
The verb Tc*a e pWab- above illustrates a slightly divergent subtype
of Type 13a. If the final consonant of the stem is a fortis, it appears
as a non-fortis (voiceless media or aspirated surd according to the
phonetic circumstances) when repeated. This phenomenon is best
explained as an example of catch dissimilation; *Jc'ap!aJc*ap!-, i. e.,
Jc*a s l> s ak*a s 1) e - is dissimilated to 1c*a e b e ak*ab-, YaplaTcab- (see 22).
In non-aorist forms, where the fortis becomes a syllabic final, it
naturally gives way to the equivalent catch aspirated surd. Further
examples of this subtype are :
Verb-stem Aorist stem
$-sgo' t'sgidm I shall cut them ~sgot!o'sgidi ?i I cut them one
one after another (21.2,4) after another (144.2,3)
Jia-u-gwen-yu' Vyidin I shall Jia-u-gwen-yut\u f yidi n I gob-
gobble them all down bled them all down (126.10)
jea-^-sgl^p'sgibm I shall cut xa- i-sgipli'sgibi n I cut them
them through (21.2) through (22.9; 138.7)
6a a -t Vk' tVwZa ( = -ta*g-x-) 6a a -t'ek!e't'a;e they all bobbed
they will all bob up up
&a-i-<2i -t'ga / st'ga a s stick out ba-i-di -t 'gats la't'gis^Ti I stuck
your anus! 164.19; 166.1,6 out my anus (166.8)
In regard to vocalic quantity it will be noticed that both the stem
vowel and the repeated vowel are generally short. Comparatively
few cases are found with long stem-vowel in non-aorist forms (he e -
gwagw-, swtflswal-, sgo^t'sgad-). Indeed the shortness of the vowel
of the verb-stern is about the only mark of difference between verb-
stems of Type 13 and aorist stems of Type 12. Thus:
l-s'wi'ls'wal (non-aorist of Type 13) tear it to pieces! ; but l-s'wVl-
s'wcfl (aorist of Type 12) he tore it (with one tear)
A few verbs allow the repeated vowel, particularly in third personal
forms, to be long; when stressed, as it generally is, it has a falling
accent. Besides ts'Unl'Hs'lanx- (also ts'H'ntfts'lanv- or ts' !i' nits' !anx-
190.19), may be mentioned:
gwen-Jiegwe' e Jiagwanhi he related it to him 57.9; cf. 59.6
p!ulu fji p!allii they marched in single file 192.3
In non-aorist forms the vowel, if long and stressed, takes the ris-
ing accent; before a glottal catch, however, we regularly have the
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 8 S 40
114 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
falling accent (sgd' u t'sgad-, sgl /i p^sgal-) . In the aorist the stress gen-
erally falls on the repeated vowel.
Only two verbs have been found that at first sight conform to
Type 13 I. They are:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
deM-ge'uk!iwm I shall tie (a cZeM-gewe'kliw^Ti I tied it bow-
salmon) bowstring-fashion string-fashion (cf. 88.5)
du'ltlilm I shall stuff them into it dulu't !ili e ft I stuffed them into
it (122.19; 138.17)
This curious type of verb is easily explained if we assume that
the bases are not gew- and dul-, respectively, but geu - and dul -.
They are, then, strictly comparable to verbs like sgotlosgdd- dis-
cussed above; instead of having a fortis consonant, i. e., a stop with
glottal closure, as the final consonant of the base, they have a semi-
vowel or diphthong-forming consonant (w, y, I, m, n) as the base final.
The verb and aorist stems of geu - and dul s -, formed according to Type
13 a, are theoretically *gew gau -, *gewe e gau - and *dul dal -,*dulu dal -,
respectively. Allowing, as in the case of the forms like Jc*ap!dk*db-
discussed above, for catch dissimilation, these forms are seen to be
phonetically equivalent to geuklau-, geweklau- and dult!al-, duluHal-,
respectively (see 12). If the initial consonant of the verb happens
not to be a media, then there is no opportunity for the development
of a fortis in the second syllable of the verb-stem. It is clear, then,
that the following verbs are further examples of Type 13 6:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
la a - e al-mo'l e malan I shall turn ba a - s al-'mo'lo s m.a,la e n I turn
things over things over
da a -t'mu u gal-\Q f u liwin I shall da a - mu u gal-\ewe' ]iwi n I shook
shake shells in my ears shells in my ears 122.2
Jia-u-gwen-yu'rfymin I shall 7ia-u-gwen-yunu' yini n I gob-
gobble them down bled them down (cf . yutfuyad-
above)
The stem syllable of verbs of Type 13 &, when bearing the stress,
naturally have the falling accent.
Examples of Type 13 c are not common and have also by-forms of
Type 13 a:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
gwida'k' w d<m I shall throw it gwidi'k' w da ?i I threw it (122. 13);
(a inorganic) cf. vgwidigwidi / ^ (108.21)
lobo'lp*na n I used to pound
them; cf. lobo'lap'na^ (57.14)
40
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 115
It is very probable that the -a- in the second member of redupli-
cated stems (Types 12 and 13) is the inorganic -a- we have already
met with. Its persistence, even in cases where the otherwise resulting
phonetic combination is a possible one, may be ascribed to the ana-
logic influence of the probably larger number of cases where its
presence is phonetically necessary.
TYPE 14. Verb-stem v'+c; aorist v + c + v + n. The -n of the few
verbs that make up this class is probably a petrified derivative ele-
ment, yet it must be considered as characteristic of the aorist stem
in an even more formal sense than, for example, the aoristic -i- of
Type 4. The only examples that have been found are:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
xep'cZe 6 1 shall do so (110.22) xebeitfVI did so (14.10; 168.10)
wai*VIshallsleep(71.15; 142.14) wayantfV I slept (188.22)
gwen-pllk'wan ( = -p!iy-) I shall gwen-pliyi f uwa s n I lay on
lie on pillow pillow
p!e' Z' he will be lying down p ley enV I was lying down 71.5
146.9
The last verb seems to insert a -y- in the aorist, between the -e- of
the verb-stem and that of the aoristic addition, in the manner of
verbs of Type 96. In regard to vocalic quantity these verbs differ
among themselves. The verb-stem of all but wai- is long in vocalism.
The first vowel of the aorist stem is short in every case, the repeated
vowel is sometimes short (xeben-, pHyin-) , sometimes long (waya a n~)
p!eye e n-. The stressed stem vowel bears a rising accent.
The -n of waya a n- and p!eye e n- is eclipsed before a catch in the
third person:
waya' he slept 152.22; 154.6
p!eye f he was lying down 49.5
but:
xebe' s n he did it 78.9; 118.14
The loss of the -n takes place also in the third person aorist of ya a n-
Go(Type5). Thus:
ya' he went 15.3,11; 59.1; 92.26 '
subordinate form ya' a da s 58.8 and (rarely) ya' a nda WHEN HE WENT.
TYPE 15. Verb-stem | 1; aorist stem #. The ending -$*-,
I w^J
found in a considerable number of verbs of position, is not, properly
speaking., a stem-forming element at all, as shown by the fact that
S 40
116 BUEEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
suffixed elements may intervene between it and the base; yet, being
wanting in the non-aorist forms of many verbs, it has something of
the appearance of such. The non-aoristic -as- of a few verbs has
absolutely no appreciable derivative force, and may be regarded as a
purely formal element characterizing the non-aorist forms of the
verb. As examples of Type 15 a may be given:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
s-a's-aitfV I shall stand (cf. s-as'inftV I stand (34.1; 77.9)
23.6)
s-u' alf6 e I shall sit (55.11; s-u'wilftV I sat (21.1; 178.21)
186.21)
kVp'alf e e I shall be long ab- k'ebilftV I was long absent
sent (124.20)
\&p'de e I shall become (92.11; la a liV I became (see also
166.14) Type 10a) 186.19
Of examples of Type 156 may be mentioned:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
dinkla's^a it will lie stretched dinkli it lies stretched out
out
t!obaga 7 scZa a he will lie like one tlobigl he lay like one dead
dead (148.8)
This non-aoristic -as- seems to occur also in:
^a-sma-ima's(2e e I shall smile (Za-smayani he smiled
which otherwise belongs to Type 2 or 3 (if the second -m- is part of
the base).
TYPE 16. Verb-stem v + c + ^ + i; aorist v + c + v + c^ This type
embraces only an inconsiderable number of verbs. They are:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
dl-k\&'\side e 1 shall be lean in dl-kl&l&fsnafn I am lean in my
my rump rump 102.22
gwel-sal-t\e'iside e I shall be gwel-sal-tlejesna n I have no
lean in legs and feet flesh on my legs and feet
102.22
Several verbs of position that show an -I 1 - in the aorist show an -i-
in non-aorist forms. Whether this -i- is merely a shortened form of
the aoristic -$*-, or identical with the non-aoristic -i- of verbs of Type
16, is doubtful; but, in view of the absence of the 4 i - in non-aoristic
forms of verbs of Type 15, the latter alternative seems more probable.
Such verbs are :
40
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 11?
Verb-stem Aorist stem
da-sgsi'ltfa a it will lie scattered Ja-sgall it lies scattered about
about
p'ildiY a a flat thing will lie p'ildi flat thing lies
t'ge'its'!ida a round thing will lie t'geits'Il round thing lies
(13824)
s'einiYa a it will lie with open- s'einl it lies with opening on
ing on top (like box) top
s'u'k'dida a it will lie curled up s'ugwidi it lies curled up
wl' k'didd a it will lie heaped wiklidiat lies heaped about
about
Of similar appearance, though the aorist (not the future) is transi-
tive in form, is :
Verb-stem Aorist stem
da a -sge'k\it*e e I shall listen <ia a -sgek!iya / ?i I listened (third
person dd a -sgek !l 102.8)
In speaking of verbs of Types 15 and 16, the terms verb-stem and
aorist stem are used in a purely relative sense, the portions of the
listed forms printed in Roman characters not being really on a par
with those similarly marked in the first fourteen classes. These last
two types have significance as such only in so far as certain elements
of an essentially derivative character (-$*-, -i-, -as-) are at the same
time formal means of distinguishing aorist from non- aorist forms.
It is not difficult to show that in several cases these elements are
themselves preceded by non-radical elements.
One or two aorists have been found in the material obtained that
can not be well classified under any of the sixteen types illustrated
above. They are:
gwen- xoxog[w]o/ ft I string (salmon) together ( = fully redupli-
cated xogxog- ; otherwise to be analyzed as xoxo-g- of Type
10 a) 74.14
saZ-s*a a xs'ix he slid
This latter verb with its mysterious I* in the repeated syllable is
absolutely without known parallel. Irregular is also the defective
verb ei- BE (see 60, fourth footnote).
3. Verbal Suffixes of Derivation ( 41-58)
41. GENERAL REMARKS
Although the absolute number of non-pronominal suffixes in the
verb is considerable (almost or quite thirty), the number of those
that have a well-defined, more or less transparent signification is not
large (hardly more than a dozen or so) when compared with what
41
118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
one is accustomed to in certain other American languages. Of these,
barely one or two (a frequentative and a comitative) can be said to
convey anything like a material notion, the rest being of the more or
less formal or relational character met with in suffixes of inflective lan-
guages intransitivizing elements, causative, reflexive, passive, recip-
rocal, and others of less easily described signification. Those suffixes
that have no clearly defined value may be put in a class by them-
selves as " petrified 77 suffixes, the justification for such a classifica-
tion being purely descriptive; genetically they probably form a
heterogeneous group.
42. PETRIFIED SUFFIXES
In speaking of verbs of Types 2 and 3, it was pointed out that in
a large number of cases certain consonants that one would naturally
be inclined to consider part of the verb-stem could be shown by more
careful analysis to be really of a suffixal character. The criteria for
such a suffix are partly, as was there indicated, the existence of
evidently related forms in which the consonant is lacking, partly
certain phonetic features. In a considerable number of cases dif-
ferent suffixes are found joined to the same verbal base, yet hardly
ever determining so specific a meaning that their primary signification
can be detected. The following examples,
t*geits'!l something round lies (138.24)
t*geye~ba' s n I roll it
t'ge e ya'lxde s I run around
al-t*geye't*giya n I tie it around (my head) 188.5
wi -l-t*geye' e lc!in he is surrounded on all sides 48.13
evidently all contain the same radical element or base (fgey-),
which has reference to circular action or position. The suffixes
-ts'!-, -b- } and -&/-, however, can not be shown to be directly respon-
sible for the specific meanings of the different forms, these being
determined chiefly, it would seem, by the succeeding suffixes, the
prefixes, and the general form (transitive or intransitive) of the
verb. Similarly, the forms he ee -sgaya'pxde e i LIE DOWN, da-sgaya-
na' n i LIE DOWN, and possibly also da-sgall IT LIES SCATTERED
ABOUT (LIKE GRAIN), contain the same radical element (sga[y]~) ; but,
as in the examples first cited, the abstracted suffixes -p-, -n-, and
-Z-, refuse to yield anything tangible. The stems galb- TWIST and
gelg- TWIRL FIRE-DRILL are very probably related, though neither
42
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 119
the difference in vowel nor the use of different consonants can be
explained. The same difficulty is met with in di'nikl a n i STRETCHED
IT OUT (62.1) and ba a -dim H t\a s n i HUNG- THEM ON LINE (59.9). In
some cases a difference of suffix is associated with a difference
of direction of verbal action, transitive and intransitive. Thus we
have:
al-ts!ayaga' n I wash him (64.5): al-ts!ayap*de I wash myself
(not reflexive in form)
p!alaga' n I relate a myth to him: p!ala'p*de I relate a myth
ts!ayama f n I hide it (124.23) : ts!ayap'de I hide
The various petrified suffixes found will be listed with examples
under each.
1. -&-. There seem to be two quite distinct -b- suffixes, one charac-
teristic of transitives, the other of a certain group of intransi-
tives. Examples of transitive -b- are :
t*geyeba' e n I roll it (base t'gey-), with secondarily intransitive
derivative :
al-t'geya^px it is round (literally, it rolls)
7ie e -sgaya'pxde I lie down (derived, like al-t*geya^px, from some
such transitive as *]ie e -sgayaba' n I lay it down flat, that,
however, does not happen to occur in the material at hand)
de -i-gene'p*gwa he lay curled up like dog (also -genetik'wa)
galaba' n I twist it by rolling (cf . gelg- twirl fire-drill)
sgilpx warm your back! (seems to imply *sg% i Thafn I shall warm
his back) (25.8, 9)
All intransitives in -b- (->'-), whether or not secondarily derived
from transitives, belong to that class of verbs to be later dis-
cussed as Intransitive Verbs, Class II. Among those with
primarily intransitive -p*- are:
al-ts!ayap*de I washed my face
ts!ayap'de I hid
p!ala'p*de I tell a myth
s'in-xinlxanp*de I sniff (cf. xln mucus)
S'as'a'nliap*de I stand around (not trying to help anyone) (cf
s'd f s'ane e I shall stand)
s'in-wi'll^ap'de 5 1 blow my nose
l)a a -s'o'wo u lc*ap*de I jump up (48.15; 49.1)
A number of Class II intransitive verbs show a suffixed -p*- in all
forms but the aorist. It is not possible to say whether this
-p'- is morphologically identical with the -p 1 - of verbs like
42
120 BUBEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY* TBULL. 40
ts!ayap*de or not, but such seems likely. Intransitives with
non-aoristic -p"- are :
Zap <de I shall become (92.11) (aorist U a Me ) 186.19
sana'pde 6 I shall fight (aorist sa a nsa'nt'e e [184.13])
tgunpde* I shall be cold (aorist t*gunude [90.3])
Finally, all Class II intransitives have a -p*- before the formal
elements in the first person plural and impersonal of the aorist
and future and in the imperative and inferential modes:
s'as'inlp'ilc' we stand
s'a's'anp*ia u t* they (indef.) will stand
* stand!
njS do ye stand!
S'd's'anp*gd m stand! (future)
s'a/s'anpW he stood, it seems
There is small doubt, however, that this ->'- is quite distinct from
the non-aoristic -p'- of verbs like lap*de e , which occurs in
the entire future. A form like lap' BECOME ! is in that event
perhaps to be analyzed as la a -p*-p\ the first -p'- being the non-
aoristic element found also in lap'de e , while the second -p*- is
identical with the imperative-inferential -p*- of s-a's'anp\
This analysis is purely theoretical, however, as contraction to
a single -p*- is unavoidable in any case.
2. -p!-. This consonant is evidently a suffixed element in:
7id -i-hu'lup\i n I skinned them (cf. Jia^-i-liu'-li'Aal they skinned
them all 160.5)
3. -m-. Apparently as transitive element -m- appears in :
ts!ayama' s n I hide it (124.23) (cf. ts!ayap'de I hide [24.2])
As intransitive suffix it appears in:
t*gisi' m it gets green
xudumt*e I whistle (base xud-; related to xdelf flute [?]) (33.16)
te' lus'uRtfe? I make noise by drawing in breath between teeth
and lower lip (78.9,10,12; 79.1,3,5; 96.9,10,12)
It may not be altogether accidental that the latter two verbs both
express the making of a noise. This idea is found expressed
also in:
ts'!elemfe s I rattle (102.13) (cf. l-ts'!ele'ts'!ili n I rattle it)
but the -m- of this verb may be really an aider -n- dissimilated
to -m- because of the preceding -Z-. The -m- corresponds to
an evidently identical suffixed -am- of the related noun ts't
HAIL 152.12,16.
42
BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 121
4. -d- y -'- seems to be found only with transitive verbs:
wa a Jiimida f n I speak to him (but with unexpressed object
wa a Tiwii' xade I was talking [to somebody]) (59.16; 63.10)
dak*-7iene e da' n I wait for him (cf. 7iene'xade I wait)
Jc!uyumida' n I call his name from distance, greet him (198.11)
(probably derivative of Tclu'yam friend! 31.6, 8)
s'omoda' n I cook it (58.10) (cf. s'iimu'xade* I cook)
ts'!umumt'a n I cook it (170.17,19); future s'Umt'an 1 (170.16)
(cf. s'umxi" stirring paddle 170.14)
da, a -minzk*da e n I taught him; future da a -mint*an
lawadana' n I hurt him (186.12)
yamada' n I ask him (70.6; 74.10; 120.16)
wiyimada f n I "wish" to him, work supernatural power on him
(57.1)
mllVda^n I love her
xa -l-ts" !iwi\* he split it (26.6) (cf. l-ts'liwl'Hs'lau he split it up)
It will be noticed that most of the verbs listed imply, not direct
physical action, but rather the direction of one's thought or
words toward another person. It is therefore highly probable
that the -d- (except possibly in S'omd- COOK) is identical with
the -d- implied in the -- (= -tx-} of the indirect object ( 47).
Unlike the -d- here discussed, however, the -s'- of the indirect
object can be used only if the indirect object is not of the
third person. It is clear that -d- is not really quite in line
with the other suffixes that we have termed " petrified,"
this being shown, among other things, by the fact that it
may be preceded by other suffixes, as in dd a -mini-k'-da n.
Evidently quite distinct from this indirective -d- suffix is the
-(a)d- suffix of a few intransitive class II verbs in which the
-d- is followed by -I 1 - in aorist, -i- in non-aorist forms (see 40,
16). This aoristic -ad- appears always umlauted to -id-.
cugwidl*-, non-aorist cufcdi- lie curled up
wlJdidtf-, non-aorist wl Jc'di- lie heaped about
t'guplidi (box, canoe) lies bottom side up
5. -/-. This consonant has been found as an evident suffix in:
ba a -di'mt\ana n I strung (dentalia) on line (59.9) (cf. dinkl-
stretch out)
t'gemei\ia u it gets dark 188.14 (cf. t'ge e mt*ga^mx it is quite dark
[cf. 196.7] ',alfge*m black 162.4; [196.6])
1 s'om-d- and s-uum-t'a- are parallel forms of one verb that seem to be used with no difference in mean-
ing, though their aorist stems are formed according to different types.
42
122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
6. -<7-> -/?'-. As in the case of -&-, it seems advisable to recognize
two distinct -g- suffixes, the one appearing as a transitivizing
element, the other as a verb-making element added on to
nouns or adjectives. Examples of its transitive use are:
p!alaga f n I tell him a myth
al-ts!ayaga f n I wash him (64.5)
pffi-wa-gelegi^n I drill for lire with it (88.12)
l-Tclus'gi'xink* he will pinch me (116.8,12) (cf. l-k!us"ufk! w as'i he
always pinches me)
da-t!abaga' n I finish it (61.8; 176.6)
da a -dalaga f mda n I put holes in his ear (22.1) (cf. da a -dele'p*i he
stuck it across his ear)
swadafga n I run after him (59.13; 75.3; 120.19, 20)
Examples of its use in adjectival intransitives are:
t"uwu f \t he feels hot, it is hot 94.15 (cf. t*u hot 57.15)
duwu' e \C it is good, he does right 180.11 (cf. du good, beautiful
58.7,8)
t'gunu^de 5 1 feel cold (90.3) (cf. fgUnp*ia ue f it will be cold)
xuma'Kde* I shall be full, satiated (128.11) (cf. xu'ma food 54.4
and s'lx-xu^m dried venison 43.12,13)
gel-dulu'\ide I am lazy
Further examples of -Y- that are difficult to classify are:
de-lumu'sgade I tell the truth (184.3)
s'in-willk'ap'dam you blow your nose
yala'k*de e I dive (connected with yal- lose [?]) (60.10,11; 61.11)
In wa-t!ill\Cni n i GAVE EACH ONE (130.4) (future wa-dllnhin) and
in the morphologically analogous da a -minlk.^da n i TAUGHT HIM
(future da a mint' an) , the -F- is confined to the aorist. In wet'gi
HE TOOK IT FROM HIM 16.13, the -g- is found only in the third
personal object of the various tense-modes (wet' gin IT WAS
TAKEN FROM HIM 13.11; wede'k'ink* HE WILL TAKE IT FROM
HIM (17.10,11). All other forms of the aorist stem we e d- (verb-
stem wede-) lack it :
wesi (from *w&t*si) he took it from me (17.3)
wede'sbink* he will take it from you (16.10,11)
7. -//-, "h!w-. These elements seem to be characteristic of tran-
sitives. Examples are:
wl sj v-t*ge f ye*k\in he is surrounded on all sides (transitives and
passives are closely related) 48.5,13; (176.14)
al-pft'-ts'tu'lukltfn I burn it (73.9,12; 96.26) (cf. al-ptf-ts-tul-
ts'IalJiip" do ye burn it! 198.10)
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 123
di -i-sgu'yuk\i n I make it fall (48.7,8,12)
7ie e -de-le'lek\i n I finish talking 50.4
di'nik\a n I stretch it out (see under suffix -t!-) (59.9; 62.1)
7ie'yek\i n I left it over (61.7; 196.8)
p!uwu fu k\a n I name him (158.5) (cf. 'plu'wuplausi he keeps calling
me)
ts'!ini' k he pinched it 31.1; (32.7)
ba-i-yunu'k\i n I pull it out forcibly
Jie e -i-le'mek\i n I killed them off (14.13; 43.1; 108.20)
i-go'yok \i n I pushed him (49 .2) (cf . i-goyogiyi' n I kept pushing him)
ba-i-s-in-xi'lik\wi n I blow my nose (cf. xin mucus)
p!a-i-t*gwili'k\vfana n I spill (water, blood) (58.1; 72.8) (cf.
gwill fi gwal it keeps dropping)
-k!- seems to occur also in the perhaps only secondarily intransitive :
ba a -s'owd' u kap'de ( = -s'owo fu lc!-Jiap'-) I jump up (48.15; 49.1)
(cf. s'o'woPs'cF* he keeps jumping [112.5,10])
8. "t /-. Only in a very few cases is this suffixed consonant met with :
fgeits-H round thing lies (138.24)
dtf-gumu f ic\i*n I squeeze and crack it (cf. dtf-Vgumu'tfgimtfn I
squeeze and crack many insects)
yowo' u s he starts 186.10; yowo' u ts\ana n I cause him to start
ha-yau-t'ge'nets\i n I put it about my waist
Jia w-l-ha'nats\i n I made it stop (raining) (152.16)
Judging from these few examples, -ts'!- is characteristic, like -6-,
~9~> ~P-~) ~k!-, an( i -t- f -> f transitive verbs; t'geits'!l is probably
related to a transitive *t'ge f yets'\a n, as is dinkll IT LIES
STRETCHED OUT to di'niklcfn.
-s- occurs as an evident suffix in:
dl i -t!$8i'*n I mashed them (cf. dtf-tHyi'tHyafn I mashed them
one after another)
9. -(a)?-. This suffix includes both intransitives and transitives:
al-gesegas&'W ''e I was washing
Yeb'}\.U'e s I was long absent (124.20)
s-u wttrfe I sit (21.1); 72.9; (178.21)
yamllt'e I look pretty ([?] = fat, sleek; cf. ya^mx fat, grease 54.5)
al-we'lc!&\a n I shine (126.3; 128.14)
i-t'wtfyili^n I make it whirl up
i-Tc!e e wili' n I whirl it around
l-t'ge e yi\i' n I roll it around
al-t" gl l y^\x (tears) roll down his face 138.25
ba -i-t'gwa a ls^\x (children) run about
Yewe'Yaw& \ he barks
de-gulii'~k!si\x it was blazing 188.15
42
124 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The idea of unbroken continuity is fairly evidently shown by
these examples to be connected with the suffix -(a)l-.
10. -(a)ii-. Quite a number of intransitives are found that have
this element, to which no particular meaning can be assigned.
Such are :
s-os-intfV I stand (34.1; 77.9; 144.14,17)
moyugwa,'nt*e I'm spoiled
M fi Zi'n*V I am tired (102.1) (cf. Jiulu'Ulmt'e 5 1 used to be tired
[48.11])
liglnfe* I am resting (100.14) (cf. ligilageSni* he kept resting 102.1)
In a large number of transitives a suffixed -n- is also found, with-
out its being clearly possible to identify it either with the causa-
tive -n- or the indirect objective -n(ari)- FOR:
lawad&na' n I hurt him (186.12)
ts'!ibiua' n I make a speech to him (146.11; 178.11)
wa-t!illk'-n.i n I gave each one (130.4)
Jdemna'n I shall make it (28.2,13,14) (aorist without object
k!eme'iixa he makes)
wa -u u gw'mi' n I drink it with it (u u gwa,'nxde I drink)
Jie e ^wa -wa a gmi'n she is bought with it
The last two examples are rather different in character from the
others. See 64.
11. -?/>. Two apparently quite distinct -w-suffixes must be taken
account of.
(1) A suffixed -w- is found to characterize in all forms a group of
intransitives belonging to Type 2 ; it is only in certain deriv-
ative forms that the -w- is lacking, and thereby possibly shown
to be a non-radical element :
7iiwiliut'e I ran to (24.1), but JiiwillWe I used to run to
sgeleut*e I shouted (196.1), but sgelelt'e l I kept shouting (59.3)
Examples of this group of verbs are :
Aorist Future (non-aorist)
sgde' u he shouted 59.4; 90.8 sgelwa f t' he will shout
hiwili' u he ran to 47.1; 70.7 Jiiwilwa' t* he will run to
(136.21)
Uli fu he jumped 48.9; 58.3 Ulwa'H* he will jump (160.16)
de-wiliwa'lda n I fight him (de- de-wilwa'ldan I shall fight him
rivativeofintransitive)(27.3) (33.2,3)
Mi' u he climbed (77.8) hilwa f t* he will climb
1 Still, in these frequentative (usitative) forms the absence of the -w- may be accounted for by supposing
that it dropped off as a syllabic final after a consonant (see 18). Then sgeUlt'e? is for an older*sgelelwt'e*.
This supposition is greatly strengthened by the future sgelwa'lt'eei'Li, KEEP SHOUTING (cf. sgdwada'* YOU
WILL SHOUT).
42
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 125
In non-aoristic forms the phonetic conditions may, as usual,
necessitate an inorganic -a-:
ge wilsi'u. run there! (29.10)
sgela,'ut*e e I shall shout
Ul&,'ut*e e I shall jump (160.17)
In these cases the evidence for the suffixal character of the -w- is
rather slim. In one verb, however, it has a clearly intransi-
tivizing influence:
t!emeyana,' u (second a inor- : t!amayana f n I take her to her
ganic) he goes with woman husband (148.5)
to see her married 148.6
t!emeya'nwia u they (indef .) go
with her to see her married
178.1
(2) -w- (-aw- after a consonant in the aorist) is characteristic of all
tense-modes but, in some cases, the present imperative and
inferential (probably for phonetic reasons, see 11 and 18) of
a number of transitive verbs, provided the object is of the
third person. Such verbs are :
gayawa / n I eat it 30.11 (gayau he ate it 54.5); future ga-iwa'n
128.18; noun of agent ga-iwa' s s eater (of it) 94.3; but impera-
tive gal eat it! 32.4; gaiY he ate it (inferential) 142.19
al-sgalawi' n I turn my head to look at him; future sga a lwi'n;
part, sgal&'uk* (-a f - is inorganic) 144.17; but sgaWa I looked
at him turning my head (inferential)
al-sgala a liwi f n (Type 8) I keep turning my head to look at him;
future sgalwalwi'n; but sgelelxi he keeps turning his head to
look at me
ba-i-de-ye e giwida' you will drive (sickness) out of (body) 198.4,5;
imperative -ye e g&'u
wd a giwi f n I brought it to him (176.17); future wagawi'n; but
wa a ga'sbi n I brought it to you (194.11)
la a lofuhi he caused them to become (la a l- become) 43.1
It is very likely that the absence of the -w- is conditioned, at least
in certain forms, rather by phonetic than by morphologic mo-
tives (gal from * galw, sgaWa s from ^sgalwYa^). This is ren-
dered plausible by a form like ga-iwawa'lsbink* THEY WILL
ALWAYS EAT YOU 26.8 (repetition of -w- in frequentative as in
al-sgalwalwi'n), in which the object is not of the third person.
The -w- seems to have been retained here because of the follow-
ing vowel. The form wa a ga / n i BROUGHT IT (110.17) as com-
42
126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
pared with wa a giwi /e n i BROUGHT IT TO HIM (future waga'n:
wagawi'ri) suggests that the signification of the -w- in transi-
tive verbs is to indicate the indirect object, at least for the
third person. It is, however, almost certainly accidental that
wa a giwi f n stands by the side of wcb a ga'sbi s n with -s- to indicate
the indirect object. That -w- is not the morphologic equivalent
of -s- is evidenced by the fact that it stands also by the side
of the transitive connective consonant -x- (cf. al-sgalawi fs n:
al-sgala'xbi n i TURN MY HEAD TO LOOK AT YOU) . It must be
confessed that after all no very distinct signification can be
attached to either the intransitive or transitive -w-.
12. Constant -a. A number of verbs whose stem (including
petrified suffix) ends in two consonants add to this stem
an -a that appears in all their forms, even though the con-
sonant combination is one that may stand in a final position
(cf. footnote, 10). No reason can be assigned for the reten-
tion of the -a in all forms, except the ruling analogy of the
aorist; in this tense-mode the -a is in all probability directly
due to the consonant-cluster, as the aorist verb-forms to be
presently given differ in this very respect from the aorist forms
of other stems ending in two consonants (e. g., non-aorist
s'u^mt^a- BOIL with constant -a-, though ending in a finally
permissible consonant-cluster, because of aorist ts'Iumu^mt'a-;
contrast non-aorist s'omd- BOIL without -a- because of aorist
s'omod-). The following are examples of verbs of the char-
acter described :
Aorist Non-aorist
swadafga, he followed him 75.3 swa'tfga, follow him!
matslasga, he always put it 132.9 masga? put it ! 104.5
ts'!umtimt"& he boils it 30.2 s'timfa, boil it!
da a -miniJc*da, he taught him da a -minfa, teach him! (con-
trast wa a Jilmt" talk to him!
with aorist -himid-)
If the verb is instrumental in vocalism (see 64), the constant a
is replaced by the instrumental i. Thus:
l-k!os'ds'gi he keeps pinching him
That this constant -a is felt to be somewhat different in character
from ordinary inorganic or connective -a- (as in ts*lel&'mt*e* or
wd a g&' 'sbi n} is shown by the fact that it is changed to -i- when-
42
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 127
ever the object is not of the third person, in reciprocals, in
reflexives, and in verbs with non-agentive -x-:
swedet'gixi he followed me
da a -miniYdixbi he taught you
yowd' u sriixbi n I cause you to start (but parallel yowo' u ts!anxbi n
with connecting a)
wayanhixbi n I put you to sleep; wairihixigam I was put to
sleep
l-Jc!us'Us'gixi he keeps pinching me; l-Tclus'gi'xirik* he will pinch
me
l-t!ene'hisdam you hold me 86.13,14.
l-lasgi'xant'p* touch one another!
l-lesgi'Wwi touching himself
la a -t'ek!elUxde I keep bobbing up (60.11,13,14)
43. FREQUENT ATI VES AND TJSITATIVES
Frequent atives, continuatives, and usitatives are formed from sim-
pler verb forms in great part by various methods of repetition of all
or part of the phonetic material of the stem, to a somewhat less
extent by means of suffixation. In many repetitive forms a distinct
tendency to use a long vowel provided with a rising pitch-accent is
observable. As it has not been found feasible to draw anything like
sharp lines between the exact significations of the various repetitive
forms, it seems best to dispose of the material from a purely formal
point of view rather than to attempt to classify it rigidly into fre-
quentatives, iteratives, usitatives, and continuatives. The methods
of forming repetitives will be taken up in order.
1. Type 13 of Stem- Formation. It was remarked before that
most verbs of this type normally employed in that form are such
as to imply a repetition of the action they express. The type
may, moreover, be freely formed from bases implying non-repetitive
action whenever it is desired to convey a general frequentative or
usitative meaning. The frequentative idea may have reference
to the repetition of the act itself (iterative or usitative) or to the
plurality of the transitive object or intransitive subject affected
(distributive) ; any sharp characterization of the manner of the
frequentative action in each case is, however, doubtless artificial
apart from the context. The following examples of repetitive with
corresponding non-repetitive forms will illustrate the general fre-
quentative force:
43
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
Non-repetitive verb-stem
lebe- pick up and eat (seeds)
loJio-n- cause to die
wog- arrive
(tloxox- (aorist) gather
(do
Repetitive
le' e p*lap* (non-aorist) pick
and eat many (seeds) ! 34.2
loho'lahana n I used to kill
them
wogowaf^Y many arrived 112.2
{wa s -l-t!oxo r t!ixi n I used to
\ gather them
(wa -l-ddxda^xk* they have been
gathering them (inferential)
hene'7ianda e n I always used to
wait for him
odo f at* she always hunted for
them 116.6
ogo'^alci he always gave them
112.17
do u mda"mY he used to kill
them (inferential) 25.1;
27.15
wiyiwlt*e I used to go (there)
(96.1)
plagafplafV he used to swim
xa -l-ts'!iwl fi ts'!au he split it
to pieces
sgl i p*sga'p'gam they had been
all cut up (21.2; 138.7)
7ie eS -l-hu'luJial he kept peeling
off bark (160.5)
liogo'JiaYde I am always run-
ning
liele'hal 5 he used to sing
al-Jiuyu'Titfx he always hunted
(-M- = -hay-, 8) 86.1
It will be observed that the repetitive form is, on the whole,
built up on the verbal base, not the verb or aorist stem. Thus,
e. g., the verb-stems lebe- and loho- do not enter into the formation
of the frequent atives at all, which are formed, according to Type
13a, directly from the simple bases leb- (verb-stem le e p*lab-, aorist
lebeldb-) and loh- (verb-stem lohlah-, aorist loholcih-). Similarly, a
form like plagafplafk* shows no trace of the aorist stem pfagai-
of the simplex ; verbs of Type 6 generally show the f ortis consonant
of the base in all forms of the frequentative (see 40, 6) : sgot!o f sgidi n
i CUT IT TO PIECES (144.2) (cf. sgo' u da e n i CUT IT 72.10, base sgotl-
43
do u x- (non-aorist)
Jien-d- wait for
odo- hunt for
og- give to
do u m- kill
wV- go, travel
p!a a g- swim
ts'!iu-d- split
sglpl- cut
Tiul-pl- skin, peel off bark
Tiog- run
Jie e l- sing
al-Jiui-x- hunt
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 129
45.10). Suffixes with no distinct derivative signification drop off in
the frequentative (cf. ts'!iu-d- and Jiul-p!- above, also 42 passim),
but, if they are functional elements, are put after the reduplicated
complex (cf . loho-n- and hen-d- above) ; frequent at ives thus become,
as was indicated in the treatment of petrified suffixes, criteria for
the determination of the simple base. Some verbs, however, retain
a petrified suffix in the frequentative without apparent reason:
ts'lumumt^d HE BOILS IT; ts'Iumu'ts'lamfa HE ALWAYS BOILS IT.
The only use made of the aorist stem in the formation of fre-
quentatives is in the case of such forms as have an initial fortis
in the aorist as against a media in the verb-stem, mainly verbs of
Type 8. The aorist of the corresponding frequentative also shows
the initial fortis, but is not otherwise influenced by the form of the
aorist stem of its simplex; e. g., aorist of simplex, Hoxox-, but of
frequentative, t!ox-o-t!ax- with retained t!-. Such verbs as aorist
thxotfax, non-aorist do u xdax-, are to be considered as of mixed type
(in this case partly 8, partly 13 a).
Verbs like odo ad- and ogo s ag- with a secondarily developed glottal
catch in the aorist (see 6) seem to retain this catch in non-aorist
forms, a stop + the catch resulting in a fortis:
aorist ogo' ag- always give to ; non-aorist o'k![w]ag-
A small sub-class is formed by those frequentatives that omit the
-a- of the repeated base (Type 13c). Such are:
Verb-stem Repetitive
wa-y&neigwa'n I shall run after wa-ysm&-magwa' n I used to
him run after him
waftV I shall sleep (71.15; wayauhicZe I used to sleep
142.14) (-Ji- conditioned by accent)
7ie e l-yo u na'n I shall sing a song yonoina/ 7i I always sing it
(106.7)
waga'n I shall bring it wagao'k'?m 7i I used to bring
it ( ? = *wagawg-, but see 4,
footnote) (45.6)
A very peculiar type of frequentative formation is illustrated by:
loha'lhiF (a' is inorganic) they used to die (inferential) (168.9) ;
aorist stem doubtless loholhi-
derived from aorist lohoi- die, non-aorist loJio- (contrast aorist loho-
lcih-an-, non-aorist lohlah-an in the causative) . The otherwise purely
aoristic -i- of Type 4 is here dragged into the non-aorist forms.
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 9 43
130
BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
Icleme
IT)
make
2. Type 4= of Reduplication. This method of forming the fre-
quentative seems to be but a variant of the first (the repeated initial
consonant coming last instead of immediately after the connecting
vowel, or the initial consonant not being repeated at all if there is a
petrified suffix), and is found in only a few verbs, where it takes
the place of the first ^method. A glottal catch generally separates
the repeated vowel of the stem from the immediately following a.
Examples are:
Aorist stem Repetitive
~k!eme' amga n I always make
it (instead of *lc!eme'-
7c!ama n) (77.5) ; lc!em a^mk*
( = - amg-Y he used to make
it (inferential) 122.18
tlomom- kill t!omo'amda n I used to kill
them (instead of *t!omo'~
t!ama n) (13.10; 54.3)
Icluwuw- throw away (pi. obj.) lc!uwu f auga n I used to throw
them away (instead of *Jc!u-
wu'Jc!awa n) (134.6)
p!uwu' a-uga n I keep calling
his name (100. 21) (instead of
*p!uwu'p!auk!a s n'j cf. p!u f -
wupfaus'i he keeps calling
me by name)
:-) die de-ts'!ini'anx he always died
(instead of *ts'!inl'ts'!anx)
74.7
leme-k /-take along (cf. 108.10) leme'amY he used to take
(everything) (instead of
*leme'lamY)
If the initial consonant is a fort is, it becomes a media when
repeated, as illustrated in the first three examples. This may be
explained by catch dissimilation (see 22) e. g., a theoretical
*k!uwu' au (from *Jc!uwu'Jc!au) is dissimilated to lc!uwu' auk\
Similarly a theoretical * p!uwu' au lc* (from *p!uwu'p!au s W) is dis-
similated to p!uwu' auk\ The non-aorist frequentative forms of
these verbs sometimes follow the first method of formation (cf.
dd u mda*mk" under method 1), sometimes the second (&s~k!em amg-).
3. c + v + Ci + v + c. The few verbs that belong here differ from
the preceding in that they repeat only the initial consonant after
the repeated stem-vowel (Type 11). An example is:
43
pluwu-Jcf- call, name
de-ts'!ini e -x-( = ts' !i
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA
131
Aorist stem
Repetitive
dl-t!ugui- wear
di-t!ugu' e he keeps wearing
it, used to wear it
As in the first method, so also in the second and third, non-
radical functionless elements of the simplex disappear in the fre-
quentative. Thus the suffixed -i- of Jctemel HE MADE IT and -n- of
Jc!eme'nxa HE MAKES, also the aorist characteristic of dl-t!ugul HE
WORE IT, are not found in their corresponding frequentative forms.
4. v + c + v v + c. The large number of verbs whose frequent atives
follow this formula (la of types of reduplication) always have another
consonant, whether part of the stem or a petrified suffix, after the non-
fortis repeated consonant characterizing the frequentative, so that
the appearance at least of infixation is often produced. Externally,
frequent atives of this type resemble aorists of verbs of Type 8, but
differ from them in the consistent length of the repeated vowel. In
signification these verbs are generally continuative or usitative rather
than properly frequentative or iterative. As examples may be given:
Aorist stem
lc!os'o-g- pinch
Jiimi-d- talk to
baxam- come
t!ulu-g- follow
al-sgal-aw- turn head to look at
gaya-w- eat
liene-d- wait for
ptalag- tell a myth
Tiem-g- take out
uyu e s'- laugh
tstayag- shoot
yilim- ask for
Repetitive
l-klos'ds'gihe is always pinch-
ing him
wa a -liimi i mda' n I used to talk
to him
l>axcixmia us they keep coining
(194.13)
Jia-t!ulvMga f n I keep follow-
ing in (trail)
al-sgala a liwi' m I keep turning
my head to look at them
gayaiwa' n I used to eat it
7iene e nda f n I keep waiting
for him
p!ala a lgofn the myth is always
told
ba-i-Jieme e mga / n I always
took them out
uyu'^S'de 5 (dissimilated from
*uyu f i i s'- [?]) I keep laugh-
ing
tslayalY he used to shoot them
154.14
yiltfnma^n I keep asking for
it (see 21)
43
132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Aorist stem Repetitive
ts!aya-m- hide ts!aya-ima' s n I always hide it
(134.8)
gini-g go to ginlrik* they went there one
after another 46.11
mats fag- put matslasga they always put it
away 132.9
wits' !im- move wits'!tsmade I keep moving
sgelew- shout sgelelt'e 5 (see 18) I keep
shouting (59.3)
fiiwiliw- run to MwiMe s (see 18) I keep
running
The verb yewei- KETURN seems to form its frequentative according
to method 4, but with added -g-:
yewe'oY he used to come back 47.4; 116.2; yeweogaY you used
to come back; yeweo'de y yeweude l I used to come back
There is not enough material available to determine in every case
the non-aoristic forms of the frequent atives of this group. As a gen-
eral rule, however, it seems that the non-aoristic stem of the frequen-
tative is formed by repeating a consonant or semi-vowel, but in such
a manner as to indicate the non-aoristic simplex back of it. Thus the
frequentative of the inferential ts'Ialmk* HE HID IT is ts'la-imlY HE
WAS ALWAYS HIDING IT; of l>il[a]ulc* HE JUMPED 160.17 it is MlwaTk*
(? = *bilwalw) THEY ALWAYS JUMPED 160. 16. From gal (inferential)
HE ATE IT 142.19 is formed gayalJc* (if really inferential in form; per-
haps third person subject aorist gayaig- in contrast to -gaydiw of other
persons, see above) HE USED TO EAT IT 54.6, which, though resembling
the aorist in the repetition of the stem-vowel, differs from it, probably
for phonetic reasons, in the absence of the -w-. The form wits' le's-
made e HE WILL KEEP MOVING, given as the future of wits' . ft lsmade e ,
can not, for want of parallel forms, be accounted for. From sga a lw-.
non-aorist of sgalaw-, is formed the frequentative sgalw-alw- (perhaps
according to Type 8, Iw- being a consonatic unit) .
5. Vowel lengthening. Many verbs, particularly such as be-
long to Type 2, obtain a usitative signification by merely lengthening
the short repeated vowel of the stem, this vowel, when stressed, as--
suming the falling accent. Examples of this simple process are :
1 It is not at all certain that the -o- (-M-) of these forms really represents the -w- of the stem. It is
quite probable that there is a distinct type of frequentative in repeated vowel+-og-, in which case wagao'-
k'na7i i USED TO BEING IT (see above under 1) would be another example.
43
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 133
Simplex Repetitive
yimi's'a? he dreams yimlf i s'a e he is always dreaming
luk!u'xa he sets traps luJc!u fu xa e he used to set traps
geyewa'lxde e da ba~iJc!iyi' e Tc*wheii geye e wa'lxde e da l>a-i-k!iyl' i Y
I ate he came whenever I used to eat he
came
Ic* ewe'lc awa s l he barks Jc*ewe' e Tc*awa s l he is always bark-
ing
As the last example shows, by this method verbs which are already
frequentative in form can be made to take on a usitative meaning.
6. v + (c + ) ha. The accented vowel (v) of frequentatives con-
forming to this formula is either the second vowel of the stem of the
simplex or the repeated vowel of the stem not found in the simplex,
and is followed by the last consonant (semi-vowel) of such verb-stems
as end hi two consonants. The forms that belong to this group seem
in some cases to have rather a continuative than iterative force. Ex-
amples are :
Simplex Repetitive
lohon he caused them to die lohoriha he keeps killing them
(100.8)
liwila'ut'e 5 1 looked (59.14) liwilhaue I kept looking (144. 19)
wo u l she went for (wood) (non- wo o u Jia she used to go for wood
aorist woo-) (162.8); 186.6 43.15; 158.18
da a -sgek!l he listened 102.8 da a -sgelc!elJia he listened around
102.3
da a -agani' n I heard it (55.3) da a -agan?ii n I used to hear about
it
S'u' alha s they always stayed (to-
s'u will he sits, stays 21.1
gether) 112.2
s'u f alhibiY we always stay to-
gether
s'dS'inle s I stand (34.1) s'as'a'nhap'de I stand around
The last two examples do not show a rising pitch-accent, because
the vowel (-a-) preceding the -I- and -n- respectively is inorganic
and therefore incapable of carrying a rising or raised accent (cf. as
parallel bila'uVe* i SHALL JUMP, not *bilaut'e e , because of inorganic
-a-). They also illustrate the loss in the frequentative of a non-
radical element (-*'-) of the simplex; in s'u' alJia the loss of the -l*-
involves also the transfer of the verb to the first class of intransitives
(second person singular, Class I, s'u' alhat* YOU STAY AROUND; Class
II, s'u willt'am YOU SIT).
43
134 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
7. v+lha. It is very probable that the verbs that belong here
contain the continuative -I- treated under the head of petrified suffixes
(see 42, 9). The formula may then be considered morphologically
identical with that listed as method 5, except that the continuative
-I- is introduced before the -ha. Examples of this group are :
Aorist (or verb) stem Repetitive
tloxox- gather wa- i-t!oxolhi n I always gather
them
~ba a -t'ek!elhixia u they all
, a < 7 . emerged 60.11
(oa a -t etc -x emerge) {-, __ ,< 7 ,. 7 , . -, e T ,
la a -t eklelhixde 5 1 keep emerging
(60.14)
(sglpl- cut) xa- l-sgip!llJii he cut them all
through 26.11
lc!ot'lc!ad- break xa- l-ya a -k!odoThi he always just
broke them in two 29.1
(al-xlk!- see) al-xiJc!ilhi n I used to see him
gwidi(k' w d)- throw gwidllha he kept throwing it
(164.11)
(iokl- trap) lokldlha he was always trapping
them 78.4; 100.4
The non-aoristic forms of these frequent at ives dispense with the re-
peated vowel (v) characteristic of the aorist, so that the introduction
of an inorganic -a'- is necessitated :
gwidoflhan I shall keep throwing it
al-xik ! a'lhiJc* I used to see him (inferential)
The remarks made under method 1 in regard to the formation of
frequentatives directly from the verb-stem rather than the aorist
stem apply also here (sgotlolha 108.8 from verb-stem sgot!- CUT,
aorist sgo u d-, like sgotlo'sgat*).
8. v + w + v + lha. Only two verbs have been found that follow
this very irregular formula for the frequentative:
Simplex Repetitive
7~ < i 1 tlawa'lhip* always become! (78.5)
lap become! 25.2 77- 7 m.-j * t. -i
7 _5 7 _ v ., i {dahoxa lawalhida* whenever it
la a le" it became 22.7 1
I became evening 44.1; 78.6
ligigwa f n I fetch (game) liwi'lhagwa n I always come
home (70.3,5; 164.4) home with (game) (136.2)
The latter of these shows at the same time an unaccountable loss of
the -g- of the stem ; the future of the simplex, Itfgwa'n, probably does
not exhibit an absolute loss of the -g-, but rather a contraction of
IVg-gw- to
43
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 135
TRANSITIVE SUFFIXES ( 44-51)
44. General Remarks
Under this head may be conveniently listed a number of suffixes
that either transitivize intransitives (causative, comitative, indirective
-amd- } -aid-} or are characteristic of transitive verbs (indirective
-s- = -tx-TO, indirective -an (an) -FOR, indirect reflexive). It must be
confessed, however, that the various suffixes may be so thoroughly
interwoven among themselves and with the purely formal elements
that follow, that a certain amount of arbitrariness can hardly be
avoided in treating of them. The suffixes will now be taken up in
order.
45. Causative -(a)n-
Causatives are formed from intransitives by the addition of -n-
to the intransitive form, minus, of course, its formal pronominal ele-
ments. If the final sound preceding the -n- is a vowel, the suffix can
be directly appended, the vowel being generally lengthened; a final
consonant (or semivowel), however, generally, though not always,
requires a connective -a- (-i when umlauted) between it and the suffix;
doublets (with and without connective -a-} sometimes occur, the com-
bination of consonant + -n- then taking a constant -a (-i) after it.
If the accented vowel (v) of the aorist immediately precedes the -n-
in all forms, an inorganic -h- must be introduced, the combination
~nk- then necessitating a following constant -a; doublets, conditioned
by the position of the accent, here also occur. Certain suffixed ele-
ments (-i-, -I*-) characteristic of intransitives drop off before the caus-
ative -n-, yet in some forms they are retained ; intransitivizing ele-
ments naturally remain, for without them the verb would itself be
transitive and incapable of becoming a causative. The aorist and non-
aorist forms of the causative, with the qualification just made, are
built up on the corresponding tense-mode forms of the primitive verb.
Examples of causative -(a)n- are:
Intransitive Causative
yelnada' you will be lost (a yaln&iiada' you will lose it
palatalized by preceding y
to -e-) 14.3
yowo' he is 21.1 ba -i-yowoni' n I woke him up
(literally, I caused him to
be up with my hand) 16.4
44-45
136
BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
Intransitive Causative
^a-i-yowor\a' n I miss him in
shooting (? = I cause him to
be out) (138.5)
ba-i-yowdnh& n
t*uwugsma' n I make him hot
Y he ran him out
he burned it 98.8
Tiaxsiiik*wa he burned him up
27.16
\t'agd a na f n I make him cry
1 t'egeiixi he makes me cry
hoyod&YLa' n I make him dance
hoidsma'n I shall make him
dance
ya a na?i\ he made him go ; yd a -
na,na' n I made him go
yanha, ( = *yan-riha) he made
him go; ydiihtfn I made
him go.
yanaPna'n 1 I shall cause him
to go
liene f n they were used up 184.6 l-Tienenmi' n I used them up
yowo' s he started, was startled
186.10
he is hot 94.15
*t you ran out 24.15
Jiax it burns 94.18
t'aga' i he cries 62.2
f Jioyo'V he dances 46.12
Yhoida' he will dance
yd a n- go (aorist)
yana- go (non-aorist)
yo' u sdd a he will start 186.10
tlobigl he lies like dead
t!obaga'sda a he will lie like
dead (148.8)
\ixbi n (for change of a
( to i see 42, 12)
f yo' u ts!<diian I shall startle him
t!oUgluhsi n I make him lie
like dead
t!o1)aga f siia,n I shall make him
lie like dead
fs'as'ininha, n I make him
stand
s'as'inl he stands 144.14
s'a's'ant'd a he will stand s'a's'anh&n I shall make him
stand
de-gvlii'Tdalx it blazes 188.15 de-gulu'k!alxnei n I make fire
blaze
p'ele'xa he goes to war 126.13 p*ele'xana n I make him go to
war
dak*-limlmxgwa (tree) falls on dak'-limimxgwadmi n I chop
him (108.12)
(tree) on to him
1 Also yana'k'nan i SHALL MAKE HIM GO, with inserted and unexplained suffix -k'-.
45
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 137
Intransitive Causative
yewe' is he returned 49.10; ba s -i-yewen he cured him (lit-
88.5 erally, he caused him with
his hand to return up) 15.2
The causative in -vnha- is sometimes usitative in meaning:
Zo/ionha he used to kill them; lohon. he killed them 142.9
Examples occur of transitives in -n- formed from intransitives in
which no causative notion can be detected :
da-lonhsi n I lied to him; de-ltiuhixi he lied to me (intransitive
da-lot'e e I shall lie [110.23])
gel-way a a na' n I slept with her (26.4) ; gel-wa-ina'n I shall sleep
with her (108.3) (intransitive wayant*e I sleep [188.22]; walfe*
I shall sleep [188.20]); but wayanhtfn I cause him to sleep
(162.1); walnh&n I shall cause him to sleep, walnha, put him
to sleep! 106.4,8
The connective a of the causative suffix -an- in the aorist is treated
differently from the a of the non-aorist forms in so far as in the
former case the -an- diphthong, when stressed, receives a raised
accent, while in the latter the a, as a strictly inorganic element, takes
the falling accent. Thus:
Aorist Non-aorist
Jio u gw^n he made him run fwgw&'n make him run!
(yeweu he caused him to return) ye e wa,'n make him return !
(plagan he bathed him [186.25]) p!a a ga,'u bathe him! 186.24
In other words, the phonetic relation between aorist and non-aorist
illustrated by several verb types (e. g., agan- : ag[a]n-) is reflected also
in the causative suffix (-an-: -[a]n-). The same is true of other -[a]n-
suffixes not causative in signification (see 42, 10):
Aorist Non-aorist
l-~k!u u m(n he fixed it 150.13 l-Tclumafn fix it!
(k!emenxbi n I make you 27.9) Tclemafn make it! 186.24
46. Comitative -(a) gw-
Comitatives, i. e., transitive forms with the general meaning of TO
DO SOME ACTION (expressed by verb-stem) TOGETHER WITH, AT-
TENDED BY, HAVING SOMETHING (expressed by object of verb), may
be formed only from intransitives by the suffix -gw- (final -F w , rarely
-wa in monosyllables) ; after a consonant (including semivowel) a
connective -a- appears before the -gw-, though in a few cases (as in
aorist yd a n- GO) the -gw- is directly appended. Dissyllabic stems
ending in vowel + -g- or -w- often add the comitative -gw- directly, in
46
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BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
which case the preceding vowel is generally lengthened; doublets,
however, are sometimes found with connecting a. The second vowel
of aorist stems is apt to be lengthened in comitative forms, yet not
as consistently as in the case of causatives. Differing in this respect
from the causative -n-, the comitative suffix does not require the loss
of a final aoristic intransitive element (e. g., --). From aorist lohoi-
DIE are formed loho u -n- CAUSE TO DIE, but Idhoy-agw- DIE TOGETHER
WITH. The reason seems clear. While the action of a causative verb
is logically transitive, that of a comitative is really intransitive, and
the verb is only formally transitive. In the former case the subject
of the verb does not undergo the action that would be expressed by
the intransitive stem (lohoi-) ; in the latter it does. Examples of the
comitative are:
Comitative
yank* w he takes it along- (lit.,
he goes having it) 17.13
yanagwcfrik* he will take it along
' w he fetched game home
70.3
gwcfrik* ( = Itfg-gwa^nF ) he
will fetch game home(130.6)
wa^n I take it to (3 1.11);
also giniysigwa' s n(l3.12); fu-
ture ginagwa'n (=ginag-
gwa'n with inorganic a be-
cause of preceding n) (146.6)
dal-yeweya?li w he ran away
with it
ipfk'wa he travels around with
it 14.2
Zo M Zagwa' ri I play with him
(124.14)
ba a -wa-daway&^ he flies
with it
henen&gwa f$ n I eat it all (43. 1 2)
yeweyagwa' s n I fetch them back
(30.1; 47.13)
yaway&gwa' n I talk about it
(lit., I talk having it) 108.12
ndx-l-7ie e lsigwa f n I shall sing
with pipe in hand
l-7iele e lsigwa' n I sing with it in
hand
Intransitive
yd a n- go (aorist)
yana- (non-aorist)
'igi- come home from hunt
(aorist)
\ltfg- (non-aorist)
gini(g)- go to
dal-yewey- run away
wl { - travel
lo u l- play
daway- fly
Tienen- use up, be satiated
yewey- return
yaway- talk
tfie e l- sing (non-aorist)
[Jielel- (aorist)
$ 46
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 139
Intransitive Comitative
tlobagas- lie like dead (non- nax-da-Holaga'sgwank* he lies
aorist) like dead with pipe in mouth
uyu s'- laugh uyu' s'gwa n I laugh at him
baxam- come da-yawix &<zxama N F^ they
came talking (literally,
mouth-talking they-came-
with) 126.2
lo u x biliweigwanaW we play at
fighting (literally, play we-
biliw- fight, jump
fight-having)
wa-biltfgwa^n I jump having
it ( = *biliugwa' n, see 7)
If the object of the comitative verb is other than a third person, the
suffix -gw- is followed by the indirective -d-, which does not ordinarily
appear as such, but unites with the immediately following transitive
connective -x- to form -s-; a connective -a- is inserted between the
-gw- and the -s-, so that the whole comitative suffix for a first or
second personal object is -(d)gwas-. Examples are:
uyu' s*gwsisi he laughs at me
Tienen&gw&'sam he ate us up (192.15)
bdv-wa-dawiysigwei'sbirik* he will fly up with you
The form -gwad- of the comitative suffix appears as such preceding
-in- (umlauted from -an-) in the third personal object of indirect FOR-
f orms built up on intransitive verbs derived from transitives :
luk!u'xagw&dini n I trap for him (probably = I cause [-in] him
to be having [-gwad-] [some one] to trap [luk!u-xa-] [for him]) ;
but luktti'xagw&si he traps for me
p'ele'xagwa,dini n I go to war for him; but p*ele'xagw&si he goes
to war for me
It is highly probable, however, that in such cases the -gwad- is to be
definitely analyzed into a comitative element -gwa- + an indirective
element -d- (-'-) TO, FOR; this seems to be pointed out by the fact
that when the FOR - object becomes identical with the subject, i. e.,
when the verb becomes an indirect reflexive (FOR ONE'S SELF), the -d-
immediately precedes the regular reflexive suffix -gwi- } leaving the
causative suffix -(a)n- between it and the comitative suffix -gw-:
lulc!u'xagwant*gwide I trap for myself (probably = I cause [-an-]
myself [-gwi-] to be having [-gw-] [some one] to tT&p[luk!u-xa-]
for [-'-] [me])
46
140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Comitatives in -gw- are formed not only from intransitivized tran-
sitivesin -xa- (e. g., l-lubu f xa w SHE POUNDS WITH IT IN HAND [55.10];
56.1), but also from non-agentive intransitives in -x- (see below, 56).
Examples are:
Non-agentive Comitative
sgo' u sde ( = sgo /u d-x-de ) I cut sgo' u sgwa n I got tired 1 of it
(without implied object), (21.6)
am across (148.8)
het-me^fboWbax. he lay Tie^-wa-fldWfba'xgwa, he lay
down with his arms folded, down with it clasped in his
lay rolled up and put away arms 154.6
(cf. he -me -Md' u lcVl)aga n I
roll it up and put it away)
t'ge e ya^lx it runs around, rolls wa-fge e ya'lxgwa, s n I roll with it
wa-i-s 'ugii's 'uxgwa n I am
sleepy (literally, something
like: I am confused having
sleep)
ba-i-s'iWx he landed ba-i-s'ili'xgwa, he landed with
(his canoe) 13.5
The obverse, as it were, of these transitive forms in -x-gwa-, is given
by certain rather curious Class I intransitive forms in -x-gwa- built
up on intransitive, not, like normal -x- derivatives, on transitive
stems; they may be literally translated as TO BE WITH (or HAVING)
(SOMETHING) DOING or BEING. Thus from the intransitive aorist
daY-limim- (TKEE) FALLS ON TOP OF is formed the intransitive dak'-
limlmxgwade IT FALLS ON TOP OF ME (108.12), in which the logical
subject (TREE) becomes an implied object, while the real object or
goal of motion (ME) is treated as the grammatical subject. The
form quoted would have to be literally translated as i AM WITH (or
HAVING) (IT) FALLING ON TOP OF (ME), i (AS TREE) FALL HAVING
IT, TOGETHER WITH IT would probably be something like *dak*-
limtfmgwa^n. Morphologically similar to dak'-limlmxgwade are
doubtless :
Jiewe'7ioxgwade I yawn (literally, I am having [ ? ])
yele' sgwside ( = yelet! -x-gwa-) I am sweating (literally, I am
having it, i. e., perspiration [?])
With such an interpretation, the form dak*-limlmxgwadini n i
CHOP IT ON TO HIM becomes readily intelligible as a causative built
i sgo'usde? and sgo'usgwtfn are morphologically quite clearly related, though in signification the latter form
has widely departed from what must have been its primary meaning.
46
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 141
up on an intransitive in -xgwa-', literally translated it would read
I CAUSE (-in) HIM TO BE WITH (-gwad-) (IT) FALLING (limtfm-x-) ON
TOP OF (dale'-) (HIM) . This chimes in well with the interpretation given
above of the really very perplexing "for" forms in -gwadin- and
-gwant'gwi.
As will have been noticed from some of the examples already
given (yawayagw- TALK ABOUT, uyu i s'gwa- LAUGH AT, sgo u sgwa- BE
TIRED OF, Jienenagw- CONSUME), the primarily comitative meaning of
the -gw- suffix is sometimes greatly obscured, at times practically
lost. Other examples illustrating this weakening of the fundamental
signification are:
Intransitive Comitative
Jioyod- dance hoyod-agw- dance (a particular
kind of) dance 100.15; 102.9
bd a -ya a n- go up ba a -ya a n-gw- pick up 24.3; 59.15
ba-i-ginig- go out to, come ba-i-gintf-gw- take out (no leg
motion necessarily implied)
xeben- do (so) xebe e y-agw- 1 hurt, destroy 136.23
47. Indirective -</-(--)
The -d- of the indirect object never appears in its naked form
(except, as we have seen, in certain forms in -gwad-; see also under
-d- in petrified suffixes) , but always combined into -s- with the follow-
ing element -x- that serves to bind pronominal objects of the first and
second persons to the verb-stem with its derivative suffixes (see 64).
The indirect object of the third person is not normally expressed by
this -d-, but, like an ordinary direct third personal object, is left
unexpressed, the general character of the verb being impliedly indi-
rective. As a matter of fact, an incorporated pronominal indirect
object is used only when the direct object is of the third person, never
of the first or second; and, since the pronominal object of the third
person is never expressed in the verb, this means that what is trans-
lated as the indirect object is in reality morphologically the direct
object of the verb. The indirective idea is merely a derivative
development; or, more correctly, certain transitive verbs with indi-
rective " face" require an -s- ( = -d- + -x-) instead of -x- with an incor-
porated object of the first or second person, i GIVE IT TO HIM is, then,
really rendered in Takelma by I-HIM-GIVE; i GIVE IT TO YOU, by i-
1 For the change of non-causative -n- to -y- (-t-) cf. k.'em&i- and k.'emeen- MAKE.
47
142 BUEEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
YOU-GIVE; i GIVE HIM FOOD, by I-HIM-FOOD-GIVE, in which the
logically indirect object HIM must be looked upon as the direct object
of the verbal complex FOOD-GIVE (FOOD, not being a pronominal
object, is loosely incorporated as a prefix in the verb); i GIVE YOU
FOOD, by I-YOU-FOOD-GIVE, the pronominal combination i YOU
being expressed at the end of the verb-complex in the same form as in
a simple transitive like I-YOU-SEE, except that it is preceded by -s-
instead of -x-; such combinations as i GIVE YOU TO HIM, ME and HE
GIVES ME TO YOU, HIM can not be expressed by one verb-form. In
these latter cases the grammatical object of the verb is no longer in-
directly affected by the action; hence another, though probably ety-
mologically related, verb-stem is employed, while the indirect object
is expressed by a local phrase outside the verb : i GIVE YOU TO HIM
( = I-YOU-GIVE [not indirective "face"] HIM-TO), -x-, not -s-, preced-
ing the combination i YOU. The idea of TO in intransitives like GO,
RUN, and so on, is regularly expressed by such an extra-verbal local
phrase. Many verbs that, from our point of view, seem ordinary
transitives, are in Takelma provided with the indirective -s-. Ex-
amples illustrating the use of this -s- are :
Aorist Future
iogoyi' n l I give it to him 180.11 o'Vin (170.13; 180.9,16)
I ogu'sbi n I give it to you 23.3 o'sbin (178.15)
I (oyonxbtfn I give you) (olnxbin I shall give you)
{wet'gtfn (for -g- see 42, 5) I wede'Vin (17.10,11)
| took it from him 76.1
[wesbi s nl took it from you (17. 3) wede'sbin (16.10,11)
I al-da-p ' o u p *iwi n I blew at it ( 1 5 . 1 )
\al-da-p* up* ausbi n I blew at you
wa a giwi' n I brought it to him wagawi'n I shall bring it to
(for -w- see 42, 11) (176.17) him
wa a ga'sam 2 he brought it to us wege'sink* he will bring it to me
(194.11)
( eiyi /s n I hurt him
\elsbi n I hurt you
igayau he ate him 54.5 ga-iwa^nk' 130.5
\gayausbi n I ate you galsbinY he will eat you 26.8
| al-yebebi rs n I showed it to him (77.8) al-ye e bi f n I shall show it to him
1 al-yebe f psbi n I showed it to you al-yepsi show it to me!
1 The -y- is peculiar to aorist forms of this verb with a third personal object (ogoyW YOU TO HIM; ogoihi
HE TO HIM 122.11) and to the third personal passive aorist (ogoyi'n HE WAS GIVEN IT 15.2)
2 With connecting a before s. In o'sbin above -g- + -s-gives -s-, but *wSsdam (=weeg-sdam) would be-
come confused with wesdam (=weed-sdam) YOU TOOK IT FKOM ME.
47
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA
143
Some verbs that belong here show the -s- only in the aorist, other
forms having only -x-. Examples are :
Aorist
lie -l i wi' n I went away from
him 23.12
he e -lw&bi n I went away from
you (184.14,15)
ytfmfsffin I lent it to you 98.15
(i-t!aut!iwi n I catch him 33.4
\l-t!aut!a'usbi he caught you
[naga' n I said to him 72.9
\naga'sbi n I said to you 108.4
da-da-Jia a li f n I answered him
(61.6)
dak*-da-Jialsbi n I answered you
(134.20)
lsa a nsa f n I fight him (110.20)
\sd a nsa'nsbi n I fight you
Future
Jie e -lwi'n
yimi'xi lend it to me! 98.14, 21
i-t!a a wi'n (33.8)
$-t!aUxbinF (140.15)
na a gi'n (15.15; 196.20)
naxbin (60.3)
dak *-da-hala'hin
dale *-da-hala'xbin
sana'n (28.15; 33.9)
sana'xbin
48. Indirective -(a')ld-
This suffix is probably composed of the continuative -I- (see 42, 9)
and the indirective -d-, though, unlike the latter suffix, it is always
employed to transitivize intransitives, a characteristic intransitive
element of the aorist (e. g., -i-) regularly remaining. After vowels, the
suffix appears simply as -Id-; after consonants and semivowels, a con-
nective -a- is generally introduced, which, when accented, receives a
falling pitch. The general idea conveyed by the suffix is that of
purposive action toward some person or object, so that it may be con-
veniently translated by MOVING AT or TOWARD, IN ORDER TO REACH,
GOING TO GET. Examples of its use are :
7iiliut'e I climb
yada't'e I swim (yadad-)
Uli' us he jumped 32.13; 78.11
da-t!aya' i they went to get
(something) to eat 75.9
da-da a ya' t* (future) (33.9)
sgele' u he shouted 59.4; 90.8
JiiUwsi'\da n I climb for it (77.8)
yadad&'\da n I swim for him (to
save him from drowning)
yeded&'lsi he swims for me
l)iliw&'\sa n they fought (liter-
ally, they jumped at, for each
other) 27.4
da-t!aya\di' n I went to get it to
eat ; da-t!ayalt' he went to get
it to eat (a shows by its accent
that it is part of stem) 76.9
da-da a \di'n (future) (33.9)
sgelew&'li* he shouted to, for him
59.4; (94.1)
48
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
wiliw- go, run
xudu' m he whistled
lwiliw&'lda e nl go and show it to him
(de-wiliw&'lda n I fight him (27.3)
xvdum&'ldtfn I whistled to him
(33.16)
W v he fetched home (game) de-ligi&'lt* he fetched it for him to
70.3; 128.12; ligi' he came eat 126.9; 130.9
home (with game) 124.22
yonob&'li" they held nets waiting
for fish 32.1
f HE WENT AFTER IT 29.12 the -Id- is confined to the aorist;
non-aorist forms have the stem woo- without suffix : woo'n i SHALL GO
AFTER IT (162.8,10).
49. Indirective -(a'}md-
There hardly seems to be any significant difference between this
and the preceding suffix, except that the indirective force of-(a')md-
seems in many cases to be much less clear and that it may be appended
to transitive as well as to intransitive stems. It is quite probable
that in some of the examples the -m- of the suffix is really the dissimi-
lated product of an original -I- because of an -I- of the stem (see 21) ;
yet this explanation could not be made to apply to all the cases.
Those forms that contain a radical -I- are given first :
-(a r ")md-
tttH&'mdtfn I fish for (salmon)
ts'!elel&'mda n I paint him ( = 1
put paint s'e' e l on to him)
s'in-deleg&'msdam you put holes in
my nose 22.2
malag&'msbi n I am jealous of you
yalag&'mda n I dive for it (60.10)
lagag&'mda ?i I paid him (184.17)
legwel&'mda n I sucked it out of him
dl i -al-gelegal&'mda n I tie his hair
up into top-knot (172.3)
di -uyu f ts!&mda n I fool him
^amda'mtXgoand)askofhim 174.10
p'dy&mda n I smoke them out
(76.11)
ba a -k!emen&'mda n I make him
ready to go (76. 13)
dak*-t*gu' u 1)B,mt' she covered it
(basket) over 61.9
Simple form
malagia' u they are jealous (cf.
malag-, malagan- tell)
yala'Jc*de e I dive (61.8)
(lagag- feed)
legwe^l he sucked it (186.18)
(geleg- twirl)
uyuts!- laugh
ycfmt* ask him! 70.6
Jctemen- make
dak*-fgu' u l)a e n I put (hat-like
object) over as covering
49
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 145
50. Indirective -(a)/i(a/i)- "for"
From transitives, never from intransitives, are formed verbs in
-(a) n or -(a)nan- (the first -a- is the connective vowel already spoken
of) signifying TO DO (the act expressed by the verb-stem) FOR, IN
BEHALF OF (the object of the verb). No rule can be given as to when
-(a) n- or -(a) nan- is to be used, the two suffixes being frequently
found to interchange in the same form. It is not likely that -(a) nan-
is a mere duplication of the simpler -(a)n- } as no other case of suffix-
reduplication could be shown to exist in Takelma, but rather a
compound suffix consisting of two distinct elements that happen to be
homonymous. Neither of the -(a)n- elements in- (a) nan-, however,
can be identified with either the causative -(a)n- or the petrified -(a)n-
of certain transitive verbs (see 42,10), for the full -(a)nan- suffix is
found suffixed to them (e. g., lohd u ninini' n I KILLED HIM FOE
HIM [ = i CAUSED HIM TO DIE FOR HIM]) . As in the case of the ordi-
nary indirect object-suffix -s-, only the third person (and that, as far as
the pronoun is concerned, by implication) is tolerated as the logical
object, the grammatical object being always the person in whose
behalf the action is done. If the formal (i. e., indirect) object of
the verb is of the third person, the -(a)n- or -(a)nan- is nearly always
followed by the "- instrumental" i (see 64), an umlaut of the suffix
to -(i)n- or -(i)nin- necessarily resulting (see 8, 3c). The longer
form of the suffix -(a)nan is apt to be limited to the aorist forms
with third personal object; non-aorist forms and aorist forms with
first or second personal object generally have the shorter form of the
suffix, -(a)n-. What was said above of a phonetic character in regard
to the causative -(a)n- applies also here. Examples are :
Transitive Indirective
wa s -l-t!oxoxmi s n I gather
wa -i-t!oxoxi n I gather them
(192.4)
them for him
wa s -i-t!uxtixa,n.xi he gathers
them for me
l-lc!u u mininmi / n I fixed it for
i-k!u u ma^n he fixed it -?,- -\ 7 < u MI -a
n , nl o. loft ift ION i-fc/umminint^ he will fix
* 6 ' 16 ' 1 * it for him
r i-k!u u maneiTi'xi he fixed it for
me
k!uman&'uhi fix it for him!
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 10 50
146
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Transitive
la a ba f n I carry it (178.4,5,6)
[BULL. 40
Indirective
mi' n I carry it for him
le e ba,'nxi he carries it for me
(lo u gmmi' n I trap them for
him
lo' u gmi n
(pHyiri) lu' u g&iixi he traps
(deer) for me
lo'Tclimn I shall trap them for
him
Jc!adaymi' n I pick them for
him
lc!ddalhmi n
Icledeysi'iixi he picks them for
him
Jc!a a dimni'n I shall pick them
for him
de -l-wl fi gi n I spread it out de -l-wl fi gsnixi he spreads it
(120.1)
Jclemen- make
Jdadai- pick (aorist)
Jc!a a d- pick (non-aorist)
out for me
k!emenmi' n I make it for
him
Jclemnmi'n I shall make it for
him
limimana' n I fell tree (cause limimmmi' n I fell it for him
it to fall) (108.11)
loho u niumi' n I killed him for
him
loho u n&&2i'TJii he killed him for
him
luhu u na,'nxi he killed him for
me
do u mwan he will kill him dd u msmsi'uk'wank* he will kill
lolio u na' n I cause him to die
(142.9)
(116.18)
him for him
sa a gwa' n I paddle it (60.1; Jian-se e gwsi f iisin I am paddled
112.9) across (literally, it, i. e.,
canoe, is paddled across
for me)
p!ahanana' n I cause it to be plahayinmi^n 1 I make it
cooked, done done for him
A number of transitive verbs in -(a)n(ari)- in which the FOR (in
behalf of) idea is not clearly apparent nevertheless doubtless belong
here. Such are:
50
1 For the change of suffixed n to y see 40, second footnote.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 147
al s -o u dim' n I look around for him
(92.27)
i -odom'n I shall feel around
(d u da' e n I hunt for him
[116.8])
for it
malag&ii&'nhi he told him 30.15 (mala'xbi he told you [162.6])
It not infrequently happens in verbs where the logical relation exist-
ing between the subject and a first or second personal object can
hardly be other than an indirect one, that the FOR idea is expressed
by means of the simple transitive form with -x- or -s- instead of
the more explicit indirective -(a)n(ari)-j as shown in the following
examples :
Jcledeisi he picks them for me (literally, he picks to me, along-
side of k!edeya,'nxi he picks them for me) 1
me bep*xip* come and chop out (a hole) for me (to enable me to
get out) (literally, come and chop me!) 90.16
gel-ts!eye f mxi he hid it from me (158.7) ; but gel-ts!ayammi' e n I
hid it from him
The idea of DOING SOMETHING FOR SOME ONE when the action is an
intransitive one can not be expressed in the verb itself, so that peri-
phrases of one kind or another are resorted to; e. g., i GO FOR HIM is
expressed by i GO, HE HAVING SENT ME. In verbs that are intransi-
tive only in form, but logically still transitive, that is, in transitive
verbs with unexpressed object, the FOR idea is expressed by the com-
plex suffix -gwa'dan- (with first or second personal object -gwas-) , the
analysis of which has been attempted above (see 46). Thus we
have (pliyiri) lo' u gin(iri)i s n i TRAP (DEER) FOR HIM built up on a tran-
sitive in both form and meaning (i. e., lo' u ga ri), but luklu'xagwa-
dini s n i TRAP FOR HIM built up on a formal intransitive Q,uk!u'xa e ).
The idea of FOR, IN BEHALF OF ONE'S SELF is rendered in transitive
verbs by adding to the indirective suffix -(a) n (an)- the regular reflexive
suffix -Vwi- (-gwi-) :
dd u mana,'nJc*wida a he will kill them for himself
t!umuk'wank*wide I kill them for myself
de -l-wl fi gank'wide I spread it out for myself
Jian-se e gwa'nk'wide I paddle myself across, really, I paddle (canoe)
across for myself
1 There must be a difference in signification, however, between k.'edtisi and k'edeya'nxi. The former
probably means "he picks them for me, i. e., in order to give them, to me; " the latter "he picks them
in my behalf (perhaps because I am sick and can not do so myself.)" Compare also d&lse'exi HE OPENED
THE DOOR FOR ME (i. e., in order to let me in) (63.12) with d&lse'eganxi HE OPENED THE DOOR ON MY
REHALF (perhaps because I was unable to do so myself).
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148 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
In intransitive verbs with implied transitive force a -'- is inserted
between the indirective -(a)n(ari)- and the reflexive -gwi-:
luTctu'xagwanfgwif he traps for himself
Also this form in -gwant'gwi- was explained above.
51. Indirect Reflexive -gwa-
By indirect reflexive is here meant action in reference to something
belonging to one's self, not action in behalf of one's self. From the
latter idea (expressed, as we have seen, by ~[a]n[an]lc*wi- and -[al?i[a7i]-
t'gwi-) the indirect reflexive in -gwa- differs in being always found in
a transitive setting; from the comitative -(d)gw(a)- it differs phonet-
ically in being formed only from transitive verbs with expressed object
and in the constancy of the final -a- (third person aorist -k'wa, not
-Y w ). Examples of its use are:
s'in.- ! ir-i*gili' e sgw& 1 he scratched his own nose 14.11; 15.7
mdnx al-mt'% Va ( = gw-lc'wa) he painted his own face (cf . no u 'gw-
i n I paint it)
i-gaxaga'xgwa, n I scratch myself, i. e., my own (cf. l-gaxagixi' e n
I scratch him)
i-^/^'-rio'^kVa warm your nands! (188.20) (cf. l-pW-no'uTfwifn I
warm his hands)
s'iii-de e le'p*gw& he stuck it into his own nose (cf. da a -dele'p*i he
pierced his another's ear)
Ills &\-giliga'lk'wa, n I covered myself with moss (48.14) (cf. Ills
i-giligili' n I covered him with moss)
Ms i-giliga'lk*wei n I covered my hands with moss
gwen-p!iyi'rik*WB, he lies on pillow (probably = he causes his
neck to lie) 2
Jc!ede%k.*w&, e n I pick them for myself (literally, I pick my own)
de-FiftFcmk'waF he brandished it before his face 172.11
i-lc!u u ma'nk'wsi he prepared himself, got ready 172.2 (cf. l-fc!u u -
mcfn he fixed it, got it ready 114.7)
It will be noticed that whenever what in English we are accustomed
to consider a direct reflexive is really such only in form, not in fact, the
Takelma idiom requires the indirect -Ywa- form, not the direct reflexive
in -gwi-. Thus, i SEE or SCRATCH MYSELF is not logically a reflexive in
the same sense as i KILL, DROWN, or HANG MYSELF, the former involv-
ing strictly action on what belongs to the subject, not on the subject
itself : i SEE or SCRATCH MY OWN (FLESH) . Still such distinctions can
JThe object, generally a body-part, to which the action refers is printed in Roman characters.
- pfiyin- connected with -p.'eyen- LIE?
51
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 149
hardly be insisted upon; much depends on idiomatic usage. The
indirect reflexive suffix, it would seem, is employed only when the
direct object is incorporated in the verb; if the direct object is taken
out of the verb-complex and provided with a possessive pronoun, all
ambiguity as to the relation between subject and object is removed
and the -gwa- falls out. Thus we have da a -de e le' 'p* gwa HE PIERCED
HIS OWN EAR with indirect reflexive -gwa- to show the possession of
the object (da a - EAR) by the subject; da a dde'p'i would mean HE
PIERCED ANOTHER'S EAR. The former sentence can also be expressed
more analytically by danxdagwa Jiadele'p'i HIS-OWN (-dagwa) -EAR HE-
IN-PIERCED-IT ; danxda ~hadele f pi would then have reference to the
piercing of another's ear. In other words, the reflexive idea is
expressed in the verb or in the noun according to whether the latter
is incorporated or independent.
INTRANSITIVE SUFFIXES ( 52-57)
52. General Remarks
Under this head are included such suffixes as intransitivize a transi-
tive verb by removing the object (-xa-\ transferring the object from
without to within the sphere of the subject (reflexive, reciprocal), or
changing the character of the action altogether (non-agentive, posi-
tional). The passive intransitivizes by removing, not the object, but
the subject, the former remaining in exactly the same form in which
we find it in the corresponding transitive; the voice is characterized
by peculiar suffixes that differ for the various tense-modes, and which,
following as they do the pronominal elements of the verb, will receive
appropriate treatment in discussing the purely formal verbal elements.
The normal transitive, its ancillary passive, the active intransitive
(-axz-), the reflexive, the reciprocal, the non-agentive, and the posi-
tional may be looked upon as the seven voices of a transitive verb, of
which only the first five (possibly also the sixth), however, can be
freely formed from any transitive stem. Of the seven voices, the
first two are provided with a distinct set of pronominal object (and
transitive subject) suffixes; the third and the fifth, with Class I
intransitive subjects; the remaining, with Class II intransitive
subjects.
Before giving examples of the intransitive suffixes, it may be useful
to rapidly follow out a particular transitive stem (dink!- STRETCH our
[ = base din- + transitive petrified suffix -&/-]) inits various voices. First
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150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
of all, we may form an ordinary active transitive verb with expressed
object by attaching to the verb or aorist stem the appropriate pro-
nominal suffixes: ba-i-de-di'nik!a n i STRETCH IT OUT (LIKE A RUBBER
BAND or the like) (62.1). Secondly, from this may be formed a pas-
sive by the addition to the stem (dinilc!-} of the pronominal object and
characteristic passive suffix: la-i-de-di'nilc!an IT is or WAS (ACTIVELY)
STRETCHED OUT. Thirdly, the transitive stem may be made intransi-
tive by a failure to specify the object: ba-i-de-di'ni xade i STRETCH
(SOMETHING) OUT. Fourthly, a direct reflexive is formed by the
suffix -gwi-: ba-i-de-di'ni lc*wide i (actually, if such were possible)
STRETCH MYSELF OUT, in as literal a sense as in, e. g., i KILL MYSELF.
Fifthly, the transitive form may be made reciprocal by the compound
suffix -X-(OT -s-)an-: ba-i-de-di'ni xa n THEY (actively and literally)
STRETCH ONE ANOTHER OUT. Sixthly, the non-agentive voice is
formed by a suffixed -x-: ba-i-de-dini f x IT STRETCHES OUT (144.14),
in the sense in which a sore might be supposed to spread, without voli-
tion and without apparent agency; this particular form is idiomati-
cally employed to refer to the stretching out, advancing, marching, of
a single column, the figure here being evidently that of a long string-
like line moving out without distinctly sensed agency. Similarly,
ld a -dini f x (CLOUDS) SPREAD UP IN LONG STRIPS 13.3 are not actively
spread out by some one, do not spread out some unexpressed object,
are not conceived of as actually spreading themselves out, and are
not conceived of as being in the static, purely positional condition of
lying extended. Seventhly, the last, positional voice is expressed
by an aoristic -*-, non-aoristic -as-: dirikll IT LIES SPREAD OUT,
referring to a long string or other elongated body extended on the
ground; future dirik!a'sda a . A synopsis for the second person
singular (and reciprocal plural) of dirik!-(dinik!-) SPREAD of the
seven voices in the six tense-modes is given in Appendix A. The
intransitive suffixes will now be taken up in order.
53. Active Intransitive -xa-
The -a- of this suffix is a constant element except before a per-
sonal ending beginning with a vowel: p'ele'xilc* WE GO TO FIGHT.
Like other non-radical -a- vowels it may be umlauted to i: s'om-lii-
7iulxiya u THEY (indef.) OPERATE AS s'omloho'lxa s (class of medicine
men) 172.14. The final consonant of the aorist stem of verbs of Type
$ 53
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - TAKELMA 151
8 falls out before the -xa-, also an indirective d (including the -d- of
-[a]md-, [a]ld; a final radical -d-, however, unites with -xa- to form
-SGK), Verbs of Type 5 employ not the aorist, but the verb-stem,
in the aorist of the -xa- derivative (cf. the parallel phenomenon in
the formation of the frequentative, 43, 1 and 6; for exceptions see
40, 5), inserting the repeated stem-vowel between the fortis conso-
jnant of the stem and the suffix; -xa- derivatives of Type 5 verbs
thus Belong to Type 2. For the vocalism of the stem of -xa- forms,
see 31, .5. Verbs in -xa- of Types 2 and 3 regularly have a short
second stem vowel, even if the quantity in the primitive verb is long ;
this short vowel may, however, be secondarily lengthened, with fall-
ing accent, to express a frequentative idea. In non-aorist forms the
stress tends to fall on the -xa-. Verbs in -xa- can be formed, of
course, only from transitives, and, although in form they are strictly
intransitive, they always logically imply an object. Examples of
-xa- are:
lubu'x& s she pounded 16.9; l-lu r p^&gwanY she will pound having
it (pestle) 55.10 (aorist transitive lobo^p* she pounded them
16.9)
e I went fishing (tlVla'mda^n I fished for them)
she sifts 57.15 (Jc!a a wa'nda e n I sift acorn meal [16.10])
idak*-t*0icJe'xB, e he smokes 96.23 (Type 5 dak*-t'e' e gi s n I give him
.to smoke [170.13])
2??.$e'xa he beat off (bark) 55.6 (plabab- chop [90.11])
lebe'sade* I sew Q,ebedaf n I sew it)
sgut!u'xa, he is cutting 92.2 (Type 5 aorist sgo u d- 72.10)
al-xik!i'xei he looked around 102.12 (Type 5 aorist al-xtfg- 124.8)
luJdu'xa,* he traps (Type 5 aorist lo u g w - 78.5) ; future lu' x*&gwa-
dinin I shall trap for him
wa a -Jiimi'x&de I was talking to somebody (wa a -Jiimida' n I talked
to him [59.16])
,day-da-hde'Jialx2ide I alwavs answer (daY-da-Jia a li' n I answer
him [146.14])
f dak'-he?ie'x8i he waits; future datf-henx&'Ve 6 1 shall wait (daV-
: Jiene?da' n I wait for him)
** -s*-xa ) he dreams; future yims'aft*e e ; imperative
In lc!eme'nxade s i WAS MAKING, WORKING (future Tc!emxaft'e e ) the
loss of the -n- in the non-aorist forms (cf. Jclemna'n i SHALL MAKE IT
[28.14]) may be due to a purely phonetic cause (see 11)
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152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
54. Reflexive -gwi-
The final consonant of the aorist stem of some verbs of Type 8 is
eclipsed, with lengthening of preceding vowel, also before the reflex-
ive -gwi- (see 40, 8), in the case of others it is preserved. Where
the -gwi- reflexive is derived from indirect transitives in -d- (-amd-,
-gwadan-), there is often practically no difference in signification
between it and the indirect reflexive -gwa-. Examples of -gwi- are :
t!omdk'wide I kill myself (from tlomom-)
al-yebe'p'gwtf he showed himself (yebeb-)
aZ-a^k'wif he looked at himself
p!agdnk'wide I bathed (literally, I caused myself to bathe;
cf. p!agd a na' n I bathe him)
se la'mfgwide e I shall paint myself (se e la'mdan I shall paint him)
rt' gwaxaik 'wide* I tattooed myself (t'gwaxdl he tattooed him)
\t*gwa a xa'nt*gwide e I shall tattoo myself ( = for myself)
l-gis'iga's'gwide I tickle myself
al-wa-ts!eyek'wide I washed myself with it
dd a -delega f mt'gwide ( = dd a -dele' 'p 'gwa n) I pierce my ears
(ytiY) Jcfemenk'wit' they made themselves (strong) 27.12
xuma ogoik'wide I give food to myself ( = I food-give myself)
i-lesgi'kwide e 1 shall touch myself
Before the imperative endings -p\ -p'anp' tho reflexive suffix be-
comes lengthened to -gwl*-:
Idet'gw^p' 1 pick them for yourself!
de e gwa f lt'gwl l p'anp' take care of yourselves! 126.20; (128.24)
The reflexive of naga- SAY TO is irregular in that is is formed not
from the transitive stem, but from the corresponding intransitive
nagai- SAY: nagalk'wit* HE SAID TO HIMSELF 104.1 (cf. nagalVwa, 62).
55. Reciprocal^ " x \-an-
The -x- and -s- preceding the characteristic reciprocal -an- (umlauted
-in- ) suffix are nothing but the connective consonant of direct and in-
direct transitive verbs respectively, the choice in the reciprocal form
between the two depending entirely upon which is used in the cor-
responding simple transitive. A difference, however, in the use of
this -x- (-s-) between the transitive and reciprocal is found in so far
as in the latter it appears with a third as well as first and second
i Indirect reflexive (for oneself) in signification, though without indirective suffix of any kind. The
form is thus analogous to such as k.'ed&isi mentioned above (see 59). That the reflexive action is
thought of as indirective in character seems to be indicated by the ablaut of the stem (k.'aad-) ; see 31, 6.
SS 54-55
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 153
personal object. The phonetic form of what precedes the -x- (--) is the
same as in the transitive from which the reciprocal is derived. The
reciprocal element -an- is the only one of the verbal suffixes that is
placed between the connecting -x- and the personal endings, so that
it may rightly be looked upon as in a way equivalent to the incor-
porated objective pronouns. Examples of -x-an- are:
Jdoyoxmilc* we go together, accompany one another (33.15)
t!euxmil)a s ni let us play shinny!
l-lats!a'^miY we touch one another
al-s'in-ld' u xa, n they meet each other (literally, they thrust noses
to one another)
Z/omoxa n they kill one another (33.10)
gel-wayanxtfn they were sleeping together (literally, they caused
each other to sleep facing each other) 190.2
aZ-a^xa^n they looked at each other
Examples of -s-a?i-, i. e., of indirect reciprocals, are:
naga'stfn they said to each other 31.9 (cf. naga'sbi n I said to you
[100.1]); future naxatft* (cf. naxbin [60.3])
sd a nsa'nssi s ii they fight one another (23.14; 184.13) (cf. sa a nsa'ns-
bi e ri)', future sana'xan e f (23.15) (cf . sana'xbiri)
he eS -i / ws'a, TL they went away from one another (cf. Jie e -lUsbi n
[184.14]); future ]ie e -iwi'x.em s t' (cf. Tie ee -lwi'xbin)
la a ma'lss, e n they quarreled with each other 27.2; 86.10
wa a -7iimi's& n they talked to one another 124.14(cf . wa a -7iimi'sbi ri)
lo u gwa's'miba let us play 32.5 (cf. lo u gwafsbin future)
t!u f lt!als'miba let us play at gambling-sticks (tluT) 31.9
al-sege'saYsmiY we keep nodding to one another; seWsa'lc*-
sanF they nodded to one another (inferential) 172. 10 (but unre-
duplicated al-se' e xmilc* we nodded to each other)
56. Non-agentive -x-
The difference in signification between the non-agentive -x- and the
intransitive -xa- may be well brought out by a comparison with the
distinctly double signification of English intransitively used transi-
tives. If such a transitive word as SPLIT be relievedof its object, it
may be employed in two quite distinct senses, either to indicate the
same sort of action that is expressed by the transitive, but without ex-
plicit direction (as, THE CARPENTER CAN SPLIT, i. e., can split beams,
boards) ; or to indicate a spontaneous non-volitional activity resulting
in a static condition identical with that induced by the corresponding
transitive action (as, THE BEAMS, BOARDS, SPLIT, i. e., spontaneously
56
154 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
undergo motion resulting in that condition which is brought about
by corresponding activity from without : THE CARPENTER SPLITS THE
BEAMS, BOARDS). SPLIT in the former case is rendered in Takelma by
xa a -ts' liwi' xa (aorist transitive ts'!iwi-d-); in the latter, by xa a -
ts'tiwi^s' (= -ts' !iwi*d~x) . It is true that in some cases the use of -x-
does not seem to be logically justified (e. g., al-Jiuyuxde i HUNT 136.18;
al-ho-yoiyaf n i HUNT THEM) ; but something must be allowed for idio-
matic, not literally translatable usage. Such petrified suffixes as
-d~ do not drop out before the -x-; the repeated consonant of Type 8
verbs falls off as usual (yet cf. forms like limlm-x-gwa-, 46). Ex-
amples of the non-agentive are :
Transitive Non-agentiye
l-Vwa fa gwi s n I awakened him k'wa fa x.de I awoke (16.3) (future
16.4 (future l-Vwa'lcfwiri) Fwa fa xde e [190.5])
leme' Y they took them along leme' s x. they all went 136.7
144.17
l-t'ge e yili f n I roll it t'ge e ycflx it rolls
de-ts f !ibi*p* he closed door de-ts'libfru (door) shut
p!a-i-7ia-u-t'gu' u p' he upset it p!a-i-ha-u-t'gu' u px it upset 60.8
wa -l-t!eme^m he assembled them wa-t!emexia u people assembled
110.3 144.23
Jia s W'l-Jiafn(its!i n I made it stop 7ia-u-Jiana f s( = -a f ts!x) it stopped
(152.15; 198.9)
dl-sgu f yuk!i n I knock it down di-sgu' i xJc' it fell (nobody push-
(48.7,8) ing) (59.11; 62.1)
i-gwidigwa't'i he threw them JiuHu'nk'wa (tiredness) gwidig-
(108.21; 138.3) wa N s.(= -a?tx) he was plumb
tired out (probably = he tot-
tered with tiredness) 120.12
l-smili r smili n I swing it smili'smalxde* I swing 1 (73.2)
ba a -t'e' e gi nl\iftitup (Type 5) "ba a -t*ekleft*a3i it bobs up and
down (60.11,13,14)
In some verbs -alx- ( = continuative -al- + non-agentive -x-) seems
to be quite equivalent to the intransitive -xa-:
geyewa,'lx.de I am eating (31.3) (but, hortatory, geixsiba 5 let us eat)
le'fa'ixxde? I carry (178.6)(la a l)a' n I carry it [178.3,4])
u u gw&'nxde I drink (see 21).
The non-agentive character of verbs in -x- may be reflected in
transitives (causatives) derived from them, in that in such causatives
i It may not be uninteresting to note, as throwing lighten the native feeling for -x-, that this form sounded
somewhat queer to Mrs. Johnson, for, as she intimated, one can't very well be swinging without either
actively swinging one's self or being swung by some one.
56
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - TAKELMA 155
the subject is not thought of as being the direct cause of the state or
activity predicated, but is rather considered as indirectly responsible
for it. Thus, from the aorist stem t'gwilildw- (fgwili' -x WATER,
BLOOD DROPS, DRIPS 58.1) are formed:
fn I (voluntarily) drop, spill it
p!arirfgwili' e xn.a, e n I have it drop (unavoidably), spill it (72.8,16)
57. Positional-/ '-
As we have already seen ( 40, 15), this suffix, though of clearly
derivational character, is generally, probably always, confined to the
aorist. A positional verb in -I 1 - may be defined as expressing the
state or condition resulting from the completed action of a transitive
or non-agentive ; e. g., p!a-i-ha-u-t*gup!idl IT (BOX-LIKE OBJECT) LIES
UPSIDE DOWN is a verb expressing the result of the action defined in
p!a-i-7ia-u-t*gu fu l)a n i UPSET IT and p!a-i-Jia-u-t'gu fu px IT UPSET 60.8.
From one point of view the suffix -I 1 - serves to mark off a class of purely
positional verbs, a different verb-stem being used for each general
form-category of the object described. Such verbs of position are:
dinkli long, stretched out object lies (transitive aorist diniJc!-)
t'geits'H round object lies (138.24) (tfgeyets'!-)
p'ildl flat object lies
tlobigl corpse, dead-looking body lies
s'einl box-like object with opening on top lies
p!a-i-Jia-u-t'gup!idl box-like object with opening below lies
(t'gu u b-)
s'ugwidi curled-up object (like bundle of rope) lies
da-sgall scattered objects (like grain on floor) lie
wiklidl several objects heaped together lie (wl { g-)
s'as'ini erect object is, he stands 34.1; 45.12; 77.9
S'u s will sitting object (person) is, he sits, dwells 21.1; 57.2
Yebill absent object is, he is long absent 124.20
Not so clearly positional are:
la a ll (generally heard as Za a ?e x ) it becomes 33.17; 45.3
yamll he looks pretty
Of these verbs those that are directly derived from transitives, it
will be observed, use in the aorist the verb-stem, not the aorist stem,
of their simplex (thus dink!-, not dinilc!-) . The derivational -(a)d-
(see 42, 4) that seems to characterize a number of positional verbs
can not be explained.
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156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Certain Takelma place-names in -l (or -l-k\ -V-k' with suffix -V
characteristic of geographical names) can hardly be otherwise explained
than as positional verbs in -4*'-, derived from nouns and provided with
local prefixes defining the position of the noun. Such are :
Di -danl 1 Table Rock (probably = Tock[dcfri] is[-fl west [di -]) :
west of the rock would be di e -dancf (cf . danaW my rock)
Dak*-t*gami-7c* (cf. DaJc*-t*gamiya' s person from D.) (= place
where [-F] elksJY^aVi] are[fl above, on top [dale'-])
Dal-danW (cf. Dal-daniya' one from D.) ( = place where [-F-]
in brush, away from creek [dal-] is[-f] rock[<foVi])
Tian-xilml ghost land ( = across river [han-] are[-$] ghosts [xila^m])
de-dtfwl near the falls of Rogue River ( = in front [-de-] are [-1]
falls [dm])
58. IMPERSONAL -iau-
Verging toward the purely formal (pronominal) elements of the
verb is the suffix -iau-. Forms in -iau- are intransitive, and may be
formed from all intransitives and all transitives with incorporated
pronominal object, the function of the suffix being to give an indefi-
nite, generalized collective, or impersonal, signification (cf. German
MAN, French ON) to the always third personal pronominal (Class I
intransitive) subject. Examples are:
yd a nia,' u people go 58. 14; 152.5 future yanaysi' u t'
wa -i-t!emexisi u people assem- future wa -l-demxisi u t'
ble 144.23
e c &ia' ue people are 192.7 (cf.
e e Wk" we are 180.13)
tsldu yo u ya v uF there was (infer-
en tial) deep water (cf. 188.14)
sa a nsafnsinivP s fighting is go- future sana'xinisi u t*
ing on 23.14
domxbiy$P people will kill you
(intransitive; but transitive
with definite third personal
subject domxbirik* they will
kill you) (33.10)
In particular, states of the weather or season, necessarily involving
indefiniteness of subject, are referred to by forms provided with the
indefinite suffix -iau-. Examples are :
example is due to Mr. IT. H. St. Clair 2d, from whose Manuscript Notes on Takelma it was
taken. It is there written Di'tanl\
58
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lop!odiei' us it is raining, hailing, or snowing 90.1; 152.11 (but
definitely nox loploY it rains 90.1; (198.9); ts'lelam loploY it
hails; p!a' a s loptoY it snows 90.2; 196.7)
lep*niysfuk' it has gotten to be winter
samgisi' us t' it will be summer (92.9)
samgi&ugulugwa'n it is about to be summer (literally, it is sum-
mer-intended, see 68) (cf. 48.13)
t*uwugi&' u it is hot (i. e., it is hot weather; but fuwu'W it, some
object, is hot [25.10]; 94.15)
when it is daybreak 73.6; 126.13
4. Temporal- Modal and Pronominal Elements ( 59-67)
59. INTRODUCTORY
Every Takelma verb except, so far as known, the defective copula
elt'e i AM, has forms of six tense-modes aorist, future, potential,
inferential, present imperative, and future imperative. Of these, all
but the aorist, which is built up on a derived aorist stem, are formed
from the verb-stem. A special tense or mode sign, apart from the
peculiar stem of the aorist, is found in none of the tense-modes
except the inferential, which, in all the voices, is throughout charac-
terized by a -Jc'-(-g-) following the objective, but preceding the sub-
jective, pronominal elements. Each of the tense-modes except the
potential, which uses the personal endings of the aorist, is, however,
characterized by its own set of pronominal endings. It is for this
very reason that it has seemed best to use the term tense-modes for
the various modes and tenses, instead of attempting a necessarily
artificial classification into tenses (aorist and future) and modes
(indicative, potential, imperative, and inferential), the method of
distinguishing the latter being fundamentally the same as that
employed to form the former, i. e., the use of special pronominal
schemes.
The purely temporal idea is only slightly developed in the verb.
The aorist does duty for the preterite (including the narrative past),
the present, and the immediate future, as in NOW i SHALL GO; while
the future is employed to refer to future time distinctly set off from
the present, as in i SHALL GO THIS EVENING, TO-MORROW. A similar
distinction between the immediate and more remote future is made
in the imperative. The present imperative expresses a command
which, it is intended, is to pass into more or less immediate fulfill-
ment, as in GO AWAY! while the command expressed by the future
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158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
imperative is not to be carried out until some stated or implied point
of time definitely removed from the immediate present, as in COME
TO-MORROW!, GIVE HER TO EAT (when she recovers). The uses of the
potential and inferential will be best illustrated by examples given
after the forms themselves have been tabulated. In a general way
the potential implies the ability to do a thing, or the possibility of
the occurrence of a certain action or condition (i CAN, COULD GO if I
care, cared to), and thus is appropriately used in the apodosis of an
unfulfilled or contrary-to-fact condition; it is also regularly employed
in the expression of the negative imperative (prohibitive). The
peculiar form of the potential (verb-stem with aorist pronoun endings)
seems in a measure to reflect its modal signification, the identity of
its stem with that of the future indicating apparently the lack of
fulfillment of the action, while the aoristic pronominal elements may
be interpreted as expressing the certainty of such fulfillment under
the expressed or implied circumstances by the person referred to.
The inferential implies that the action expressed by the verb is not
directly known or stated on the authority of the speaker, but is only
inferred from the circumstances of the case or rests on the authority
of one other than the speaker. Thus, if I say THE BEAR KILLED THE
MAN, and wish to state the event as a mere matter of fact, the truth
of which is directly known from my own or another's experience, the
aorist form would normally be employed :
mena^ (bear) yap! a (man) tlomoYwa (it killed him)
If I wish, however, to imply that it is not definitely known from
unmistakable evidence that the event really took place, or that it is
inferred from certain facts (such as the finding of the man's corpse
or the presence of a bear's footprints in the neighborhood of the
house) , or that the statement is not made on my own authority, the
inferential would be employed:
mena^ yap!a domk'wak' it seems that the bear killed the man;
the bear must have, evidently has, killed the man
Inasmuch as mythical narration is necessarily told on hearsay, one
would expect the regular use of the inferential in the myths; yet,
in the great majority of cases, the aorist was employed, either because
the constant use of the relatively uncommon inferential forms would
have been felt as intrusive and laborious, or because the events
related in the myths are to be looked upon as objectively certain.
59
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The inferential is also regularly employed in expressing the negative
future.
Not only do the pronominal elements vary for the different tense-
modes, but they change also for the two main classes of intransitive
verbs and for the transitive (subject and object), except that in the
present imperative and inferential no such class-differences are
discernible, though even in these the characteristic -p f ~ of Class II
intransitives brings about a striking formal, if not strictly personal,
difference. We thus have the following eleven pronominal schemes to
deal with:
Aorist subject intransitive I.
Aorist subject intransitive II.
Aorist subject transitive.
Future subject intransitive I.
Future subject intransitive II.
Future subject transitive.
Inferential subject.
Present imperative subject.
Future imperative subject intransitive I and transitive.
Future imperative subject intransitive II.
Object transitive (and subject passive).
The transitive objects are alike for all tense-modes, except that
the combination of the first person singular object and second person
singular or plural subject (i. e., THOU or YE ME) always agrees with
the corresponding subject form of intransitive II. Not all the per-
sonal forms in these schemes stand alone, there being a number of
intercrossings between the schemes of the three classes of verbs. The
total number of personal endings is furthermore greatly lessened by
the absence of a dual and the lack of a distinct plural form for the
third person. The third person subject is positively characterized
by a distinct personal ending only in the aorist subject intransitive I,
the future subject intransitive I, the future subject intransitive II,
and the future subject transitive; as object, it is never characterized
at all, except in so far as the third person object, when referring to
human beings, is optionally indicated by a special suffix -Ywa-
(-gwa-) . In all other cases the third person is negatively characterized
by the absence of a personal ending. The second singular subject of
the present imperative is similarly negatively characterized by the
absence of a personal ending, though the -p* of the present imperative
intransitive II superficially contradicts this statement (see 61).
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The pronominal schemes, with illustrative paradigms, will now be
taken up according to the verb-classes.
60. INTBANSITIVES, CLASS I
This class embraces most of the intransitives of the language,
particularly those of active significance (e. g., COME, GO, RUN, DANCE
PLAY, SING, DIE, SHOUT, JUMP, yet also such as BE, SLEEP), verbs in
-xa-, indefinites in -iau-, and reciprocals. The tense-modes of such
verbs have the following characteristic subjective personal endings:
Aorist
Future
Inferential
Present
imperative
Future
imperative
Singular:
First person . .
-t'e*, -de s
-fee, -dee
-fc'-a
Second person .
(a'X
-(a)da'
-/C ^tt
-(a'W
Third person . .
- e
'(a'~)H'
-T
Plural:
First person . . .
-W
-(i)ga'm
-fc'-ano'fc*
-(o)6a'
Second person .
-(a^t'p-
-(a')t'ba s
-fc c eif p'
{.y )WP
?
1 It is possible that this suffix is really -k'a s n; -n after a catch is practically without sonority, and
very easily missed by the ear. The first person singular and plural inferential endings are then both
transit! ves in form (cf. -a*n and -anaW as first person singular and plural subject of transitives); the third
person is without ending in both. The ending -fc'-a n is made particularly likely by the subordinate in
-k'-a'n-da- (see 70).
The imperative is necessarily lacking in the first person singular and
third person. The first person plural in -(a)~ba / of the present imper-
ative is used as a hortatory: yanaba' LET us GO! 158.11; (cf. 168.11).
This -(a)la / is not infrequently followed by emphasizing particles: -ni*
(e. g., yula' ae ni^ LET us BE! [cf. 158.8]) ; -Tii (e. g., ye e l)a f hi LET us RE-
TURN! 63.1; see 114, 2), or -Tia^n (e. g., ya'nabafhcfn'LET us GO 64.1),
the last of these being clearly identical with the nominal plural ele-
ment -Jian (see 99) ; -nihan is also found (ya f naba ae niha ( n LET us ALL
GO, PRAY! [cf. 150.24; 152.6]). No true future hortatory and second
person plural imperative seem to exist; for the latter, the ordinary
indicative form in -t* ba (-daba e in the other classes) was always given.
The connective -a- is used with most of the consonantal endings, as
indicated in the table, when the preceding part of the word ends in a
consonant, otherwise the ending is directly attached; in the reciprocal
-t*p\ - t*, and -f ~ba s are directly added to the suffix -an-. Before the
only vocalic ending, -W, a glide -y- is introduced if the preceding
sound is a vowel (e. g., al-yowoyVY WE LOOK). In the first person
plural of the future -igafm (-aorist -ig- + -a'm; cf . -dafm in possessive
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pronouns, 91-3) is used after consonants, -ga'm after vowels. The
first form of the second person plural imperative (-aVp') is used to
follow most consonants (-Vp l to follow a " constant" -a- of the stem),
~y being found only after vowels and probably m and n (e. g., yv?p*
BE YE!; yana^p* GO YE!).
In regard to the etymology of the endings, it is clear that the
second person plural aorist is derived from the corresponding singular
form by the addition of a characteristic -p* (cf. the imperative),
that the second persons of the future are differentiated from the
aorist forms by an added -a , and that the' first person singular future
is identical with the corresponding form in the aorist, except for the
lack of a catch. The second persons of the inferential are peri-
phrastic forms, consisting of the third personal form in -&' (mode-
sign, not personal ending) plus elf THOU ART, ett'p* YE ABE.
As paradigmatic examples are chosen a stem ending in a vowel
(aorist yowo- BE), one ending in a consonant (aorist team- COME), a
reciprocal (aorist sd a nsan-san- FIGHT WITH ONE ANOTHER), and an
indefinite in -iau- (aorist t'uwu-g-iau- BE HOT) .
AORIST
Singular:
First person . .
yowo't'e* I run ftazafrat'e* I
come
Second person . .
yowo^t'
ftazamaT
Third person . .
yowo'
baxa' m
saansa'nsa e n they
fight
t'uwiigia'uf it is hot
Plural:
First person . .
yowoyi^'
baxamW
saansa'nsinik'
Second person . .
yowoV?
bazamaTp'
s&onsa'nsant'p'
FUTURE
Singular:
First person . .
yu't'e*
6axma't'e e
Second person . . yttda'*
ftarmada'*
Third person . . yu' e V .
baxn>.a r t*
sana'xanff
t'uugia f v*t*
Plural:
First person . .
yug&'m.
baxmaga'm
sana'zmigam
Second person . .
yu't'baf
baxma'fbaf
sana'xant'ba*
POTENTIAL
Singular:
First person . .
yu't'&
baxma't'e*
Second person . .
yuV
baxmaV
Third person . .
yu'f-
baxma' e
sana'xa e n
t'uugia'ut
Plural:
First person . .
yuwVk'
baxmW
sowa'zmik*
Second person . .
yuVp'
ftazTraoTp'
sana'xant'p'
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 11
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INFERENTIAL
IBULL. 40
Singular:
First person . .
yu'k'a*
ftazma'k'a 4
Second person . .
yu'ldeit' 1
6axma'k!eit t
Third person . .
yuW
baxmtfk'
sawa'zattk 1
t'uugiau^'
Plural:
First person . .
j/w'k'ana'k'
ftazma'k'ana'k'
sana'xak'ana v k'
Second person . .
yw'kleit'p'
&azwa'k!elt'p'
sona'xawkleit'p'
i -jfc'+'-fc/ See 12.
PRESENT IMPERATIVE
Singular:
Second person . .
ytf
baxma^
Plural:
First person . .
ytiba'e
baxmoba'*
sana'xiniba* l
Second person . .
yuV
ftazraa^np'
(t)sana'xanaup'
i The -i- ot-iba evidently corresponds to the -i- in the first person plural aorist -ik', future -igam, but
appears, so far as known, only in the reciprocal, and, of course, in such cases as require connective -i-
instead of -a- (see below, 64): ha s w-l-k!emniba' s LET us SWEAT, with -i- because of instrumental i-.
FUTURE IMPERATIVE
Singular:
Second person . .
jm'^k 1
baxma' k'
A few intransitives of this class add the consonantal pronominal
endings directly to the final semi-vowel (-y-) of the stem, instead of
employing the connective vowel -a-. Such are:
elt* l thou art 108.2, elfp" ye are 14.10 (contrast yewey&Y thou
returnest [58.13], but yewelt'e* I return [188.4] like ele s I am
198.2)
nagatt" thou sayest 56.5, nagalfp" ye say 170.4 (contrast t'agay^t'
thou criest, but t*agatt*e s I cry [180.5] like nagalt'e I say 180.1)
To this somewhat irregular group of verbs belongs probably also lo u -
PLAY, though, not ending in a semi-vowel in either the verb or aorist
stem, it shows no forms directly comparable to those just given; its
third person aorist, however, shows a rising-accent before the catch:
lo u l z 70.4 (not *Zo /M Z ), a phenomenon that seems connected (see below,
65) with the lack of a connecting vowel before the personal endings.
A few stray verbs, otherwise following the normal scheme of
intransitive Class I endings, seem to lack a catch in the third person
aorist :
1 This verb is defective, having only the three forms given above, the first person plural eebW 180.13,
and the (cf. class II) indefinite eebia'u* 192.7, the latter two with loss of i and intrusive -&-. The third
person and the non-aorist forms are supplied by yo- BE.
2 =^Z appears also in certain usitatives: liiwiM HE USED TO RUN, sgelel* HE KEPT SHOUTING, in which the
rising accent is probably radical (see 43, 4); these forms, furthermore, have lost a w, 18 (cf. hiwiUfit'c 1
i RUN, sgeleut'e- 1 SHOUT).
$ 60
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lopfoY 1 it rains 90.1, 2 (yet lopfodaY you are raining 198.9;
lop"da' it will rain; lop'da^x to rain, 74, 1)
Jiax it burns 98.1 (yet TiaxafH" it will burn)
Several intransitive Class I usitatives seem to lack the catch of the
third person aorist also:
ginink* he always went to 46.11 (from gini' Y he went to)
witdlsma he keeps moving (from witc!i' m he moves 148.12)
yeweo^V he is wont to return 47.4; 116.2 (yet yeweogcft* you are
wont to return)
No explanation can be given of this irregularity.
The inferential endings, as has been already remarked, are iden-
tical for all classes of verbs, so that the following applies to Class II
intransitives and to transitives as well as to Class I intransitives.
The mode-sign -F is added directly to the final vowel or consonant
of the verb-stem (or stem with its added derivative and pronominal
object suffixes) without connecting a. All combinations of conso-
nants are here allowed that are at all possible as syllabically final
clusters (see 16) ; indeed some of the final consonant clusters, as
-sic", -p'F, -npW, -lp', hardly occur, if at all, outside the inferential.
If the resulting consonant combination would be phonetically impos-
sible an inorganic a is introduced between the two consonants that
precede the inferential -F; secondary diphthongs with raised accent
may thus arise :
Tclema^nk* he made it (verb-stem Icfemn-)
'bilcfuk' he jumped 160.17 (verb-stem lilw-)
Double diphthongs are often allowed to stand unaltered before -F
(e.g.,o2nFHE GAVE THEM; also imperative oin GIVE THEM!) ; sometimes
doublets, with double diphthong or with inorganic a, are found (e. g.,
tslalmV or ts!aya?m HE HID IT; also passive participle ts!almhak* w
HIDDEN, but tslaya'm HIDE IT! tsleya'mxi HIDE ME! ts!aya'mxam HE
HID us [158.7]). With a final -g- or -gw- the inferential -F unites
to form -F or -F^, but with lengthening of the preceding vowel;
-&/- + -F becomes -' F. Examples are:
he e nalc* w ( = -a\7io-F) he consumed them (cf. 48.10); but Tie e ncf w
consume them!
wa-yanak' w ( = yancf-gw-k'} he ran after them 98. 10; but wa-
run after them!
1 This form can not possibly have been misheard for *lop!o' t', the form to be expected, as the subor-
dinate is lop!ot'a s , not *lop!o'uda , which would be required by a *lop!o' e t' (see 70).
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yo u lc' w ( = yogw-) she married him 192.16
Jie -l-le'm e (=lenJc!-V) he destroyed them (146.20); 154.11;
also imperative ( = *lemk!)
61. INTRANSITIVE S, CLASS II
Most verbs of Class II intransitives, unlike those that are most
typical of Class I, are derived from transitives, the majority of
examples falling under the heads of non-agentives in -x-, reflexives
in -gwi-j positionals in -I 1 -, and verbs with intransitivizing -p*- either
in all their tense-modes or in all but the aorist (see 42, 1). Besides
these main groups there are a straggling number of not easily clas-
sified verbs that also show the peculiarities of the class ; such are :
sene'sant"e e lwhooip (110.20; 180.15)
Wife? I go about (90.1; 92.29; 122.23)
liglnt'e s lTest (48.11; 79.2,4; 102.1)
MWnfe? I am tired (48.4, 11; 102.1, 8; 120.11)
In a rough way the main characteristic of Class II intransitives, as
far as signification is concerned, is that they denote conditions and
processes, while Class I intransitives are in great part verbs of action.
Following is the scheme of subjective pronominal endings character-
istic of Class II :
Aorist
Future
Inferential
Present im-
perative
Future im-
perative
Singular:
First person
-t'e*, -de?
fee, -de
(-p')-gae
Second person .
-t'am, -dam
-fa*, -da
(-p')-Vedt'
(-P*)
(-p')-0#TO
Third person .
tl
-Vaa, -dda
(-p')-fc'
Plural:
First person .
(-p')-ifc'
(-p')-igam
(-p')-g-ana^k'
(-p')-a&a
Second person .
-tap*, -dap"
-t'aba s , -daba s
(-p')-fc* eelfp'
(-p')-anp'
In comparing these endings with those of Class I intransitives, it is
seen that the characteristic peculiarities of Class II intransitives
are: the -am of the second person singular aorist and future im-
perative (-t'am[ = -f -f -am], -ga m [ ? = - lc* + -am]) ; the -a- between the
-f- and the -p*- (-&-) in the second person plural aorist and future;
the lack of a catch in the third person aorist; the ending -t'd a of the
third person future ; and the presence of a -p'- (-&-) in the first person
plural aorist and future and in the inferential, present imperative, and
future imperative forms. The last feature is, however, absent in the
non-agentive -x- verbs and in the future of reflexives. The labial in
' 61
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the first person plural of the aorist and future is evidently connected
with the -5- of e e WV WE ARE (see 60, fourth footnote) ; the parallel-
ism is made complete by the fact that impersonal forms in -iau-
derived from Class II intransitives (except non-agentives) show a -p"-
before the suffix, analogously to e e l)iaf us \
sene'sanp*ia u there is whooping, se'nsanp*ia u t* there will be
whooping
In the third person of the aorist, positionals in -4*-, non-agentives, and
verbs in -p*- and other consonants (except n and probably Z, m) lack
a positive ending, while reflexives and most of the miscellaneous verbs
(ending in a vowel or n, Z, and m) show a final -t* . There is every
reason to believe that the absence of a -f in the former group of forms
is due to phonetic conditions that brought about its loss (see 18).
As examples of verbs of this class will serve a non-agentive (aorist
ha-u-hana s- STOP), a reflexive (aorist l-lets!ewi- TOUCH ONE'S SELF),
a positional (aorist s'as'im*- STAND), and one of the miscellaneous
verbs (wl*- GO ABOUT).
AORIST.
Singular:
First person .
hana' sde s I stop
lets.'ek'wides I touch
s-as-inlt'&I stand
wlt'e s I go about
myself
Second person
hana' s sdam
lets/ek'widam
S'os'mlt'am
wit' sun
Third person
hana' s
letstek'wit*
s-as-ini
wit'
Plural:
First person .
hana'esik'
lets/ek'wMk'
s-as-mlp'ik'
wip'ik'
Second person
hana' s sdap'
lets!Sk'wida.p'
s'as'irwt'ap'
wlt'ap*
FUTURE
1
Singular:
First person .
ha'n^sdeft
lesgi'k'wide*
s-a's-ant'e*
wife*
Second person
7uz'n sda
lesgi'k'widsf
s-c's-awtV
wlt'af
Third person .
7ia'sda a
lesgi'k'wida,*
s-a's'ant'a a
wnt'a"
Plural:
First person .
ha'ntsigean
lesgi'k'wigam
s-a's-arap'igam
wp'igam
Second person
fta'7isdaba
lesgi'k'wid&ba?
s'a'5'cnt'aba
wt'aba 6
POTENTIAL.
1
Singular:
First person .
ha'n e sde
lesgi'k'wide?
s-a's-ant'ef
wltV
Second person
/Mz'tt^sdam
lesgi'k wndam
S'a's'awt'am
wzt'am
Third person .
ha'n s
lesgi'k'wit*
s-a's-ant' (?)
wit 1
Plural:
First person .
fta'7i sik' I lesgi'k'wibik'
s-a's-anp'ik'
wlp'ik'
Second person
ha'ntsd&p' \ lesgi'k'widap*
s-a's-ant'&p'
wlt'ap'
! 1
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INFERENTIAL
[BULL. 40
Singular:
First person .
fta'sga
lesgi'k'wip'ga?
s-o's-<mp'ga
wp'ga
Second person
fto'sk!elt'
lesgi'k'wip'klQit'
s'a's-cmp'kleit'
wip'klelf
Third person .
fta'ttsk'
lesgi'k'wip'k*
s-a's-anp'k'
wip'k'
Plural:
First person .
7ta'n sgana^k'
lesgi'k* wip* gana x k'
s' a's- anp' gana^k*
wip'gana x k'
Second person
Tia'tt^kleit'p'
Zes0z'fc>*p'k!eit'p'
s-a's-awp'klelt'p'
wp'klelt'p'
PRESENT IMPERATIVE
Singular:
Second person
ha'n s
lesgi'k'wiip'
s-a's-anp'
wlp'
Plural:
First person .
ha'nesabaf
lesgi'k'wlip'afotf
s-a's-anp'abae
;tp'aba e
Second person
fta' sanp'
lesgi'k'wlip'anp'
s'c's-awp'anp'
wp'anp'
FUTURE IMPERATIVE
Singular:
Second person
ha'n e sga s m
lesgi'k'wlip'gafm
s-c's-awp'gafm
wlp'ga^m
Those verbs of this class that are characterized; either throughout
their forms or in all non-aorist forms, by a suffixed p* have this ele-
ment coalesce with the -jp* of the first person plural, inferential, and
imperative, but with lengthening of an immediately preceding vowel.
In the imperative this lengthened vowel seems to take on a falling
accent :
p!ola fa p' tell a myth! (cf. p!alafp'de e I shall tell a myth, with
inorganic second a)
sana fa p' fight! (cf. sana'p^de 6 1 shall fight, with radical second a)
The verb wog- ARRIVE is peculiar in that the aorist is formed after
the manner of Class II verbs (wolf HE ARRIVES 47.15; wok'dam YOU
ARRIVE), while the non-aorist forms belong to Class I (e. g., wogo!^
HE WELL ARRIVE). It is further noteworthy that many, perhaps
most, Class II intransitives form their usitative and frequentative
forms according to Class I. Examples, showing the third person
aorist catch, are:
s'u f alha s they always dwell 112.2 (from s'u will 21.1; but first
person plural s'u fe alhibilc*) ; contrast Class II s'as'a'rihap* he
keeps standing (from s'as'inl 34.1)
wogowa' s they keep arriving 112.2 (from wok'}
s'o'wo u s'a u they keep jumping (112.5,10) (from
48.15)
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 167
Several non-agentives in -x- drop the -x- and become Class I intran-
sitives in the frequentative:
p!a-i-t'gwiti'H*gwal (water) keeps dripping down (cf. p!ari-
gwill' i x it drips down 58.1)
xa a -sgot!o'sga f it breaks to pieces 62.1 (cf. xa a -sgo' u s = -sgo u d-x it
breaks [61.13])
xa a -sgo' u t'sgada f it will break to pieces (cf. xa a -sgo' u sda it will
break [148.8])
TBANSITIVES, CLASS III ( 62-66)
62. General Remarks
The subject pronominal elements of the transitive verb combine
with the objective elements to form rather closely welded compound
endings, yet hardly ever so that the two can not separately be recog-
nized as such; the order of composition is in every case pronominal
object + subject. It is only in the combinations THOU or YE -
ME that such composition does not take place ; in these the first person
singular object is, properly speaking, not expressed at all, except in
so far as the stem undergoes palatalization if possible (see 31, 1),
while the second person subject assumes the form in which it is
found in Class II of intransitive verbs. The pronominal objects are
decidedly a more integral part of the verb-form than the subjects,
for not only do they precede these, but in passives, periphrastic
futures, nouns of agency, and infinitives they are found unaccompa-
nied by them. For example :
domxbina? you will be killed (178.15)
domxbiguluW he will kill you
domxbi s one who kills you
domxbiya to kill you
are analogous, as far as the incorporated pronominal object (-bi-) is
concerned, to:
domxbink" he will kill you; t!omoxbi n I kill you
The pronominal objects are found in all the tense-modes, as far as
the meaning of these permits, and are entirely distinct from all the
subjective elements, except that the ending of the second person
plural coincides with one form of the second person singular present
imperative of the intransitive, -anp\ These elements are:
Singular: First person, -xi (with third subjective); second person,
-bi; third person, ; third person (human), -Jc'wa. Plural: First
person, -am; second person, -anp* (-anb-).
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168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {BULL. 40
It does not seem that -wa-, which is optionally used as the third
personal object when reference is distinctly had to a human being (or
to a mythical animal conceived of as a human being), can be com-
bined with other than a third personal subject (at least no other
examples have been found) ; nor can it be used as an indirect ob-
ject if the verb already contains among its prefixes an incorporated
indirect object. These restrictions on the use of -Jc*wa- enable us
effectually to distinguish it from the indirect reflexive -Ywa- which
has already been discussed, this element normally requiring an incor-
porated" object prefixed to the verb. Examples of the objective
-Ywa- are:
tlomok'wa 1 it killed him 15.16; 28.11
7ie e -iuk'wa he went away from him
Tiaxank'wa he burnt him 2 7. 16
sa a nsa'nk*wa he fought with him 28.10
nagalk'wa he said to him 152.3 (with very puzzling intransitive
-i-; contrast naga? he said to him)
wet'gigwa she took (it) away from him (49.6)
lak'waY (inferential) he gave him to eat
In several respects this -k*wa differs fundamentally from the other
object suffixes. It allows no connective -x- to stand before it (see
64); the indirective -d- of -of Id- (see 48) drops out before it:
gayawa'Wwa he ate him ; cf . gayawa'lsbi he ate you (26.8)
and, differing in this respect from the suffixless third person object, it
allows no instrumental i to stand before it (see 64) :
i-tlanafJiagwcL he held him (25.10) ; cf. l-t!ana'7ii he held it 27.4
datf-da-haWwa he answered him 180.18; cf. dak^-dd-Jia a li' s n I
answered him (146.14)
It is thus evident that forms with suffixed -fcwa approximate in-
transitives in form (cf . nagalk'wa above) . With a stem-final g, gw the
suffix unites to form -Tc'wa, the preceding vowel being lengthened and
receiving a rising accent; with a stem-final lc! it unites to form - lc*wa,
the preceding vowel being lengthened with falling accent. Examples
are:
t!ayawa he found him 71.14; cf. tlayaW he found it 43.4; 134.17
malaJc'wa he told him 22.8; (72.14); cf. malagana'nhi he told it
to him (see 50) 30.15
1 The final consonant of the aoristic stem of Type 8 verbs is regularly lost before -k'wa.
$ 62
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 169
da-Jc!os'd u wa they bit him 74.5 (aorist stem -klos'og-)
7ie e -ileme' e wa he destroyed them (50.2) ; cf. 7ie eS -lleme'~k!i s n I
destroyed them (110.2)
mill'u^Ywa he swallowed him 72.16; cf. mulu'lc!a n I swallowed
him (73.1)
Verbs that have a suffixed comitative -(a)gwa- show, in combina-
tion with the objective -Jc*wa-, a probably dissimilated suffix -gik'wa
(-gigwa'), the connecting a preceding this compound suffix being of
course umlauted to i:
xebeyigi'Ywa he hurt him (cf. xebeyagwa' n I hurt him [136.23])
uyu' i sgigwa he laughed at him 27.5 (cf. uyu / sgwa n I laugh at
him [71.7])
It is rather interesting to observe how the objective -k*wa- may serve
to remove some of the ambiguities that are apt to arise in Takelma
in the use of the third person. HE GAVE IT TO HIM is expressed in the
inferential by the forms o'FiF and o'lc'igwaY, the latter of which
necessarily refers to a human indirect object. If a noun or inde-
pendent pronoun be put before these apparently synonymous forms,
sentences are framed of quite divergent signification. In the first
sentence (noun + o'fcW) the prefixed noun would naturally be taken
as the object (direct or indirect) of the verb (e. g., ne'Ydi o'Yik^
HE WHO-GAVE IT? [ =TO WHOM DID HE GIVE IT?]); in the second
(noun +o'Yigwak*), as subject, a doubly expressed object being inad-
missible (e. g., ne'di o'Yigwak' WHO GAVE IT TO HIM?). TO WHOM
DID HE BRING IT? with incorporated object ne'Vdi reads ne'Ydi
me s ~wa literally, HE-WHO-HITHER-BROUGHT-IT? WHO BROUGHT IT
TO HIM? with subject ne'Jc'di reads (as inferential form) ne'Jc'di
wagawo'Y'waV (-0- unexplained). HE FOUND THE ANTS is expressed
by tlibis'V tlaycfV, but THE ANTS FOUND HIM by tlibis'l 1 t!ayawa.
The usage illustrated may be stated thus: whenever the third personal
object refers to a human being and the subject is expressed as a
noun, suffixed -wa must be used to indicate the object; if it is not
used, the expressed noun will most naturally be construed as the
object of the verb. An effective means is thus present in Takelma
for the distinction of a personal subject and object.
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63. Transitive Subject Pronouns
The various tense-modal schemes of subject pronouns in the tran-
sitive verb are as follows :
Aorist
Future
Inferential
Present
imperative
Future
imperative
Singular:
First person . . .
-(a'Yn
-(a')tt
-fc'-a*
Second person . .
<-dam( 1st sing.
-da e (1st sing, obj.)
}*w
\-ga s m (1st sing.
( obj.)
I obj.)
-(a^nk*
-k'
Plural:
First person . . .
-(a)wafc'
-(a)naga f m
k'-anak'
-(a) ba'
Second person . .
-dap' (1st sing.
-(a')t'ba
-daba s (1st sing,
obj.)
-k' e elt'p'
f-p'
\-(a)np'
Setting aside the peculiar second personal subject first personal
singular object terminations, it will be observed that the subjective
forms of the transitive are identical with those of the intransitive
(Class I) except in the first person singular and plural aorist and
future, and in the third person aorist and future. The loss in the
future of the catch of the first person singular aorist (~V: t'e e =
- n: -ri) and the addition in the future of -am to the first person
plural aorist (-i: -igam = -nak\- -nagam) are quite parallel phe-
nomena. It will be observed also that the first person plural,
probably also singular, aorist of the transitive, is in form identical,
except for the mode-sign -F-, with the corresponding form of the
inferential, so that one is justified in suspecting this tense-mode to
consist, morphologically speaking, of transitive forms with third
personal object (see 60, first footnote).
The forms of do u m- (aorist Homom-) KILL will show the method of
combining subjective and objective pronominal elements.
AORIST
Objective
Subjective
First person
singular
Second person
singular
Third person
First person
plural
Second person
plural
Singulai :
1st per.
t!omoxbi e n
t!omoma' n
t.'omoxanba s Q
2d per.
t.'umtixdam
t!omom&t'
f/owoiimit'
3d per.
t.'iim&xi
tlomoxbi
t.'omom
t.'omoxom.
Homoxanp' 1
Plural:
Jstper.
f/owoibinak*
/o7nomana v k'
f/omozanbana'k'
2d per.
Uumuxdap'
i/omomaH'p'
t.'omoximit'p'
i Not to be confused with t.'omoxant'p' YE ARE KILLING EACH OTHER!
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FUTURE
171
Subjective
Objective
First person
singular
Second person
singular
Third person
First person
plural
Second person
plural
Singular:
1st per.
domzbin
doumsi'n
domzanban
2d per.
dumxda s
doMraada' e
d!orazimida
3d per.
dSraxink*
domzbink'
douma^rik.'
dorwzamank'
dorazanbank*
Plural:
1st per.
ddmzbinagam
dowraanaga'm
dowjzambanagain
2d per.
dtimxdaba?
dduma'fbaf
<Zorazimit'ba e 1
PRESENT IMPERATIVE
Singular:
2d per.
dumxi
doum
domxaia.
Plural:
1st per.
doumaba'*
2d per.
diimxip'
doump' (al-xl'~
domzamp'i
fc/anp'
see him!)
FUTURE IMPERATIVE
Singular:
2d per.
dumxga s m
(fowma'^k'
?3
i These forms were not actually obtained, but can hardly be considered as doubtful.
3 Probably expressed by simple future domximida*.
It is not necessary to give the transitive potential and inferential
forms, as the former can be easily constructed by substituting in the
future forms the aorist endings for those of the future:
dumxi he would kill me
do u ma' n I should, could kill him
do u m he would, could kill him
The inferential forms can be built up from the corresponding future
forms by substituting for the subject endings of the latter those given
in the table for the inferential mode :
dumxiY he killed me
domxamktelt* you killed us
domk'a I killed him
domxanp* ganaW we killed you
The only point to which attention need be called in the aorist and
future forms is the use of a connecting vowel -i- instead of -a- when
the first personal plural object (-am-) is combined with a second
singular or plural subject (-it*, -it'p', -ida , -ifba 5 )', this -i- naturally
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172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
carries the umlaut of -am- to -im- with it, but -am- reappears when
-i- drops out ; cf. inferential domxamk!elt\ With the -i- of these
forms compare the -i- of the first person plural intransitives -ik'j
-iga'm, -iba s ( 60 and 60, second footnote) .
64. Connecting -x- and -/-
It will have been observed that in all forms but those provided
with a third personal object the endings are not directly added to
the stem, but are joined to it by a connecting consonant -x- (amalga-
mating with preceding -t- to --) . This element we have seen to be
identical with the -x- (-s-) of reciprocal forms ; and there is a possi-
bility of its being related to the -xa- of active intransitive verbs,
hardly, however, to the non-agentive -x-. Though it appears as a
purely formal, apparently meaningless element, its original function
must have been to indicate the objective relation in which the
immediately following pronominal suffix stands to the verb. From
this point of view it is absent in a third personal object form simply
because there is no expressed pronominal element for it to objectivize,
as it were. The final aoristic consonant of Type 8 verbs regularly
disappears before the connecting -x-, so that its retention becomes
a probably secondary mark of a third personal pronominal object.
The fact that the third personal objective element -k'wa- (-gwa-) does
not tolerate a preceding connective -x- puts it in a class by itself,
affiliating it to some extent with the derivational suffixes of the verb.
There are, comparatively speaking, few transitive stems ending in
a vowel, so that* it does not often happen that the subjective personal
endings, the third personal object being unexpressed, are directly
attached to the verb or aorist stem, as in:
naga f n I say to him 72.9, cf. naga" he said to him 92.24
sebe'n I shall roast it (44.6) ; future imperative odo' s Y hunt for
him! (116.7)
Ordinarily forms involving the third personal object require a con-
necting vowel between the stem and the pronominal suffix. Not all
verbs, however, show the purely non-significant -a- of, e. g.,t!omoma' n,
but have a to a large extent probably functional -i-. This -i- occurs
first of all in all third personal object forms of verbs that have an
instrumental prefix:
ts!ayaga' n I shoot him (192.10), but wa-ts!ayagi' s n I shoot (him)
with it
l-lats!agW you touched it
64
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 173
The greater number of cases will probably be found to come under
this head, so that the -i- may be conveniently termed INSTRUMENTAL
-i-. Not all forms with -i-, by any means, can be explained, how-
ever, as instrumental in force. A great many verbs, many of them
characterized by the directive prefix al- (see 36, 15), require an -i-
as their regular connecting vowel :
lagagi f n I gave him to eat (30.12)
la a liwi' n I call him by name (116.17)
ld u ginini' n I trap them for him (and most other FOR-indirec-
tives in -anan-')
Examples of -i- verbs with indirect object are:
ogoyi' n I give it to him 180.1 1 (contrast oyona' n I gave it [180.20])
wd a giwi f n I brought it to him (176.17) (contrast wa a gaf n I
brought it [162.13])
A number of verbs have -a- in the aorist, but -i- in all other tense-
modes :
ytfmiya^n I lend it to him, but yimi'hin I shall lend it to him
naga' n I said to him (second -a- part of stem) 72.9, but na a gi'n
I shall say to him; na a gi' Y say to him! (future) 196.20; naViV
he said to him (inferential) 94.16; 170.9; 172.12
The general significance of -i- seems not unlike that of the prefixed
directive aZ-, though the application of the former element is very
much wider; i. e., it refers to action directed toward some person or
object distinctly outside the sphere of the subject. Hence the -i- is
never found used together with the indirect reflexive -Fwa-, even
though this suffix is accompanied by an instrumental prefix:
xaP-pltf-no'Wwa'n I warm my own back (188.20)
In a few cases the applicability of the action of the verb can be
shifted from the sphere of the subject to that of another person or
thing by a mere change of the connective -a- to -i-, without the
added use of prefix or suffix:
xa a -la' a t!an I shall put it about my waist, but xd a -la fa t!in I shall
put it about his waist
In the form of the third personal subject with third personal object
of the aorist, the imperative with third personal object, and the
inferential with third personal object, the -i- generally appears as a
suffixed -hi- (-'i-) , incapable of causing umlaut :
malagana'nhi he told him 30.15, but malagini' n I told him (172.1)
wcL-tlomomhi he killed him with it
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174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
l-Tc!u u manana'rihi he fixed it for him
l-Tdumana'nhi fix it for him!
i-k!umana'nhiJc* he fixed it for him (infer.), but l-lc!umininini^nk'
he will fix it for him
It should be noted, however, that many verbs with characteristic
-i- either may or regularly do leave out the final -'i :
alxi'W he saw him 124.6, 8 (cf. al-xl fi gi s n I saw him, 188.11) 1
l-latsIcfY he touched him (cf. l-lats!agi' n I touched him)
'ba?-l-ye e wa,'n revive him! (15.2) (cf. ba -l-yewe e ni' e n I revived him)
ttie -l-Ue' Y he let him go (13.6) (cf. 1ie*-l-le'lek!i*n I let him go
[50.4])
\he s -l-le'l'*V let him go! 182.15 (cf. Jie*-3rle r Tk!in I shall let him go)
la-i-di-fga' st'ga a s stick out your anus! 164.19; 166.6 (cf.
ba-i-di-t'gats!a't'gisi n I stuck out my anus [166.8])
l-k!u u mcfn he prepared it 190.22 (cf. i-lc!u u mini' n I prepared it)
It must be confessed that it has not been found possible to find a
simple rule that would enable one to tell whether an i-verb does or
does not keep a final -Tii (-'i) . Certain verbs, even though without
instrumental signification, show an -i- (or -hi-) in all forms with third
personal object. Such are:
aorist ogoy- give to (ogolhi he gave it to him 156.20)
aorist we e t'-g- take away from (wet'gi he took it from him, 16.13)
aorist lagag- feed (laga'fci he gave him to eat 30.12; laYi give
him to eat! lak'igana^Jc we seem to have given him to eat)
and indirective verbs in -anan-. Irregularities of an unaccountable
character occur. Thus we have:
7ie e -m he left him (cf. Jie^-tfwi^n I left him); but imperative
7ie e -lwi'hi leave him! (not *-ivw?, as we might expect)
In many cases the loss or retention of the final -hi seems directly
connected with syntactic considerations. A large class of verbs with
instrumental prefix (generally -) drop the final -hi, presumably
because the instrumentality is only indefinitely referred to (cf.
35, 1). Examples of such have been given above. As soon, however,
as the instrument is explicitly referred to, as when an instrumental
noun is incorporated in or precedes the verb, the -hi is restored.
Thus:
i The -i- of these verbs regularly disappears, not only here but in every form in which the normal con-
necting vowel -a- fails to appear in other verbs: al-xl'W (inferential) HE SAW HIM (*al-xlk!-k' like domk' HE
KILLED HIM), homonymous with al-xl' k' (imperative) SEE HIM! (=*afca'fc/). As soon, however, as the
verb becomes distinctly instrumental in force, the -i- is a constant element: al-wa-xi'kHk' (inferential) HE
SAW IT WITH IT.
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - TAKELMA 175
he burst it (cf. -t*ba' a gi s n I burst it)
i-s'wili's'wal he tore it to pieces (cf. -s'wili's'wili n I tore it to
pieces)
l-s'wi'ls'wal tear it to pieces!
l-s'wtfls'wcfl he tore it (once)
l-heme^m he wrestled with him 22.10 (cf. -hememi' n I wrestled
with him
despite the prefixed -I-; but:
la-way >a-t'ba' a lc*i he burst it with a knife
Jian-waya-s'wils'wa'Thi tear it through in pieces with a knife!
(73.3)
Similarly :
~ba- l-sga a Ysga"Y he picked him up 31.11 (cf. -sgak* sgigi n I picked
him up)
but:
~k!a'ma a dan bd a -sga a lc*sga'lc'i tongs rocks he-picked-them-up-with
( = he picked up rocks with tongs) 170.17
despite the lack of an instrumental prefix in tl^e verb. Explicit in-
strumentality, however, can hardly be the most fundamental func-
tion of the -hi. It seems that whenever a transitive verb that
primarily takes but one object is made to take a second (generally
instrumental or indirective in character) the instrumental -i- (with
retained -hi) is employed. Thus:
ma'xla Ictuwu he threw dust
but:
ma'xla s alk!uwuhi dust he-threw-it-at-him (perhaps best trans-
lated as he-bethrew-him-with-dust) cf. 184.5
where the logically direct object is ma'xla, while the logically indirect,
perhaps grammatically direct, object is implied by the final -hi and
the prefix al-. Similarly, in:
Tc'o px lababa't'i wa a di'xda ashes he-clapped-them-over his-body
(perhaps best rendered by : he-beclapped-his-body-with-ashes)
182.9
the logically direct obiect is o px, the logically indirect object, his-
body, seems to be implied by the -'i. This interpretation of the -hi
as being dependent upon the presence of two explicit objects is con-
firmed by the fact that most, if not all, simple verbs that regularly
retain it (such as GIVE TO, SAY TO in non-aorist forms, BRING TO,
verbs in -anan-) logically demand two objects.
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176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
As soon as the verb ceases to be transitive (or passive) in form or
when the third personal object is the personal -k*wa, the instrumental
-i- disappears:
gel-yald' a xalt*gwit' he forgot himself 77.10 (cf. gel-yala' a xaldi s n I
forgot him)
ogolYwa he gave it to him 96. 18 (cf . ogolhi he gave it to him 188. 12)
It is possible that in wefgigwa HE TOOK IT FROM HIM the -gi- is a
peculiar suffix not compounded of petrified -g- (see 42, 6) and
instrumental -i-; contrast l-t!ana'hi HE HELD IT with i-tfana'Tiagwa
HE HELD HIM. Any ordinary transitive verb may lose its object
and take a new instrumental object, whereupon the instrumental -i-
becomes necessary. Examples of such instrumentalized transitives
are:
ga'l wa-ts!ayagi f n bow I-with-shoot-it (cf. ts!ayaga' n I shoot him)
wa- u u gwi' n I drink with it (cf . u u gwa f n I drink it)
If, however, it is desired to keep the old object as well as the new
instrumental object, a suffix -an- seems necessary. Thus:
yap!a wa-sa a gmina' s people they-will-be-shot-with-it
xl' 1 wa- u u gw'mi' n water I-drink-it-with-it
It is not clear whether or not this -an- is related to either of the -an-
elements of -anan- ( 50).
A final -"i is kept phonetically distinct in that it does not unite
with a preceding f ortis, but allows the f ortis to be treated as a syllabic
final, i. e., to become + aspirated surd:
Jie e -l-le'me s Yi he killed them off, but -le'mek!i n I killed them off
Forms without connective vowel whose stem ends in a vowel, and
yet (as instrumentals or otherwise) require an -i-, simply insert this
element (under proper phonetic conditions as -hi-) before the modal
and personal suffixes:
wa-woo'hin I shall go to get it with it (contrast woo'n I shall go
to get it)
l-t!ana'hi n I hold it; l-tlana'lii he holds it 27.4
di-s'al-yomo'Mn I shall run behind and catch up with him;
di-s'al-yomo'7ii catch up with him! (contrast yomo'n I shall
catch up with him)
wa-sana'hink* they will spear them with them 28.15 (verb-stem
sana-)
A constant -a- used to support a preceding consonant combination
is, in -i- verbs, colored to -i- :
l-lasgV touch him! (cf. masga^ put it! [104.8])
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177
It is remarkable that several verbs with instrumental vocalism lose
the -i- and substitute the ordinary connective -a- in the frequentative.
Such are:
l-go' 'yok!i n I nudge him; l-goyogiysi f n I keep pushing him
dtf-tltfsi^n I crush it; dtf-tHyl'tli/ytfn I keep crushing them
It can hardly be accidental that in both these cases the loss of the
-i- is accompanied by the loss of a petrified consonant (-&/-, -s-)."
The following scheme of the instrumental forms of do u m- KILL
(third personal object) will best illustrate the phonetic behavior
of-i-:
Aorist
Future
Potential
Inferential
Present
imperative
Future
imperative
Singular:
First person . .
t!omoml f n
domi'n
domi'n
dOmhiga*
Second person . .
t.'omomW'
do7wida'*
doumW
dOmhikleif
dorrihi
d<5mhik'
Third person . .
t!om5mhi
doumVnk'
dSwhi
dSmhik'
Plural:
First person . .
f/omomina'k'
dowminaga'm
do7nina v k'
dBmhigana'k'
domhiba*
Second person . .
t.'omomWp'
dowmi't'ba*
dourai't'p'
dBmhikleifp-
domhip'
65. Forms Without Connecting Vowel
A considerable number of transitive verbs whose aorist stem ends
in a long diphthong with rising pitch (long vowel 4- semivowel, nasal,
or liquid) treat this diphthong as a vocalic unit, i. e., do not allow
the second element of the diphthong to become semivocalic and thus
capable of being followed by a connective -a- before the personal
endings (cf. intransitive forms like el-t\ 60). If such a long diph-
thong is final, or precedes a consonant (like -t' ) that is itself incapable
of entering into diphthongal combination with a preceding vowel, no
difficulty arises. If, however, the long diphthong precedes an -n-
(in such endings as - n, -n, -nak*), which, as has been seen, is pho-
netically on a line with the semivowels y (i) and w (u) , a long double
diphthong (long vowel + semivowel, nasal, or liquid + n of time-value
4) results. Such a diphthong can not be tolerated, but must be
reduced to an ordinary long diphthong of time-value 3 by the loss of
the second element (semivowel, nasal, or liquid) of the diphthong of
the stem (see 11). Thus the coexistence of such apparently contra-
dictory forms as da a -yeheif YOU GO WHERE THERE is SINGING and
dd a -yeJien (with passive -n) IT "WAS GONE WHERE THERE WAS SINGING
(from *yeliein) can be explained by a simple consideration of syllabic
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 12 S 65
178 BUBEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
weight. The rising pitch-accent, it should be noted, is always pre-
served as an integral element of the diphthong, even though a - e n
follow, so that the first personal singular subject third personal
object of such verbs (-v n) stands in sharp contrast to the corre-
sponding form of the great mass of transitive verbs (-v^ri). 1 The
first person plural subject third person object and the third personal
passive are always parallel in form to the first person singular sub-
ject third person object in - n (lc!ada a naW and Jdadan like W.adafn).
Examples of transitives with aorist stems ending in long diphthongs
not followed by connective -a- are:
t'gwaxvfn I tattoo him : tfgwaxalt* you tattoo him
dl-t!ugu. e n I wear it : dl-t!ugm he wears it 96.16
da a -yeJiQ n I go where there is : da a -yeJieit* you go where there
singing is singing (106.10)
^da a -yeliQn (third person pas-
sive)
da a -yeJie e naW (first person
plural)
Jc!ad& n I picked them up : Jcfad&l he picked them up
da-t!agsi n I built afire : da-tlag&i he built a fire 88.12;
96.17
swad&n (passive) they got : swad&lsa n they are gambling
beaten in gambling with one another
oyo n I give it (= *oyon ri)
but also oyona f n with con-
necting -a-
lc!eme n I did it 74.13 : Jclemei he did it 92.22; 144.6;
176.1,4,5, 7,8,9, 14
In aorist ~k!emei- MAKE the -i-, actually or impliedly, appears only
when the object is of the third person (singular first, Jc!eme n; second,
Jdemelt'; third, Ictemel; plural first, Jc!eme e naW; second, Tclemelt'p');
all other aoristic and all non-aoristic forms replace the -i- by a -n-\
k!emenxbi n I make you 27.9
Jc!emenxa n they make one another; future TclemncfnV he will
make it 28.14
A few reduplicated transitives ending, in both aorist and verb-stems,
in a short diphthong (-at-, -am-, -an-, -aw-), lack a connective -a-
1 It may be noted in passing that the Takelma reduction of an over-long diphthong (kin to *) offers in
some respects a remarkable parallel to the reduction of an Indo-Germanic long diphthong to a simple long
vowel before certain consonants, chiefly -m (e. g., Indo-Germanic *dieus = Skr. dyau's, Gk. Zs6f, with pre-
served -n- because followed by -s, a consonant not capable of entering into diphthongal combination; but
Indo-Germanic ace. *dicm= Ved. Skr. dydm, Horn. Gk. Zfi\> with lost -M-because followed by -m, a consonant
capable of entering into diphthongal combination). I do not wish to imply, however, that the accent of
forms like yehS s n is, as in diem, the compensating result of contraction.
65
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA
179
before the personal endings, so that a loss of the final consonant
(-Z-, -m-, -n-, -it?-) takes place in third personal objective forms before
a consonantal personal ending. Such verbs are:
heme f ha n I mocked him ( =
-Jiam n)
lmi'ha n I sent him ( = -am n)
(gel-Tiewe'Jia n l I think ( = -au n)
\gel-Jiewe f Jiat' you think
p!a-i-di -sgimi'sga n 2 1 set them
in ground ( = -am n)
ba- al-mo'lo ma n I turned them
over ( = -al n)
bd- al-mo'l man I shall turn
them over ( = -aln)
sa a nsa' n I fight him ( = -an n)
heme'Jiam he mocked him
24.4, 5, 8; 182.6, 7
imi'Jiamsin I was sent (43.2)
gel-Jiewe'liau he thought 44.11 ;
142.20
p!a-i-di -sgimi'sgam he set
them in ground
l)a- al-mo f lo mal he turned
them over (170.16)
ma a nma' n
( = -an ri)
I count them
sa a nsa^n he fights him (28.10)
(but also sans, see 40, lOb)
da-ma a nmini' n I count them
up (156.14) (but also man =
*manm he counted them
78.8; 100.8)
How explain the genesis of these two sets of contract verb forms,
and how explain the existence of doublets like mo f lo ma n and mo'-
lo mala n, mo'lo mat' and mo'lo malat* , oyo n and oyona' n, sd a nsa^n
and sans? The most plausible explanation that can be offered is
that originally the personal endings were added directly to the stem
and that later a connecting -a- developed whenever the preceding
consonant or the personal ending was not of a character to form a
diphthong. Hence the original paradigms may have been :
First person
Second person . .
Third person
which were then leveled out to :
oyo n
oyonaY
oydn
oyona f n
mo'lo ma n
mo'lo mal
mo'lo mala n
oyonaY
oydn mo'lo mal
because of the analogy of a vast number of verbs with connecting
-a- in both first and second persons, e. g., ts!ayaga f n } tsIayagaY.
Forms like mo f lo mat\ sa a nsaV, would arise from leveling to the first
iThis verb is transitive only in form, intransitive in meaning. The true transitive (THINK OF) employs
the full stem hewehaw- with connective -i- for third personal object, and -s- for other objects: gel-hewc'hiwi n
I THINK OF HIM; gel-hewe'hausdam YOU THINK OF ME.
2 The form sgimi'sga n is interesting as a test case of these contract verb forms. The stem must be
sgimisgam-; it can not be sgimisg-, as sg- could hardly be treated as a repeated initial consonant. No cases
are known of initial consonant clusters treated as phonetic units.
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person by the analogy of such forms as t!omoma fe n, tfomomaY. The
third person generally brings out the original diphthong, yet some-
times the analogy set by the first person seems to be carried over to
the third person (e. g., sans beside scPnscfn), as well as to the third
person passive and first person plural subject transitive. Such forms
as oyo n are best considered as survivals of an older " a thematic" type
of forms, later put on the wane by the spread of the " thematic"
type with connecting -a- (e. g., gayawa' n, not *gaya n from *gayau n) .
Owing to the fact that the operation of phonetic laws gave rise to
various paradigmatic irregularities in the "athematic" forms, these
sank into the background. They are now represented by aorists of
Type 2 verbs like naga'- n i SAY TO HIM and wa-Jc!oyo- n i GO WITH
HIM/ non-aorist forms of Type 5 verbs (e. g., odo'-n), and such iso-
lated irregularities as intransitive el- and nagal-f (contrast yewey-aY
and PagayaY) and transitive contract verbs like Jc!ada n and sa a nsa' n.
66. Passives
Passives, which occur in Takelma texts with great frequency, must
be looked upon as amplifications of transitive forms with third per-
sonal subject. Every such transitive form may be converted into a
passive by the omission of the transitive subject and the addition of
elements characteristic of that voice; the pronominal object of the
transitive becomes the logical, not formal, subject of the passive
(passives, properly speaking, have no subject). The passive suffixes
referred to are -(a)n for the aorist, ~(a)na for the future, and -am for
the inferential. Imperatives were not obtained, nor is it certain that
they exist. Following are the passive forms of do u m-, instrumental
forms being put in parentheses :
Aorist
Future
Potential
Inferential
Singular:
First person
t f iimuxin
dumxinsf
dumxin
Second person ....
tfomoxbin
domxbina*
domxbin
domxbigam.
Third person
Homoma'n
domana /e
douma'n
domk'am.
(t.'omomi'n)
(d6wwina' )
(doumi'n)
(domhigam)
Plural:
First person
t.'omoximin
domximiua s
domximin
domxamlt'am
Second person ....
t.'omoxanban
domxanbana
domxanban
domxanp'gam
1 Some verbs whose aorist stem ends in a vowel take a constant -a- with preceding inorganic h instead
of adding the personal endings directly. Such a verb is l-t!ana- HOLD; the constant -a- or -i- of forms
like l-l.'ana'hagwa, l-t!ene'hi-s-dam is perhaps due to the analogy of the instrumental -i- of forms like
l-t!ana'h\*n.
66
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 181
The connective -a-, it will be observed, is replaced by -i- when the
formal object is the first person plural (-am-) ; compare the entirely
analogous phenomenon in the second personal subjective first per-
sonal plural objective forms of the transitive ( 63). It is curious
that the third person aorist of the passive can in every single case
be mechanically formed with perfect safety by simply removing the
catch from the first personal singular subjective third personal objec-
tive of the transitive ; the f ailing accent (rising accent for verbs like
7c!eme s n) remains unchanged:
l-t!a'ut!iwi n I caught him : i-t!a'ut!iwin he was caught 29.12
naga' e nls&idtohim72.7, 9 : naga'n he was spoken to 102.16
Jc!eme n I made it 74.13 : Jctemen it was made 13.12 178.12
It is hardly possible that a genetic relation exists between the
two forms, though a mechanical association is not psychologically
incredible.
Not only morphologically, but also syntactically, are passives
closely related to transitive forms. It is the logical unexpressed sub-
ject of a passive sentence, not the grammatical subject (logical and
formal object), that is referred to by the reflexive possessive in -gwa
(see 91, 92). Thus:
dlk!olola'nt*gd' a p*dagwanwa^ he-was-dug-up their-own-horns (not
his-own-horns) with (in other words, they dug him up with
their own horns) 48.5
There is no real way of expressing the agent of a passive construc-
tion. The commonest method is to use a periphrasis with xebe'^n
HE DID so. Thus:
el salk!omo'lc!imin pliyin xebe f n canoe it-was-kicked-to-pieces
deer they-did-so (in other words, the canoe was kicked to pieces
by the deer) 114.5
67. VERBS OF MIXED CLASS, CLASS IV
A fairly considerable number of verbs are made up of forms that
belong partly to Class I or Class II intransitives, partly to the transi-
tives. These may be conveniently grouped together as Class IV, but
are again to be subdivided into three groups. A few instransitive
verbs showing forms of both Class I and II have been already
spoken of (pp. 162-3, 166).
1. Probably the larger number is taken up by Type 13 verbs in
-n-j all the forms of which are transitives except those with second
person singular or plural subject. These latter are forms of Class
II (i. e., aorist singular -dam, plural -dap*', future singular -da , plural
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-daba } . The -n- appears only in the first person singular and plural
(aorist -na n and -nanaW), yet its absence in the other persons may,
though not probably, be due to a secondary loss induced by the pho-
netic conditions. The forms, though in part morphologically transi-
tive (and, for some of the verbs, apparently so in meaning), are in
effect intransitive. The object, as far as the signification of the verb
allows one to grant its existence, is always a pronominally unexpressed
third person, and the instrumental -i- can not be used before the
personal endings. Among these semitransitives in -n- are:
[gwen-sgut!u'sgat*i].& i]. I cut necks
igwen-sgutlu'sgat* he cut necks 144.2 (cf . transitive instrumental
I gwen-waya-sgut!u'sgidi n, gwen-waya-sgut!u'sgat'i 144.3)
\da-bok lobd'Yutfii. I make bubbles (or da-bok !o'p*na n 102.22)
I da-bok! 'o'p* dam you make bubbles
ba a -xada'xat*n& ii I hang them up in row
n. I used to pound them (57.14) (or lobo'lp^ncfri)
you used to pound them
ti-laya fa ~k'n& n I coil a basket 122.2
\l-lay of a Y she coils a basket
'ii I used to pick them up (116.11)
L& TL I sharpen my teeth (126.18)
ugu f ak'nsi R I always drink it
wagao'na, n. I always bring it 43.16; 45.6)
Morphologically identical with these, yet with no trace of transitive
signification, are:
l-Jiegwe f Jiok' w uo, n I am working
{xarhege'Mk*na, e n I breathe (78.12; 79.1, 2, 4)
\xa-Tiuk! V7*,aFna n (third person xa-liuklu'liaY)
tal-t*wap!a't* wap'na, n I blink with my eyes 102.20
\al-t'wap!a't'wap'dsim you blink with your eyes
The following forms of i-Jiegwehagw- (verb-stem i-he e gwagw- [ =
-7ie e gw7iagw-]) WORK will serve to illustrate the -n- formation:
Aorist
Future
Inferential
Present imperative
Singular:
1st per.
hegwe'hak'wnafn
hecgwa'k'wnan
heegwa'k'wa* ( -fcw'-
k'a)
2d per.
hegw e 'Uok' wdam
heegwa'k'wdtf
heegwa'klwel't'
Jie'k'waak'w
3d per.
hegwe'hak'w
m
heegwa^'v
Plural:
1st per.
Tiegwe'hak'wnaua^k'
heegwa'k'umanagam
fte^wa'k'wana'k'
hegwa'k'waba*
2d per.
hegwe'hak'wdap'
heegwa'k'wdabSi*
heegwa'klwQlt'p'
he'k'waagwa^np'
2. Practically a sub-group of the preceding set of verbs is formed
by a very few verbs that have their aorist like
67
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - TAKELMA 183
but their non-aorist forms like Class II intransitives. They evidently
waver between Class II, to which they seem properly to belong, and
the semi- transitive -n- forms. Such are:
dl-k!ala,'sn& n (but also : future di-Jc!a'lside Q
dl-lc!ala'sde ) I am lean
in my rump
dl-k!ala'sdeim (second per- : future di-Jc!a'lsidsi
son)
gwel-sal-t!eyesiLSi n I have : future-tf/eiside*
no flesh on my legs and
feet
It may be observed that the existence of a form like *gwel-sal-t!el-
sinan was denied, so that we are not here dealing with a mere mis-
taken mixture of distinct, though in meaning identical, verbs.
3. The most curious set of verbs belonging to Class IV is formed
by a small number of intransitives, as far as signification is concerned,
with a thoroughly transitive aorist, but with non-aorist forms
belonging entirely to Class II. This is the only group of verbs in
which a difference in tense is associated with a radical difference in
class. Examples are:
(da a -sgeJc!iysi' u I listened : future dd a -sge'lc.We e
da a -sgek!iy^i' you listened
da a -sgek!l he listened 102.8
al-we'Jc!ala, n I shine : future ol-we'lc! alt's*
al-we'ldal&i* you shine
' we shine : future aZ-we'&/ap'igam (third
person inferential al-we'-
al-geyana, f u I turn away : future al-ge'yande e
my face
-smawma / n | T ., , , ,
j ~T fl smile : future da-sma-ima sde e
da-smayamh& n.)
da-smayam he smiles
-smcM/amana^k' we smile
To these should probably be added also da-sgayana' n I lie down
(3d da-sgayan) , though no future was obtained. Here again it may
be noted that the existence of *da-sma-ima > 'n as a possible (and indeed
to be expected) future of da-smayama f n was denied. 1
i There are in Takelma also a number of logically intransitive verbs with transitive forms throughout
all the tense-modes: al-xaliyana^k' WE ARE SEATED (56.2; 150.20) ; passive al-xaliya'n PEOPLE ARE SEATED
152.18. Similar is sal-xogwl THEY STAND; cf. also gel-hewe'hau HE THINKS, p. 179, note 1. As these, how-
ever, have nothing to mark them off morphologically from ordinary transitives, they give no occasion
for special treatment. It is probable that in them the action is conceived of as directed toward some
implied third personal object.
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184 BUEEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
5. Auxiliary and Subordinating Forms ( 68-72)
68. PERIPHRASTIC FUTURES
Periphrastic future forms are brought about by prefixing to the
third personal (unexpressed) objective forms of the aorist stem
-gulug w - DESIRE, INTEND the verb-stem (if transitive, with its appended
pronominal object) of the verb whose future tense is desired. The
pronominal subject of such a form is given by the transitive subject
pronoun of the second element (-gulug w -) of the compound; while
the object of the whole form, if the verb is transitive, is coincident
with the incorporated pronominal object of the first element. The
form of the verb-stem preceding the -gulug w - suffix is identical with
the form it takes in the inferential. Thus:
ba-i-hema'Jc'uluW w he will take it out (cf. inferential ba-i-he-
maW=-Jiemg-k'), but imperative ba-i-he^mk* 16.10
but, without inorganic a:
l-JiemguluW w he will wrestle with him (cf. inferential Tiemk*)
Indeed, it is quite likely that the main verb is used in the inferential
form, the -V of the inferential amalgamating with the g- of -guiug w -
to form g or F. This seems to be proved by the form:
loJio'W-di-gulugwcft* do you intend to die? (di= interrogative par-
ticle)
Morphologically the verb-stem with its incorporated object must
itself be considered as a verb-noun incorporated as a prefix in the
verb -gulug w - and replacing the prefix gel- BREAST of gel-gulugwa' n
i DESIRE IT 32.5, 6, 7. Alongside, e. g., of the ordinary future
form do u ma'n i SHALL KILL HIM may be used the periphrastic
dd u m-gulugwa f n literally, i KILL (HIM) -DESIRE, INTEND. This latter
form is not by any means a mere desiderative (i DESIRE TO KILL
HIM would be expressed by do u mia* gel-gulugwa' s n [ = TO-KILL-HIM
I-IT-DESIRE]), but a purely formal future. Similarly, dUmxi-gvluW"
is used alongside of the simpler dumxinY HE WILL KILL ME. As a
matter of fact the third personal subjective future in -gulu^ w is
used about as frequently as the regular paradigmatic forms here-
tofore given:
yana'-uluW he will go (128.9)
sana'p^-gvluW* he will fight (cf. 48.10)
^omo'waguWk' w she was about to catch up with him 140.18
alxi^xbi-guluW" he will see you
68
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 185
The reason is obvious. The normal futures (yana'H' HE WILL GO;
sana'p*dd a ; alxl' xbinY) imply a bald certainty, as it were, of the
future action of a third person, a certainty that is not in ordinary
life generally justifiable. The periphrastic forms, on the other hand,
have a less rigid tone about them, and seem often to have a slight
intentive force : HE INTENDS, is ABOUT TO GO. The difference between
the two futures may perhaps be brought out by a comparison with
the English i SHALL KILL HIM ( = dd u ma'ri) and I'M GOING TO KILL HIM
(do u m-gulugwa' n) .
Though a form like dumxi-gulu^Jc '" HE WILL KILL ME is in a
way analogous to s'in-l-lets!e f xi HE TOUCHES MY NOSE, the incor-
porated object dumxi- KILL-ME of the former being parallel to
s'in- NOSE of the latter, there is an important difference between
the two in that the object of the periphrastic future is always asso-
ciated with the logically (do u m-), not formally (-gulug w -), main verb.
This difference may be graphically expressed as follows: HE-[KILL-
ME]-INTENDS-IT, but HE-[ NOSE-HAND] -TOUCHES-ME; strict analogy
with the latter form would require *do u m-gulu'xi HE-[ KILL]-INTENDS-
ME, a type of form that is not found. It is not necessary to give a
paradigm of periphrastic future forms, as any desired form can be
readily constructed from what has already been said. The incorpo-
rated pronominal object is always independent of the subject-suffix, so
that YOU WILL KILL ME, for example, is rendered by dftmxi-gulugwaY ,
the ordinary YOU ME forms (singular -dam, plural -dap') finding no
place here.
Inasmuch as all active periphrastic futures are transitive in form,
passive futures of the same type (all ending in -gulugwafn) can be
formed from all verbs, whether transitive or intransitive. When
formed from transitive stems, these forms are equivalent to the
normal future passives in -(a)na :
dd u m-gulugwa'n he will, is about to, is going to be killed
dumxi-gulugwa'n I am to be killed, it is intended to kill me
As the intransitive stem in the periphrastic future is never accom-
panied by pronominal affixes, there is only one passive future form
that can be constructed from an intransitive verb. This form
always refers to the third person, generally to the intended, or immi-
nent action of a group of people :
hoida-gulugwa'n (verb-stem hold- + inorganic -a-) there will be
dancing
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186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
lo u -gulugwaf n people are going to play (literally, it is play-
intended)
The passive future in -gulugwafn can also be used with the indefinite
form in -iau- :
sanaf xiniau-gulugwa' n it is intended, about to be that people
fight one another ; there will be fighting
The extreme of abstract expression seems to be reached in such not
uncommon forms as:
we' e giau-gulugwa'n it was going to be daylight (literally, it was
being-daylight intended) 48.13
As the suffixed pronominal objects of reciprocal forms are intran-
sitive in character, the first element of a periphrastic future of the
reciprocal must show an incorporated intransitive pronoun, but of
aorist, not future form:
l-di-lasgi'xant'p*-gulugwaYp* are you going to touch one another?
(aorist i-lats!a'xant*p*; future i-lasgi'xanba )
69. PERIPHRASTIC PHRASES IN na(g)- DO, ACT
The verbal base na(gY (intransitive na-; transitive na a g-) has
hitherto been translated as SAY (intransitive), SAY TO (transitive).
This, however, is only a specialized meaning of the constantly
recurring base, its more general signification being DO, ACT, BE i&
MOTION indefinitely. It is really never used alone, but is regularly
accompanied by some preceding word or phrase with which it is
connected in a periphrastic construction; the na(g)- form playing
the part of an auxiliary. As a verb of saying, na(g)- is regularly
preceded by a quotation, or else some word or phrase, generally a
demonstrative pronoun, grammatically summarizing the quotation.
Properly speaking, then, a sentence like i SHALL GO, HE SAID (TO ME)
( = yana'e [go] naga fi [or nege's'i]) is rendered in Takelma by i
SHALL GO (THAT) HE DID (or HE DID TO ME), in which the quotation
yana'fe* i SHALL GO, or else its representative go, THAT, is incorpo-
rated as prefix in the general verb of action.
The most interesting point in connection with periphrastic phrases
in na(g)- is the use of a number of invariable, generally monosyl-
labic, verbal bases as incorporated prefixes. The main idea, logic-
ally speaking, of the phrase is expressed in the prefix, the na(g)-
1 Most of its forms, as far as known, are listed, for convenience of reference, in Appendix A, pp. 286-90.
It will be seen to be irregular in several respects. Examples of its forms are to be found in great number
in " Takelma Texts."
$ 69
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 187
element serving merely to give it grammatical form. This usage
is identical with that so frequently employed in Chinookan dia-
lects, where significant uninflected particles are joined into peri-
phrastic constructions with some form of the verb-stem -x- DO, MAKE,
BECOME (e. g., Wasco Iqlu'b itciux HE CUT IT [literally, CUT HE-IT-
MADE]), except that in Takelma the particles are identical with the
bases of normally formed verbs. It is not known how many such
verb-particles there are, or even whether they are at all numerous.
The few examples obtained are :
na e do (cf. na't*e e I shall say, do)
s'as' come to a stand (cf. s'as'inl he stands 144.14)
s'il paddle canoe (cf. ei-ba-i-s'ili'xgwa he landed with his canoe
13.5)
t"gel e fall, drop
ts'Iel rattle (cf. ts'ele' m it rattles 102.13)
t* ld' u x make a racket (cf. ~bo' u xde s I make a noise)
liwa' a look (cf. liwila'ut'e* I looked [60.7])
le'yas lame (cf. gwel-le'ye e sde I am lame)
p'i'was jumping lightly (cf. p*iwits!ana' e n I make it bounce)
we'ldalV shining (cf. al-we'~k!ala?n I shine)
sgala'uY look moving one's head to side (cf. al-sgalawi'n I shall
look at him moving my head to side)
The last two are evidently representatives of a whole class of quasi-
adverbial -^'-derivatives from verb-stems, and, though syntactically
similar to the rest, hardly belong to them morphologically. The -k*
of these invariable verb-derivatives can hardly be identified with
the inferential -F, as it is treated differently. Thus:
we'1c!al-V shining 126.3; 128.14, but inferential al-we'Jcfal-p-Tc*
(Class IV, 3) he shone
Most frequently employed of those listed is na , which is in all
probability nothing but the base na- DO, to forms of which it is itself
prefixed; its function is to make of the base na(g)- a pure verb of
action or motion in contradistinction to the use of the latter as a verb
of saying :
ga-nak'i say that to him! 55.8, but ga-na nak*i do that to him!
182.4; 184.4
ga-naga' i he said that 72.12, but ga-na naga' i he did that 58.3
gwalt* a-na na' t* the wind will blow as it is blowing now (liter-
ally, wmd[gwatt] this[a-]-do[na ]-act-will[na / ^]) (152.8)
ga-na ne^x thus, in that way (literally, that do-acting, doing) 71.6;
110.21; but ga-ne^x that saying, to say that 184.10
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188 BUBEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Examples of the other elements are:
ei-s'i'l-nagaf is * he paddled his canoe (literally, he canoe-paddle-
did) 13.5
s-as'-naga' i he came to a stand 22.6; 31.14, 15; 55.12; 96.23
s'as'-na a gi'n I shall bring him to a halt (literally, I shall s'as'-
do to him)
liwa' a -nagalt'e I looked (55.6; 78.10, 13; 79.5)
f ge'l -nagatt* e I fell, dropped down
gel naga na' a ~k' he always fell down 62.8
tsle'l naga' i (bones) rattled (literally, they did ts!el) 79.8
t'l)o fu x naga^ they made a racket so as to be heard by them 192.9
we f Jc!allc'-naga fi he shines
sgala'uk*-nagana! a Y he looked continually moving his head from
side to side 144.14, 17
gwelxda a le'yas-ncfV his leg was laming 160.17
p*i'was-naga' i he jumped up lightly 48.8
Syntactically analogous to these are the frequent examples of post-
positions (see 96), adverbs, and local phrases prefixed to forms of
the undefined verb of action na(g)-, the exact sense in wiiich the lat-
ter is to be taken being determined by the particular circumstances
of the locution. Examples are:
gada'Y-naga' is they passed over it (literally, thereon they did)
190.21
ganau-nagana f lc* he went from one (trap) to another (literally,
therein he kept doing) 78.5
Jiawi-nak'i tell him to wait! (literally, still do to him!)
Tiagwa a la^m (in the road) -naga' i (he did) ( = he traveled in the
road)
Jiaxiya" (in the water) -naga' i ( = he went by water)
daV-s'im'tda (over his nose) -naba' a Jia^n (let us do) (= let us
[flock of crows] pass over him!) 144.11
dofYda a da (over him) -na v (do!) (= pass over him!)
dak'-yawade (over my ribs) -naga' i ( =he passed by me)
ge (there) -naga' i (= they passed there) 144.18
he e -wila'mxa-M (beyond Mount WuVmxa') -nak' w (do having it!)
(= proceed with it to beyond Mount Wila'mxa!) 196.14
These examples serve to indicate, at the same time, that the particles
above mentioned stand in an adverbial relation to the na(g)- form:
s-as'-naga' i he come-to-a-stand-did, like ge naga' i he there-did
Compare the similar parallelism in Wasco of:
i-tZ has been found as a prefix also in the comitative ei-s-il-yaangwa' ni COME IN A CANOE (literally,
I-CANOE-PADDLING-GO-HAVING).
S 69
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 189
Tclwafc gaWxux afraid he-made-himself (= he became afraid) (see
"Wishram Texts," 152.9)
Tcwo'ba gali'xux there he-made-himself ( = he got to be there,
came there)
Here may also be mentioned the use of verb-stems prefixed to the
forms of Jclernn- MAKE and na a g- SAY TO. Such locutions are causa-
tive in signification, but probably differ from formal causatives in
that the activity of the subject is more clearly defined. Examples
are:
wede wo" JcIemnaY do not let him arrive! (literally, not arrive
make-him!)
wo^V Tclemana'nxl let me come! (literally, arrive make-me!)
gwel-leis Tclemna'n I shall make him lame (literally, be-lame
I-shall-make-him)
yana nak'i let him go (literally, go say-to-him)
The forms involving Jcfemen- are quite similar morphologically to
periphrastic futures in -gulug w - ) the main point of difference being
that, while Icfemen- occurs as independent verb, -gulug 1 "- is never
found without a prefix. The forms involving na a g- are probably best
considered as consisting of an imperative followed by a quotative
verb form. Thus yana nak'i is perhaps best rendered as "GO! " SAY
IT TO HIM! The form Jioida-yo'Yya s (hold- DANCE + connective -a-)
ONE WHO KNOWS HOW TO DANCE suggests that similar compound
verbs can be formed from yoYy- KNOW.
70. SUBORDINATING FORMS
A number of syntactic suffixes are found in Takelma, which, when
appended to a verbal form, serve to give it a subordinate or depend-
ent value. Such subordinate forms bear a temporal, causal, condi-
tional, or relative relation to the main verb of the sentence, but are
often best translated simply as participles. Four such subordinating
suffixes have been found:
-da (-t'a ), serving to subordinate the active forms of the aorist.
-ma , subordinating those of the passive aorist.
-na y subordinating all inferential forms in -F. Periphrastic infer-
ential forms in eit* and eltfp* are treated like aorists, the form-giving
elements of such periphrases being indeed nothing but the second
person singular and plural aorist of ei- BE.
-lc'i s (-gi ), appended directly to the non-aorist stem, forming
dependent clauses of unfulfilled action, its most frequent use being
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190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
the formation of conditions. Before examples are given of subordi-
nate constructions, a few remarks on the subordinate forms themselves
will be in place.
The aoristic -da s - forms of an intransitive verb like Tiog v - RUN are:
Singular :
Independent Subordinate
First person . . Jio f de I run Jid'Yde e da when I ran,
I running
Second person . JidgwaY hogwada'
Third person . 7io' F Tio'Vda?
Plural:
First person . . Jiogwi^V hogwiga'm
Second person . TidgwaYp* hogwa f t*ba
Impersonal . . . hogwia' u 7idgwia'-uda
Of these forms, that of the first person plural in -a'm is identical,
as far as the suffix is concerned, with the future form of the cor-
responding person and number. The example given above Qio-
gwiga'm) was found used quite analogously to the more transpa-
rently subordinate forms of the other persons (alxl fi xam Tidgwiga'm
HE SAW us RUN, like alxl H xi Tio f Yde e da HE SAW ME RUN) ; the form of
the stem is all that keeps apart the future and the subordinate aorist
of the first person plural (thus Jwgwiga'm WE SHALL RUN with short o) .
No form in -i f k'da , such as might perhaps be expected, was found.
The catch of the first and third person singular of class I verbs dis-
appears before the -da (see 22). The falling accent of the stem,
however, remains, and the quantity of the stressed vowel is length-
ened unless followed by a diphthong-forming element. Thus:
ya' a da when he went 58.8 (ya' he went 96.8); cf. 188.17
la-4-Tc!iyi fi k*da e when he came (ba-i-fc!iyi f lc' he came 156.24)
yawa'ida as they were talking 130.13 (yawa' i they talked)
xebe'nda? when he did so 142.10 (xebe' n he did so 118.14)
The subordinate form of the third person aorist of class II intransi-
tives ends in -t* a if the immediately preceding vowel has a rising
accent. Thus:
s'as'inlt'a* when he stood (s'as'inl he stood 120.12)
lop!ot'a when it rained (laptop it rained 90.1)
In the second person singular the personal -t" and the -d- of the
subordinating suffix amalgamate to -d-. The subordinate second per-
son plural in -t'ba is not improbably simply formed on the analogy
of the corresponding singular form in -da , the normal difference
70
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA
191
between the singular and plural of the second person consisting
simply of the added -6- (-p*) of the latter; similarly, e-ida f WHEN
THOU ART and etfba* WHEN YE ARE. Judging by the analogy of the
subordinates of transitive forms in -dam and -dap* the subordinate
forms of the second persons of class II intransitives end in -t'a (-da )
and -t'ala* (-daba*) :
s'as'inlt'a when you stood (s'as'inlt'am you stood)
s'as'inlfba 5 when ye stood (s'as'intfap* ye stood)
Note the ambiguity of the form s'as'inlt*a WHEN HE OR YOU STOOD;
compare the similar ambiguity in naga'-ida s WHEN HE SAID and
naga-ida' WHEN YOU SAID 130.14; 132.23.
The transitive subordinates of the aorist are also characterized by
a suffixed -da , except that forms with a third personal subject
invariably substitute -(a)na' (-ina' with first person plural object),
and that the personal endings -dam (THOU ME) and -dap" (YE ME)
become simply -da and -daba respectively. The latter forms are
thus distinguished from non-subordinate futures merely by the
aoristic stem (al-xl H xda WHEN YOU SAW ME, but al-xi' xda YOU
WILL SEE ME). Analogously to what we have seen to take place
in the intransitive, -t*p" becomes -t*ba . The subordinate aorists of
tlomom- KILL are: 1
Subjective
Objective
First person
singular
Second person
singular
Third person
First person
plural
Second person
plural
Singular:
1st per.
t!omQxbinda
(t!omoxbi n)
t!omoma'nda
(t!omoma' n)
t!omoxanbanda
(t!omdxanba n)
2d per.
t.'ilmftxda*
(t.'umuxdam)
t!omomada'
(tJomomaW)
t!omoximida
(tJomoximit')
3d per.
Plural:
tlUmtiuAmtP
(t.'umuxi)
t.'omoxbina*
(t.'omoxbi)
t!omomana'
(t.'omom)
t!omoximina
(t.'omoxam)
t!omoxanbana e
(t.'omoxanp')
1st per.
tfomoxbiiiagam
(t.'omoxbinak')
t.'omomanaga'm
(tlomomana^k'}
t.'omoxanbanagam
(t.'omoxanbanak')
2d per.
tfilmuxdaba 1
(t'umuxdap')
t!omoma't'ba s
(t.'omomaVp')
t!omoximit'ba
(t'omoximit'p')
The forms with first personal plural subject (-na^Y] and second
personal object were not obtained, but the corresponding forms in
-iga'm (first person plural intransitive) and -anaga'm (first person
plural subject third person object) leave no doubt as to their cor-
rectness. These forms differ from ordinary futures of the same
1 The corresponding non-subordinate forms are given in parentheses.
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192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
number and person only in the use of the aorist stem. Only very
few examples of subordinate -anaga'm have been found :
aga'Jii ligigwanaga'm just- these which- we-brought-home 134.18;
contrast Itfgwanaga' m we shall bring them home
yewexebe e yagwanaga'm if we should slay him (literally , perhaps that-
we-slay-him) 136.23 ; contrast xe e bagwanaga'm we shall slay him
The use of the aorist stem in the subordinate, it will be observed, is
also the only characteristic that serves to keep distinct the third
personal subjective subordinates and the future forms of the passive:
al-xl fi xbina when he saw you, but al-xi' xbina you will be seen
It may be noted that the third personal subjective aorist forms of
the transitive may be mechanically formed, like the passives of the
same tense, from the first person singular subject third person object
aorist by merely dropping the glottal catch of the latter form and
adding -a s . Thus:
gel-hewe'hana s when he thought 45.2; 142.10, 13, 16 (cf. gel-
Jiewe'7ia n I thought); but gel-Jiewe'liau he thought 44.11
The subordinate of the form with personal object -V'joa is formed by
adding -na :
malawana when he told him 72.14 (malafcwa he told him 142.4)
The aorist passive subordinates cause no trouble whatever, the
characteristic -ma being in every case simply appended to the final
-n of the passive form:
t!omoma'nma when he was killed 146.22 (from tlomoma'n he was
killed 148.3)
tlomoxanbanma 5 when you (plural) were killed
The complete subordinate inferential paradigm is rather motley in
appearance; -na s is suffixed to the third personal subject in -F:
p!dna when he bathed
labafYna? when he carried it 126.5
galk*na when he ate it
dumxiVna when he killed me
The first person singular "in -Jc'a (n) becomes -lc'anda ; the first
person plural subordinate was not obtained, but doubtless has
-Jc'anaga'm as ending. The subordinate of the passive in -Yam is
regularly formed by the addition of -na :
gailc'amna when it was eaten
domxamJc'amna when we were killed
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 193
The periphrastic forms in elt* and elt*p* become -Y + eida f and
elt'ba in the subordinate; e. g., wa^li^mfTc! eida fs WHEN YOU
ANSWERED HIM. The active inferential subordinates of do u m- with
third personal object thus are:
Singular:
First person, domk*anda
Second person, do u mlc!eida'
Plural:
First person, domYanaga'm
Second person, do u mJc!elt'ba
Third person, dom7c'na ' } personal, domic* wale* na
Impersonal do u miaulc*na
The subordinating element -na s also makes a subordinate clause out
of a -t' participle (see 76):
gwi na't*na ga a'ldi naga'n how-he-looked (gwi naV how-look-
ing) that all he-was-called 60.5; (cf. 78.3)
yap!a ga na't*na that number of people 110.15
Also adjectives and local phrases may be turned into subordinate
clauses by the suffixing of -na :
xilam-na' when she was sick 188.10
aga do u Y gwelda-na' this log under-it when ( = while he was under
this log) 190.20
Examples will now be given of constructions illustrating the use
of subordinate forms. It is artificial, from a rigidly native point of
view, to speak of causal, temporal, relative, and other uses of the
subordinate; yet an arrangement of Takelma examples from the
view-point of English syntax has the advantage of bringing out
more clearly the range of possibility in the use of subordinates.
The subordinate clause may be directly attached to .the rest of the
sentence, or, if its temporal, causal, or other significance needs to
be clearly brought out, it may be introduced by a relative adverb
or pronoun (WHERE, WHEN, HOW, WHO). Both constructions are
sometimes possible; e. g., a sentence like i DO NOT KNOW WHO KILLED
HIM may be rendered either by NOT I-IT-KNOW WHO HE-HLM-KILLING
or NOT I-WHOM-KNOW HE-HiM-KiLLiNG. Subordinate constructions
with causal signification are :
ts'lolx (1) u's'i (2) t!umuxda (3) give me (2) dentalia (1), for you
have struck me (3) (cf. 15.8)
a'nl (1) gel-gulu'xi (2) gayawa'nda (3) he does not (1) like me
(2), because I ate it (3)
3045 Bull. 40, pt 2 12 13 70
194 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
guxde (1) gayawana f (2) goyo^ (3) yap! a (4) aldl (5) Jie -l-
leme'JcHi 1 (6) you killed off (6) all (5) the people (4), because
shamans (3) ate (2) your wife (1) 146.11
a'nl s (1) ya' s (2) cfi* (3) me -wo u de e da (4) gafcfl (5) he did not
(1) go (2), because I (3) came (4); ga a^l (on account of, for)
is employed to render preceding subordinate unambiguously
causal
a'ni (1) s'in-ho'Vwal (2) yu'Vna (3) ga (4) ga al (5) sbln a (6)
xa'm-Jii (7) lapW (8) not (1) being (3) nose-holed (2), for
(5) that (4) (reason) Beaver (6) got to be (8) under water (7)
166.18
A temporal signification is found in :
M a -yewe' i (1) aldll (2) t!omoma f nma (3) they all (2) returned
far off (1), after (many of them) had been slain (3) 146.22
goyo (1) gel-lohoigwa/nma? (2) wlien shamans (1) are avenged
(2) 148.2
~ba-i-k!iyi' V (1) p'im (2) gayawa'nda (3) he came (1) when I
was eating (3) salmon (2)
al-xi'tgtfn (1) gwi ne (2) ya' a da (3) I saw him (1) when (2) he
went (3)
Relative clauses of one kind and another, including indirect ques-
tions, are illustrated in :
a'nl (1) nek* (2) yok!oya' n (3) lege'xina (4) I do not (1)
know (3) who (2) gave me to eat (4) (literally, not I-whom-
know he-giving-me-to-eat)
yo7c!oya f n (1) neY (2) laga' 'ximina (3) I know (1) who (2)
gave us to eat (3)
man (1) mi'xal (2) lia-loho u nana' (3) he counted (1) how
many (2) he had trapped (3) 100.8
a'nl (1) yoklol (2) gwi (3) giniyagwa'nma* (4) he did not (1)
know (2) where (3) she had been taken to (4) 13.12
ga'Jd (1) duY (2) dl-t!ugul (3) wa-Jc!ododi'nma (4) they wore
(3) the same (1) garments (2) with which they had been
buried (4) 96.16
gl l (1) na nagale e da (2) na na fe (3) do (future imperative) (3)
what I (1) am doing (2)
l-k'we' e xi (1) ulum (2) walYanda* (3) they awoke me (1) who
(or while, when I) before (2) was sleeping (3) 74.5; 75.6
Purpose may be implied by the subordinate in:
p'im (1) gayawana t (2) laga'Vi (3) he gave them (3) salmon
(1) to eat (2) 30.11
The subordinate serves very frequently as a clause of indirect dis-
course after such verbs as KNOW, SEE, DISCOVER. With a regular
70
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 195
verb of saying, such as na(g)-, it is nearly always necessary to report
the exact words of the speaker.
al-xi fi gi n (1) xebeyigi'Ywana? (2) I saw him (1) hurt him (2)
yok!oya' s n (1) p'im (2) galk'na* (3) I know (1) that he has
been eating (3) salmon (2) (literally, I-know-him salmon he-
having-eaten)
al-xl fi xi (1) t!omoxanbanda (2) he saw me (1) strike you (pi.) (2)
al-xl fi gi s n (1) dal-yewe'ida,* (2) I saw him (1) run away (2)
Not infrequently an adverb is to be considered the main predicate,
particularly when supported by the unanalyzable but probably
verbal form wala' si(na s ), while the main verb follows as a subordi-
nate clause. Compare such English turns as IT is HERE THAT i SAW
HIM, instead of HERE i SAW HIM:
erne* (1) wala' s si (2) eit*e e da (3) I am (3) right (2) here (1)
(literally, here it-is really [ ? ] that-I-am)
eme (1) wala' s si (2) eida' s (3) you are (3) right (2) here (1)
ml* (1) wala f si (2) l-lclumanana'nliik'na? (3) he had already
fixed it for him (literally, already (1) it-was-really (2) that-
he-had-fixed-it-f or-him (3) )
Examples of subordidates depending on predicatively used adverbs
without wala f si are:
a'nl e (1) wana (2) eme s (3) ne'ida (4) [it is] not (1) even (2) here
(3) that they did (4) (probably = even they did not get here)
61.3
7iop!e / n (1) p!a' a s (2) Tii^s (3) lop!ot'a (4) it used to snow long
ago (long ago [1] that snow [2] almost [3] stormed [4])
all (1) Jie -l-leme f lc!inda (2) [it is] right here (1) that I destroy
them (2) 108.20
An example of a subordinate depending on a demonstrative pro-
noun is:
I'daga (1) yapta (2) s'as'inlfa* (3) that man is standing (literally,
[it is] that [1] man [2] that is standing [3])
The form wala f sina is in all probability a third personal aorist
transitive subordinate form in -na , as is shown by its use as a sub-
stantive verb for the third person when following an adverb, appar-
ently to supply the lack of a third person in the regular substantive
verb ei-:
eme (1) wala sina (2) afkla (3) he (3) is right (2) here (1)
(literally, something like: [it is] here that-it-really-is he)
ge (1) wala' s'in(L (2) he is over there (literally, [it is] there [1]
that-he-really-is [ 2])
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196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Most astonishing is the use of wala f s'ina as a modal prefix of a
subordinate verb (of the movable class treated above, see 34) to
assert the truth of an action in the manner of our English DID in
sentences like HE DID GO. Thus, from daV-da-Tialsbi HE ANSWERED
YOU, is formed the emphatic dak'-da-wala f sina s -lialsbina HE DID
ANSWER YOU. The only analysis of this form that seems possible
is to consider the verbal prefixes dak*-da- as a predicative adverb upon
which wala f sina is syntactically dependent, the main verb -lialsbina?
itself depending as a subordinate clause on its modal prefix. The
fact that daY-da- has as good as no concrete independent existence as
adverb, but is idiomatically used with the verbal base Tial- to make
up the idea of ANSWER, is really no reason for rejecting this analysis,
strange as it may appear, for the mere grammatical form of a sen-
tence need have no immediate connection with its logical dismem-
berment. The above form might be literally translated as (IT is)
ABOVE (dak'-) WITH-HIS-MOUTH (da-) THAT-IT-RE ALLY-IS THAT-HE-
ANSWERED-YOU.
71. CONDITIONALS
Conditionals differ from other subordinate forms in that they are
derived, not from the full verb-form with its subject-affix, but, if
intransitive, directly from the verb-stem; if transitive, from the verb-
stem with incorporated pronominal object. In other words, the con-
ditional suffix -Yi (-gi ) is added to the same phonetic verbal units
as appear in the inferential before the characteristic -F, and in the
periphrastic future before the second element -gulug w -. The phonetic
and to some extent psychologic similarity between the inferential
(e. g., dumxiV HE EVIDENTLY STRUCK ME) and the conditional (e. g.,
dumxigi 5 IF HE STRIKES, HAD STRUCK ME) makes it not improbable
that the latter is a derivative in -i of the third personal subjective
form in -V of the latter. The conditional, differing again from other
subordinates in this respect, shows no variation for pronominal sub-
jects, the first and second personal subjective forms being periphras-
tically expressed by the addition to the conditional of the third per-
sonal subjective of the appropriate forms of ei- BE. From verb-stem
yana- GO, for example, are derived:
Singular:
First person, yana'i elt'e
Second person, yana'lc*i el
Third person, yana f h'i
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 197
Plural:
First person, yana'Vi e e WY
Second person, yana'lc*i elt*p*
Impersonal: yanayaUk'i
The conditional is used not merely, as its name implies, to express
the protasis of a condition, but as the general subordinate form of
unrealized activity ; as such it may often be translated as a temporal
or relative clause, an introductory adverb or relative pronoun serving
to give it the desired shade of meaning. Examples of its use other
than as a conditional, in the strict sense of the word, are:
yok!oya f n (1) nek* (2) ldxbigi (3) I know (!) who (2) will give
you to eat (3)
dewe'nxa (1) al-xi']c!in (2) gwi ne (3) yana f lc'i (4) I shall see him (2)
to-morrow (1), when (3) he goes (4)
al-xl' xinY (1) gwi ne (2) ~yana'lc"i ele (3) he will see me (1)
when (2) I go (3)
gwen-t*ga a -'bo'Fdanda (1) ts'!o' u t!igi (2) ya' a (3) Jie ne (4) ya' a (5)
xe e bagwa'n (6) just (3) x when they touch (2) the eastern
extremity of the earth (1), just (5) then (4) I shall destroy
them (6) 144.15
It has a comparative signification (AS THOUGH) in:
p!l* (1) de-gu'~k!alxgi (2) na naga' i (3) it was (3) as though fire
(1) were glowing (2) 142.1
Conditional sentences are of two types :
(1) Simple, referring to action of which, though unfulfilled, there
yet remains the possibility of fulfillment.
(2) Contrary to fact, the hypothetical activity being beyond the
possibility of fulfillment.
Both types of condition require the conditional form in the protasis,
but differ in the apodosis. The apodosis of a simple conditional sen-
tence contains always a future form (or inferential, if the apodosis is
negative) , that of a contrary-to-fact condition, a potential. Examples
of simple conditions are:
ga (1) na naFi elf (2) Jiaxada f (3) if you do (2) that (1), you'll
get burnt (3)
ale" (1) yana'Vi* (2) gi* (3) Jiono (4) yana't'e* (5) if he (1) goes (2),
I (3) go (5) too (4)
wede (1) yana'Vi (2) gl* (3) hono (4) wede (5) yana'Ycf (6) if he
does not (1) go (2), I (3) won't (5) go (6) either (4)
gwalt" (1) mahai (2) wo'Vi (3) ga (4) na a gi' V (5) if a great (2)
wind (1) arrives -(3), say (5) that! (4) 196.19
1 Just when =* AS SOON AS.
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198 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The apodosis of such conditions is sometimes introduced by the de-
monstrative pronoun ga THAT, which may be rendered in such cases
by THEN, IN THAT CASE :
ago, (1) xa a -sgo' u sgi (2) ga (3) loho't'e* (4) if this (1) string parts
(2), in that case (3) I shall be dead (4) 59.10, (11)
Of this type are also all general conditions referring to customary
action that is to take place in time to come, such as are often intro-
duced in English by words like WHENEVER, WHEREVER, and so on. 1
Examples of such general conditions are :
wi'lau (1) Jc!emniyaui (2) wa-t*ba' a gamdina (3) whenever peo-
ple will make (2) arrows (1), they (arrows) will be backed
(literally, tied) with it (3) (with sinew) 28.2
wa a dl fi (1) du (2) ba-i-ginak*wi 2 (3) goyo^ (4) he ne (5) do u -
mana' (6) whenever a shaman (4) goes out with 3 (3) one
whose body (1) is good (2), then (5) he shall be slain (6) 146.6
goyo (1) gel-lo7iogwiaui (2) he ne (3) yd' a s'i (4) yapta (5)
gama'xdi (6) p!e' t* (7) whenever one takes vengeance for (2)
a shaman (1), just (4) then (3) ordinary (6) people (5) will
lie (7) (i. e., be slain) 146.8
wede (1) Jiono (2) neW (3) al-xl r VwaV (4) yap! a (5) loJio'Vi (6)
no (1) one (3) will see him (4) again (2), when a person (5)
dies (6) 98.10
gana ne'x (1) yo'V (2) yapta (3) gaik*i* (4) thus (1) it shall be (2)
as people (3) grow, multiply (4) 146.15
Examples of contrary-to-fact conditions are:
aldl (1) yuk*ya'1c'i e elfe e (2) mala'xWn (3) if I knew (2) all (1),
I should tell it to you (3) 162.5
neY (1) yo'lc'i (2) dak'-llmxgwa (3) if it were (2) anyone else (1),
it (tree) would have fallen on him (3) 108.11, 13
I'daga (1) ge (2) yu'Ki* (3) wede (4) dd u ma' n (5) if that one (1)
had been (3) there (2) , I should not (4) have killed him (5)
gl l (1) ge (2) yuTi* elt'e (3) lo u (4) yana' (5) Ttaga* (6) if I (1)
were (3) there (2), he would have gone (5) in that event (4)
In the last example, Tiaga^ is a demonstrative adverb serving to
summarize the protasis, being about equivalent to our IN THAT EVENT,
UNDER THOSE CIRCUMSTANCES. This word may be the adverbialized
1 General conditions, however, that apply to past time, or that have application without reference to
time-limit, are constructed by the use of the subordinate for the protasis, and aorist for the apodosis, both
verbs being, if possible, frequentative or continuative in form : ts- Uxi (1) k'ewe'tk'awalda* (2) h<?ne (3) yap.'a
(4) al-t!ayaik' (5) WHENEVER THE DOG (1) BARKED (2), THEN (3) HE FOUND (5) A PERSON (4).
2 = -ginak'w + -fc.
8 Causes the death of.
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 199
form of the demonstrative pronoun Jia' ga THAT ONE; it is used also
with persons other than the third :
yana't'e liagcf I should have gone in that event
72. USES OF POTENTIAL AND INFERENTIAL
The potential and inferential modes differ from the aorist in the
negative particle with which they may be combined. An indicative
non-future statement, such as is expressed by the aorist, is negatived,
without change of the verb-form, by means of the negative adverb
a'nl :
yant'e I went; afnl* yant'e I did not go
An imperative or future form, however, can not be directly negatived,
but must be expressed by the potential and inferential respectively,
the non-aoristic negative adverb wede being prefixed. Thus we have:
Negative future:
yana f t f he will go : wede yancfY he will not go
yanada' you will go : wede yana'Jctett' you will not go
yana't*e e I shall go : wede yana f lc'a I shall not go
domxbin I shall kill you : wede domxbiga 5 I shall not kill
178.15 you (cf. 178.15)
dd u ma^nk" he will kill him : wede (I) ne'Y (2) yapla (3)
gama'xdi (4) do u mY (5) no
(1) one (2) will slay (5) a
person (3) who is no shaman
(4) 146.16
Negative imperative:
yana^ go! (sing.) : wede yanaV do not go!
yancfnp* go! (pi.) : wede yanaVp* do not go! (156.9)
do u m kill him! : wede do u maY do not kill him!
ga na ncf do that ! : wede ga na naY do not do that !
The particle wede is used with the inferential and potential, not
only to form the negative future and imperative, but in all cases in
which these modes are negatived, e. g., wede do u ma / n i SHOULD NOT
HAVE KILLED HIM, i WOULD NOT KILL HIM. There is thus no morpho-
logic distinction between a prohibitive DO NOT GO ! and a second person
subject negative apodosis of a contrary-to-fact condition, YOU WOULD
NOT HAVE GONE. It is probably not a mere accident that the negative
particle wede is phonetically identical with the verb-stem wede- TAKE
AWAY. This plausible etymology of wede suggests that the origin of
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200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
the negative future and imperative constructions lies in such peri-
phrastic sentences as :
Remove (all thought from your mind) that I (inferentially) go
(i. e., I shall not go)
Remove (all thought from your mind) that you might, would
go (i. e. ; do not go!)
The inferential, as we have seen above (see 59), is used primarily
to indicate that the action is not directly known through personal
experience. An excellent example of how such a shade of meaning
can be imparted even to a form of the first person singular was given
in 70; s' V--k'we fe xi ulum walk'anda THEY WOKE ME UP WHILE i
WAS SLEEPING! 74.5 In the myth from which this sentence is taken,
Coyote is represented as suffering death in the attempt to carry out
one of his foolish pranks. Ants, however, sting him back into life;
whereupon Coyote, instead of being duly grateful, angrily exclaims
as above, assuming, to save his self-esteem, that he has really only
been taking an intentional nap. The inferential form waiJc'anda
is used in preference to the matter-of-fact aorist wayant*e e da i
SLEEPING, because of the implied inference, i WASN'T DEAD, AFTER ALL,
ELSE HOW COULD THEY WAKE ME? I WAS REALLY SLEEPING, MUST
HAVE BEEN SLEEPING. Closely akin to this primary use of the
inferential is its frequent use in rhetorical questions of anger, sur-
prise, wonder, and discovery of fact after ignorance of it for some
time. Examples from the myths, where the context gives them
the necessary psychological setting, are :
geme' di (1) gl* (2) wayauxagwat* (3) yu'Ya? (4) how (1) should
I (2) be (4) daughter-in-lawed (3) (i. e., how do I come to have
any daugher-in-law?) 56.10 I didn't know that you, my son,
were married!
gl l (1) di" (2) Tw'mWlan (3) do u ma (4) did I (1) kill (4) your
father (3) ? (2) 158.2
s'-gwi dl f (1) le'mlcliauk* (2) where (1) have they all gone (2),
any way? 90.25, 27 says Coyote, looking in vain for help
o+(l) ml* (2) di f (3) s'amgicfuk* (4) Oh! (1) has it gotten to
be summer (4) already (2) ? (3) says Coyote, after a winter's
sleep in a tree-trunk 92.9
ga (1) di' (2) xepY (3) ga (4) di' (5) gu u xde'V (6) galY (7)
so it is those (1) that did it (3) ? (2) those (4) that ate (7)
my wife (6) ? (5) 142.18
*$*- merely marks the Coyote (see footnote, 2).
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BOAS! HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 201
e'me* (1) daba' s x (2) di (3) el a (4) yaW (5) are (5) canoes (4)
(to be found) only (2) here (1) ? (3) 114.7 (i. e., why do you
bother me about ferrying you across, when there are plenty of
canoes elsewhere?)
ga (1) di' (2) p!a' a nt" (3) galk*a e (4) so that (1) was their
livers (3) that I ate (4) ? (2) 120.14 says Grizzly Bear, who
imagined she had eaten not her children's, but Black Bear's
children's, livers, on discovering her mistake
A peculiar Takelma idiom is the interrogative use of gwl ne WHEN,
HOW LONG followed by wede and the inferential, to denote a series of
repetitions or an unbroken continuity of action. Examples are :
gwl ne (1) di' (2) wede (3) walY (4) he kept on sleeping
(literally, when [ 1] did he not [3] sleep [4] ? [2]) 142.11 ; 152.24
gwi ne r (1) di (2) wede (3) Tio^Y (4) he ran and ran (literally,
how long [1] did he not [3] run [4] ? [2]) 78.14.
gwl ne (1) di f (2) wede (3) dalc'am (4) he kept on being found,
they always stumbled upon him again (literally, when [ 1] was
he not [3] found [4] ?[2]) 110.15
Similar psychologically is the non-negative future in:
ge'me s di (1) 7iono e (2) al-dd a gi^nJc' (3) they never found him
again (lit., when [ 1] will they find him [3] again? [2]) 190.25
6. Nominal and Adjectival Derivatives ( 73-83)
73. INTRODUCTORY
Although such derivatives from the verb-stem as infinitives and
nouns of agency should logically be treated under the denominating
rather than the predicative forms of speech, they are in Takelma, as
in most other languages, so closely connected as regards morphology
with the latter, that it is much more convenient to treat them imme-
diately after the predicative verb-forms. The number of nominal
and adjectival forms derived from the Takelma verb-stem is not
very large, comprising infinitives or verbal nouns of action, active
and passive participles, nouns of agency, and a few other forms whose
function is somewhat less transparent. The use made of them, how-
ever, is rather considerable, and they not infrequently play an
important part in the expression of subordinate verbal ideas.
74. INFINITIVES
Infinitives, or, as they are perhaps better termed, verbal nouns,
may be formed from all verbs by the addition of certain suffixes to
the stem or stem + pronominal object, if the verb form is transitive.
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202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Inasmuch as infinitives, being nothing but nouns in form, may take
possessive affixes, forms may easily result that combine a transitive
object and a possessive pronoun; e. g. ; domxbiyatW MY (-W scheme
in 92) KILLING YOU (-li-\ FOR ME TO KILL YOU (cf. yexbiyaxdelc"
MY BITING YOU 116.9; -x-deV scheme n 92). The classification of
verbs into classes is reflected also in the infinitive forms, each of the
three main classes being distinguished by a special infinitive suffix.
The suffixes are:
Intransitive I -(a?)x.
Intransitive II -Jc'wa (-gwa).
Transitive -ia (-ya).
The peculiar sub-classes that were grouped together as Class IV
all form their infinitives in -k*wa (-gwa). Besides these three main
suffixes, -(d)epx- (-apx-) with possessive suffixes is employed to form
infinitives from reflexives in -gwi-, while active intransitives in -xa-
form their infinitives by employing the bare stem-form with verbal
derivative -xa. Infinitives in -xa'Vwa also occur. The infinitive
often shows the stem in a purer form than the non-aorist finite
forms; in particular the non-aoristic -p*- of Class II intransitive verbs
regularly disappears before the -gwa of the infinitive.
Examples of infinitives are :
1. From Class I intransitives:
walxde your sleeping yana^x to go
la a -dawi^x to fly up Jioida^x to dance
Tiogwa^x to run lo u x to play 31.7
Hetwa^x to play shinny na s ne^x doing 94.10; 72.4;
148.13
ne^x saying 108.16; 184.10 gvna^x to go (176.8) (from sim-
ple base gin-; contrast third
person future ging-af e C)
Stems ending in long diphthongs either take -x or -ax. Thus we
have either 7ia-yeu-x-da a da or Jia-ye e w-a'x-da a da IN THEIR
RETURNING 124.15.
2. From Class II intransitives:
lc*wa' a xgwa to wake up (in- t'gelxgwa to run around, roll
transitive)
geiwa'lxgwa to eat ba-i-di'n xgwa to march
laYwa to become s'a's'anYwa to stand
plala'Vwa to tell a myth sana'Ywa to fight
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 203
3. From Class IV verbs:
t-he'gwa'fcwa (= -he e g w Jiag w - al-we'ldalVwa to shine
k*wa) to work da-bo Jc'ba'xgwa to bubble
under water (observe verb-
suffix -x- of infinitive; but
da-lok!ol}a f Vna n I make
bubbles)
4. From -xa- verbs :
lu' xwa^ ( = luk!-xcf) to trap p^e'lxa to go to war (but also
p^elxa'Ywa, l )
5. From reflexives :
t'gwd a xa f nt'guridepxdagwa to se e lafmgwidepxdeY to paint
tattoo himself myself
lu' xagwant* gwiapxde^Y to trap han-se e gwa f nt*gwiapxdelc' to
for myself paddle myself across
From non-reflexive verbs are derived :
ga-iwiapxde'Y my eating wuxiapxdd a his coming to get
me
6. From transitives:
plala'xbiya, to tell you a myth l-gaxga'xgwia to scratch one's
self
'l-k'wa' a Jc!wia to wake him l-gi's'gis'ia 2 to tickle him
l-Ywe' e xiya to wake me (164.20) wayanagwia? to run after him
dd a -agania^ to hear about it lo u gwia^ to play with it
wa -l-doxia to gather them domlc'wia 3 to kill him
i-
U-
The syntactical usage of verbal nouns of action is illustrated in the
following examples:
Jivli'rik^waCTc* Idemna^nk* he will make me tired (literally, my-
tiredness he- will-make-it)
t!omoxd a da wiyina' n I help him kill (literally, his-killing[no ob-
ject] I-aid-it)
Tio'gwax gel-gulugwa f n I like to run (lit., running I-like-it)( 196.8)
afnl yoklol nexde^Y he does not know what I said (literally, not
ke-knows-it my-saying)
xi- ugwia ga a^l in order to drink water (literally, water-drinking
for)
ba-i-lc!iyi / Tc* al-xi' xbiya ga cfl he came to see you (literally, he-
came seeing-you for)
1 Infinitives in -k'wa seem sometimes to be formed from other Class I intransitives, e. g., wisma'k'wa
TO MOVE; haxa'k'waa TO BURN (also haxa'xgwaa).
9 Umlauted from *l-gi f s - ga.i'ia.
8 -k'wi- here represents objective -fc'wa- umlauted by infinitive ending -(y~)a (see 8). Similarly s-umt'ia
TO BOIL IT 170.16 from -t'aya.
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204 BUBEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The normal method of expressing purpose, as the last two examples
show, is by the use of an infinitive followed by the general locative
postposition gafcfl TO, AT. FOR. The infinitive, as its inclusion of the
object shows, preserves its verbal character almost completely, and
may itself govern another infinitive :
ia^ al-we'~k!aWwa a to make it shine (literally, to-make-it
its-shining)
Not a few infinitives have become more or less specialized as
regular nouns, though it is extremely doubtful if the transparently
verbal origin of such nouns is ever lost sight of. Such nouns are :
plala'Ywa myth 50.4; 172.17 ts'Iip'na^x speech, oration (cf.
ts'Ii'p'nan I shall make a
speech to them [146.11])
t*ge e mt*ga'mxgwa darkness sana'Ywa fight, battle
gina^x passage-way 176.9 ts'!e e ma^x noise (cf. dd a -ts!em-
xde I hear a big noise 90.21)
ye'l s sgwix sweat (cf. ye'l sgwade e
I shall sweat [140.1])
PARTICIPLES ( 75-78)
75. General Remarks
Participles are either active or passive, and may be formed with
considerable freedom from all verbs. They have not been found with
incorporated pronominal objects, the active participles being more
adjectival than verbal in character, while the passives naturally hardly
allow of their incorporation. The passive participle is often provided
with possessive affixes that correspond to the transitive subjects of
the finite verb; the active participle, on the other hand, undergoes
no modification for person, but, like any adjective, is brought in con-
nection with a particular person by the forms of the copula ei- BE.
76. Active Participle in -f'
*
This participle is formed by simply appending a -', one of the
characteristic adjectival suffixes, to the verb-stem. Inferential and
imperative -p*- of Class II intransitives disappears before this ele-
ment (e. g., se'nsant* WHOOPING), but not the non-aoristic -p*-, which
is characteristic (see 42, 1) of some of the verbs of the same class;
e. g., sana^p* FIGHT T NG (from *sana*p*t*). Participles in -f never
denote particular action, but regularly indicate that the action predi-
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 205
cated of a person is one that in a way marks him off from others, and
that may serve as a characteristic attribute. Not infrequently, there-
fore, a -f- participle has the value of a noun of agency; the fact, how-
ever, that it never appears with pronominal elements, but is always
treated as an adjective, demonstrates its attributive, non-substantival
character. It is possible to use it with a preceding nominal object,
so that sentences may result that" seem to predicate a single act
definitely placed in time ; yet an attributive shade of meaning always
remains. For example, wiJiin domt* elt*e s (literally, MY-MOTHER HAV-
ING-KILLED i- AM) and wihin t!omoma' n both mean i KILLED MY
MOTHER, but with a difference. The latter sentence simply states
the fact, the emphasis being on the act itself; the former sentence,
on the other hand, centers in the description of the subject as a matri-
cide, i AM ONE WHO HAS KILLED HIS MOTHER. The latter sentence
might be a reply to a query like WHAT DID YOU DO? the former, to
WHO ARE YOU?
Examples of -f participles are :
fgwi-ncft* how constituted, of what kind? (gwi- [how, where]
J + naY [from na- do, act]) 14.4, 9, 10; 15.6
[ga-na^t* of that kind, so in appearance 63.12; 192.7
wtint* lc!eme n I make him old (cf. wununt'e* I grow old)
t'gd a haxa^t* burnt field (not passive, but really = field that has
at one time burned) 92.29
Mlt* elfe I know how to sing (literally, singing I am)
yap! a loJiont* elt'e I have killed (many) people (literally, people
causing [ or having caused]-to-die I am)
loho\* having died, dead 148.13
Jiawa' 'x-xiwi\* (it is) rotting
xuda'mi* elt'e I am whistler
ni'xa yiW having copulated with his mother (insulting epithet
applied to Coyote) 86.5, 6, 16
Examples of participles with lost -f have been given above (see
18).
77. Passive Participle in -(a)*X -/^'w
Nominal participial forms in -Y w of passive signification can be freely
formed from all transitive verb-stems, the stem invariably undergoing
palatalization (see 31). The suffix -&** ordinarily requires a pre-
ceding connective -a- replaced, as usual, by an instrumental -i- in
such passive participles as are derived from verb-forms themselves
provided with -i-. Participles in -ok*" tend to be accented on the
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206 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
syllable immediately preceding the suffix, in which case an inorganic
-Ji- generally appears before the -a-] -JiaY w is also regularly used with
preceding fortis (see 19). It is not unlikely that the suffix is organ-
ically -JiaV w , the -Tia- implying continuity (see 43, 5). Instrumental
passives in -iY, on the other hand, are generally accented, with raised
pitch, on the -i- of the suffix. For example, dUmhak' w (ALWAYS)
KILLED Or STRUCK PERSON, but WO-du u mVY w THING WITH WHICH ONE
KILLS (literally, KILLED- WITH thing). Inasmuch as -F w - participles,
differing in this respect from active participles in -, are distinctly nom-
inal in character, they may be provided with possessive suffixes; e. g.,
dumJiaY w -deY MY STRUCK ONE. Forms thus arise which, like -t" -par-
ticiples supplemented by forms of ei- BE, have independent predicative
force. What we have seen to apply to -^-participles, however, in
regard to particularity of action, applies with equal if not greater force
to predicatively used passives in -k' w . While a sentence like I'daga
tlomoma'n (domk'am) THAT ONE WAS SLAIN, with finite passive,
implies the fulfillment of a single act, a sentence whose predicate is
supplied by a passive participle (like I'daga dumhak* w THAT ONE is
[REGULARLY] SLAIN, STRUCK) necessarily refers to habitual or regularly
continued activity: I'daga dumhak' w de'Y THAT ONE is MY (REGU-
LARLY) STRUCK ONE thus approaches in signification the finite
frequentative I'daga t!omo'amda n THAT ONE i (ALWAYS) STRIKE,
but differs radically in signification from both I'daga t!omoma' n
i KILLED THAT ONE and I'daga domt* elt*e i AM ONE THAT HAS KILLED
THAT ONE.
Examples of -Tc" w - participles are:
gwen-sgu' u t*6]z w (those) with their necks cut off (21.2, 4, 5)
xa-l-sgl' i p'sgibi\<L (bodies) cut in two 21.2; 22.3
(mi i ) gela'p'ak' w 1 something which is (already) twisted
guJiak' w na ne^x like something planted, sown
wa -i-duxik' w dek* I have been gathering them (literally, my
gathered ones)
dal s -wa-p*u't!fiti (manzanita) mixed with (sugar-pine nuts) 178.5
fan t'gwil gud^L w da a squirrel has been burying (go u d-) hazel-
nuts (literally, squirrel hazel-nuts [ are] his-buried-ones) 2
selc'dk^deW I (always) shoot (sa a g-) him (literally, my shot one)
' I love her (literally, my loved one)
1 Cf. galaba' n I TWIST IT; -a'- above is inorganic, hence unpalatalized to -e-.
*t'gwll (HAZEL-NUTS) is the grammatical subject; gut'ok'^daa predicates the subject; fan (SQUIRREL) is
outside the main core of the sentence, being merely in apposition with the incorporated -dda (HIS) of the
nominal predicate.
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - TAKELMA 207
As the last example shows, the indirective -s- of verbs with indirect
object is preserved in -hak* w participles (contrast miloft'-Y HE LOVED
HER [inferential]).
Participles of instrumental signification in -W w are freely employed
to make up instrumental nouns, such as names of implements.
Examples are:
do u -sgu' u t!i w log-cut-with ( = saw)
se e l-wa-se e la'mdi w black paint (writing) - therewith - painted
(written) ( = pencil)
l-smi f lsmiliY w (thing) swung ( = swing)
duk* w -wa-sgu' u t!ilc* v dress-therewith-cut ( = scissors)
Jc!wai-ba a -sgelc*sgigik' w grass-up-pitched- with ( = pitchfork)
yap!a-wa-do u miW w people-therewith-killed, e. g., arrow, gun
da ma f xau al $ -wa-xl fi Jc!iJc'' 1 ' far therewith-seen, e. g., telescope
something to stir (mush) up with
It is interesting to note that forms in -F" may be formed from
the third person possessive of nouns, chiefly terms of relationship.
These are shown by the palatalized form of the stem to be morpholog-
ically identical with passive participles in -k* w . Examples are:
Noun Participle
ts'lele'i his eye 86.7, 9 ts'!de'ik' w eye-having 27.9
ni'xa his mother 17.11; 126.7 ni'xak.' w he has a mother
ma'xa his father 17.12; 126.6 me'#ak' w he has a father
F^Wp'ifc/^his woman (178.8) Tc*e i *fc'p*ikli1s.*'* he has a wife
142.6
t!l is lafp*ilc!l i her husband 46.1 tft is le'p*ik!ik** she has a hus-
band
Such forms in -k* v may well be compared to English adjectives of
participial form in -ed; e. g., LEFT-HANDED, FOUR-CORNERED. They
may be further adjectivalized by the addition of -at* (see below,
108); e. g., me'xagwat* FATHER-HAVING.
78. Passive Participles in -xap* (-sap")
Less common than passive participles in -(a)fc' w are certain forms
in -xap* (-sap*), which, like the former, show a palatalized form of
the stem, and seem to be identical in function with them. Like
-Y w - participles, again, they may be provided with possessive pro-
nominal suffixes, though these belong to another scheme of endings:
gel-gula'lc*ak* w -deW my liked one, I like him ( = gel-gula'xab-at']c^
gel-gula f lc'ak' w -da they like him ( = gel-gulaf xap*)
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208 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Forms in -xap* are in particular use as names of articles of clothing.
Examples are:
gwen-un' i xa,p' handkerchief, neckerchief 188.5 (cf. gwen-wl fi lc!an
I shall wind it about my neck)
dak*-wl' is xsip* something wound about one's head
m-Ze' e sap' ( = -t!-xap'} belt (cf. xa a -ld' a t!an I shall put it about
my waist)
gwen-p!lxsnp* pillow (cf! gwen-p!iYwan I shall lie on pillow)
7ia-lu' us x&p* shirt (cf. Jia-ld' u Jc! w in I shall put on shirt)
7ia-ya-u-t'ge'n ssip* ( = -ts!-xap*) vest (cf. Tia-ya-u-t*ge'nts!an I shall
put it about my middle, ribs)
' man's hat
NOUNS OF AGENCY ( 79-82)
79. Introductory
Four suffixes have been found that are employed to form nouns
of agency from verb-stems, - e s, -sd a , -si*, and -xi. The first of these
is more strictly verbal in character than the other three, being capable,
unlike these, of incorporating the pronominal object. -sa a and -si*,
probably genetically related suffixes, are used apparently only with
intransitive stems (including, however, such as are partly transitive
in form, i. e., that belong to Class IV). - s and -xi are used with both
transitive and intransitive stems.
80. Nouns of Agency in -(a') e s
This suffix is used to form agent ives with more freedom than the
others seem to be. The ending - e s is added directly to the verb-stem,
with connective -of- (instrumental -i-) if phonetically necessary. No
examples have been found of agentives in - s from intransitives of
Class II. Examples are (49.4; 60.10) :
~hoida' s dancer Jidpxi-t'd a ga f s child-crier ( =
cry-baby)
~he e la' s singer xut*ma' s whistler
p!d a ga f s bather 7c'aiwi f wa -i-doxi s one who
gathers everything
yd a da f s swimmer xuma-Jc!emna f s food - maker
( = cook) 54.4
ts!aruya' e s fast runner 138.2 domxbi e s one who kills you
ei-sa a gwa' s canoe paddler mala'ximi s s one who tells us
The last two examples show incorporated pronominal objects; the
first personal plural object -am- is, as usual, followed by the connec-
79-80
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - TAKELMA 209
tive -i-. The strongly verbal coloring of the agentive in - s is perhaps
best indicated by its employment as a final clause. Examples of
this use are:
ba-i-k!iyiWde e al-xi' i xbi s I came to see you (literally, as one-
seeing-you)
me -gini f k* al-xi' i xi s he came to see me
hoida' s di me -ginigaY did you come to dance? (i. e., as dancer)
a'nl me -gini'~k' de lo u s' I did not come to play, as player 31.6
(cf. 74 for another method of expressing this idea)
81. Nouns of Agency in -s7*, -sa
These, as already observed, are less distinctly verbal in force than
the preceding. Some verbs have agentives in both - s and -sa a ; e. g.,
lie e la f s and Jielsa a SINGER. Not infrequently there is a distinct feel-
ing of disparagement in a -sa a - agentive as compared with one in - s;
e. g., Tiog w a' s GOOD RUNNER, but Jio'Jc*sa a ONE WHO ALWAYS RUNS
(BECAUSE OF FEAR). Both of these suffixes are added directly to the
stem without connecting vowel. If stressed, they have the falling
accent. -sa a is the regular agentive ending of Class II intransitives;
-p'- is or is not retained before it under the same conditions as in
the case of the participial -f (see 76).
Further examples of agentives in -si 1 and -sa a are:
l-Jie e gwa'Y w l i worker
da-losi liar (but non-disparaging lo u s player)
u'^s'i 1 ( = u' ie s'-s'l i ) Jc!eme n I make him laugh (literally, laugher)
waf*$l i blinker
xa a -wlsei ii go-between (settler of feud) 178.11
da^pliyawlssL 9 - one going, dancing by side of fire ( = medicine-
man)
yims'SL fa - ( = yims'-s'a' a ) dreamer ( = medicine-man)
big sleeper
- big sneezer
one knowing how to whoop
one knowing how to fight
S'aVcmsa a one always standing
s'u' als& a one always sitting
notstadam yu'sa,* e e lilc' we are neighbors (literally, neighboring-
to-us being [stem yu-] we-are)
ttobaga'sa?- ( = -a's-sa a ) elt* you are always lying like dead
A few nouns in -si 1 , in which an agentive meaning can not well
be detected, nevertheless doubtless belong here: lo u sV PLAYTHING
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 - 14 81
210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
(110.6,11) (cf. verb-stem lo u - PLAY); less evidently, le e psV FEATHER
28.2; dWk&i* HIS TAIL (86.21, 23)
82. Nouns of Agency in -xi
Only a few verbal derivatives in -xi have been obtained. They are :
al-huyuxi (= -x-xi) hunter
ye e xi" needle, awl (literally [ ?], biter [cf. verb-stem ye e g w - bite])
122.8
gel-dula'x? ele e I am lazy, one who is lazy
gel-he' is xi stingy (cf. verb-stem 7ie i x- be left over)
s"ilmxi v paddle stirrer (cf. s'u^m-fa- boil) (170.16)
el t'gelxl 1 wagon (literally, canoe one-that-rolls)
83. FORMS IN -i'ya
Two or three isolated verb-forms in -i'ya 1 have been found that
appear to be of a passive participial character. There are not enough
such forms available, however, to enable one to form an idea of their
function. The few examples are:
t'ga a (1) haxani'ya, (2) ml 1 (3) al-t!ayaW (4) then (3) he dis-
covered (4) a burnt-down (2) field (1) 92.26
yapfa (1) do u mi'ya, (2) al-t!ayaW (3) he discovered (3) killed
(2) people (1)
Both of these forms in -i'ya, it will be observed, are derived from
transitive stems (Jiaxani'ya from causative Jiaxa-n- CAUSE TO BURN,
BURN) , and would seem to be best interpreted as attributive passives
corresponding to the attributive actives in -f. To these forms
belongs probably also:
dV-Tie'liya, (1) wa-iwl fi (2) girl (2) who sleeps on a raised board
platform (1) (literally, perhaps, up-boarded girl [cf. 7ie e la^m
board]) 13.2
II. The Noun (. 84-102)
84. Introductory
Despite the double-faced character of some of the nominal deriva-
tives of the verb-stem (e. g., the passive participles), there is formally
in Takelma a sharp line of demarcation between denominating and
predicative elements of speech. This is evidenced partly by the
distinct sets of pronominal suffixes peculiar to noun and verb, partly
by certain nominal elements appearing before the possessive affixes
and serving, perhaps, to distinctly substantivize the stem. Only a
1 Not to be confused with transitive infinitives in-ia\
83-84
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 211
small number of stems have been found that can, without the aid of
nominal (or verbal) derivative elements, be used as both nouns and
verbs. Such are:
Noun Verb
se' e l black paint, writing se e l-a'md-a n I paint it
Jie' e lsong 106.7; (164.16) M sing! (170.12)
liw-a' a naga' i he looked (per- liwila' 'u-t' 'e I looked (152.17)
haps = his-look he-did) 55.6 (imperative llu 14.11 ; [60.2])
duk* w shirt 96.16 dl-du w wear it! (55.9; 96.16)
t!il gambling-sticks in grass- t!u f lt!al-siniba let us gamble
game at grass-game 31.9
xle' es p* dough-like mass of l-xlep!e'xlib-i n I mash it into
camass or fat dough (94.11)
xan urine xala'xam-t'e I urinate
A number of cases have been found of stem + suffix serving as noun
and verb (e. g., wu^lha^m MENSTRUAL " ROUND" DANCE 100.10, 16:
wWlliafmt'e* i SHALL HAVE FIRST COURSES 162.7, 8); but in these it
is probable that the verb is a secondary derivative of the noun.
Even in the first two examples given above, a difference in pitch-
accent serves to distinguish the noun from the verb-stem: 7iel-guluW w
HE WILL SING, but Tie' ' e l gel-guluW w HE LIKES, DESIRES, A SONG. The
use of a stem as both noun and verb in the same sentence may
lead to such cognate accusative constructions as the English TO LIVE
A LIFE, DREAM A DREAM:
se' e l-se e la f msi write to me!
du u gwl fi dl-du u gwcfnY she shall wear her skirt 55.9
If we analyze noun forms like HibagwcfnW MY PANCREAS and
da a nxdeW MY EAR, we find it necessary to consider five more or less
distinct elements that go to make up a noun with possessive suffix,
though all of these but the radical portion of the word may be absent.
First of all we have the stem (ttiba-; da a -) which may or may
not be similar in form to a verbal base, and which occurs either as
an absolute noun unprovided with a pronominal suffix (body-part
nouns and terms of relationship, however, do not ordinarily appear in
their naked stem-form) , or as an incorporated noun; e. g., t!iba-wesin
I AM PANCREAS-DEPRIVED, MY PANCREAS HAS BEEN TAKEN FROM ME.
Appended to the stem are the purely derivational or formative
elements of the noun. Takelma is characterized rather by a paucity
than an abundance of such elements, a very large proportion of its
nouns being primitive, i. e., non-derivative, in character. Of the
84
212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
two nouns that we have chosen as types dci a nxde"Y shows no forma-
tive element in the proper sense of the word, while the -gw- of tliba-
gwcfnW is such an element (cf . from stem llu- LOOK liu-gw-ax-de^
MY FACE) .
More characteristic of the Takelma noun than derivational suffixes
is a group of elements that are never found in the absolute form of
the noun, but attach themselves to it on the addition of a pronominal
suffix or local pre-positive. The -n- and ~(a)n- of da a nxdeW and
HibagwcfnW, respectively, are elements of this kind (cf. 7ia-da-n-de
IN MY EAR; lia-tlibagw-an-de IN MY PANCREAS), also the -a- of danaYlc*
MY ROCK (cf. 7ia-dan-a^ IN THE ROCK [from da^n rock]), and the -u of
Tia-t'gau IN THE EARTH 33.7 (from t'ga EARTH). The function of these
elements, if they have any and are not merely older formative suffixes
that have become crystallized in definite forms of the noun, is not
at all clear. They are certainly not mere connective elements serv-
ing as supports for the grammatical suffixes following, as in that
event it would be difficult to understand their occurrence as absolute
finals in nouns provided with pre-positives ; nor can they be plausibly
explained as old case-endings whose former existence as such was
conditioned by the preceding pre-positive, but which now have
entirely lost their original significance, for they are never dependent
on the pre-positive itself, but vary solely with the noun-stem:
Tia-dan-a* in the rock; da a -dan-a^ beside the rock; dal-dan-a*
among the rocks; dan-cf-k* my rock; dak*-dan-a-de over my
rock (with constant -a- from da^n rock 16.12)
7ia-gwd a l-a^m in the road 62.6; da a -gwd a l-cfm along the road;
gwa a l-cfm-t* my road (96.8) ; dak*-gwd a l-am-de over my road
(48.6, 8) (with constant -am- from gwan road 148.7)
For want of a better term to describe them, these apparently non-
significant elements will be referred to as noun-characteristics.
Not all nouns have such characteristics :
Jia-gelcfm in the river (from gela^m river 21.14) as opposed to xd a -
gulm-a^n among oaks (from gulifm oak 22.10, 11)
Whether such nouns were always without them, or really preserve
them, but in a phonetically amalgamated form, it is, of course,
impossible to decide without other than internal evidence.
A fourth nominal element, the pre-pronominal -x-, is found in a
large number of nouns, including such as possess also a characteristic
84
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 213
(e. g., da a -n-x-de^Y) and such as are not provided with that element
(e. g., sal-x-de^Y MY FOOT) ; a large number, on the other hand, both
of those that have a characteristic (e. g., tlibagw-cfn-tW) and of
those that lack it (e. g., l)em-a a HIS STICK) do without the -a?-. A
considerable number of nouns may either have it between the
characteristic and the pronominal ending or append the personal
endings directly to the characteristic, no difference in signification
resulting. In such doublets, however, the pronominal suffixes be-
long to different schemes:
'bilg-an-x-de'Y and bilg-cfn-t*Jc* my breast
se e ns-i-x-da f and se e ns-i'- your hair
wa a d-i'-x-da (92.24) and wa a d-l H his body 146.6
The characteristic -a- never tolerates a following -x-. Where doublets
occur, these two elements seem to be mutually equivalent: ey-cf-fk*
(1 12.6) and ei-x-deW MY CANOE (from el CANOE 1 14.3) . Such doublets,
together with the fact that nothing ever intervenes between it and the
personal suffix, make it possible that this -x- is a connective element
somewhat similar in function to, and perhaps ultimately identical
with, the connective -x- of transitive verbs. This, however, is con-
fessedly mere speculation. What chiefly militates against its inter-
pretation as a merely connective element is the fact of its occurrence
as a word-final in phrases in which no possessive element is found :
dagax wo'i s head without
7ia-dd a -n-x molhW in-ear red (i. e., red-eared) 14.4; 15.13
If the local phrase involves a personal pronominal element, the -x-
disappears :
da a -n-x-deW my ear, but ha-da-n-de in my ear
This treatment marks it off sharply from the noun-characteristics.
Fifthly and lastly, in the integral structure of the noun, comes
the possessive pronominal suffix (the first person singular of terms
of relationship, however, is a prefixed wi-) . The following tabulated
summary shows the range of occurrence of the various elements of
the noun:
1. Stem. Occurs as absolute noun (gwari), or incorporated in verb
(da*-).
2. Derivative element. Occurs as ending of absolute form of
noun whose stem appears only in incorporation: t!ibcf-Y w
pancreas.
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
3. ~Noun characteristic. Occurs with all increments of absolute
form of noun; i. e., with pronominal suffix (gwa a l-a^m-W) ,
with pre-positive (ha-gwa a l-a^m) , and with pre-positive and
pronominal element (7ia-gwa a l-am-de) .
4. J?re-pronominal -x-. Occurs with pronominal suffix (da a -n-x-
de^V) and pre-positive (ha-da a -n-x) , but never with pre-positive
and pronominal element.
5. Pronominal suffix. Occurs in two distinct forms: one for
nouns without pre-positives (da a -n-x-deW) , and one for nouns
- accompanied by pre-positive (ha-da-n-de) .
A tabulated analysis of a few typical words follows:
Stem
Derivative
Character-
istic
Pre-pro-
nominal
Pronominal
Meaning
(ha-~) wax.- 1
g-cfn
in the creek
le'-
k'w-
an-
t'V
my anus
da-uya'a-
Vw.-
deV
my medicine-spirit
daa-
n-
X-
deW
my ear
boTd-
an.-
X-
deK
my neck
fc'a#-
la'p'a.-k!-
i-
t'k'
my woman
lou-
s-i\-
f'fe'
my plaything
sge'ee-
xab.-
a-
t'V
my hat
li'u-
gw-
ax-
de v fc'
my face
xaa-
ha'm-
da
on his back
ts-.'e'k'ts-.'ig-
i-
X-
deW
my backbone
(ha-) yaw-
a-
dl
in my ribs
doum.-
a v Z-
t'V
my testicles
xufll-(xan.)
a v m-
t'Tc'
my urine
i-
u-
X-
deW
my hand 1
(fto-) l-
u-
dl
in my hand]
1 A point (.) shows the absolute form of the word.
1. Nominal Stems ( 85, 86)
85. GENERAL REMARKS
The stem is in a very large number of cases parallel in form to
that of a verbal base (e. g., with dcfn ROCK, s'om MOUNTAIN, mex
CRANE, cf. t!an- HOLD, s'om- BOIL, Jie e m- WRESTLE). An extensive
number of noun-stems, however, are apparently amplifications of a
simpler monosyllabic base, and have all the outward appearance of
an aorist stem in the verb. It becomes, then, not only possible, but
fundamentally important, to classify noun-stems into types that seem,
and ultimately doubtless are, entirely analogous in form to cor-
responding verbal types. The noun-stem will- HOUSE, for example,
can be conceived of as formed from a base wil- in the same manner
85
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 215
as the aorist naga- is formed from the verb-stem nd a g- SAY TO SOME
ONE. Similarly, the noun yele^x BURDEN-BASKET is phonetically
related to a hypothetical base *yelx- t as is the aorist leme-lc!- to the
non-aorist lem-lc!-. A small number of nouns appear in two forms,
one corresponding to the aorist stem, the other to the verb-stem of a
verb: gulu^m OAK, but with characteristic -(a)n-:gulm-an-(the non-
aorist gulcfm with inorganic -a- also occurs) . Similarly, yulu^m and
yulcfm EAGLE. In such variable nouns we have a complete morpho-
logic analogy to Type 2 (or 3)) verbs like aorist xudum- WHISTLE,
verb-stem xut'm- (with inorganic -a-: xudam-) . In both gulu^m and
xudum- the -m- is almost certainly a suffixed element. It must be
carefully noted, however, that, while in the verb we very often have
both the aorist stem and the base (as verb-stem) in actual existence,
in the case of nouns we rarely can go beyond the stem as revealed in
an absolute or incorporated form. It is true that sometimes a
hypothetical noun-base phonetically coincides with a verbal base, but
only in the minority of cases can the two be satisfactorily connected.
Thus, yut!-, abstracted from yutlu^n DUCK, is very probably identical
with the yut!- of aorist yutluyad- SWALLOW GREEDILY LIKE HOG OR
DUCK. On the other hand, little is gained by comparing the yul- of
yulu^m EAGLE with the yul- of aorist yuluyal- RUB; the p!iy- of
pli'yin DEER and pli'yax FAWN with the aorist -p!iyin-(Jc'wa-) LIE
ON PILLOW (cf. gwen-p!lxap* PILLOW), unless the deer was so called,
for reasons of name-taboo, because its skin was used for the making
of pillows (or, more naturally, the reverse) j 1 the way- of waycf KNIFE
with way- SLEEP; or the noun-stem yaw- RIB (occurring as ya-u- when
incorporated) with the verb-stem yaw- (yiw-) TALK. It is not justi-
fiable to say that noun-stems of apparently non-primitive form are
necessarily amplified from the bases that seem to lie back of them
(e. g., wili- from wil-; yulu-m from yul-), but merely that there is a
strong tendency in Takelma for the formation in the noun of ceftain
typical sound-groups analogous to those found in the verb.
86. TYPES OF STEM FORMATION
Though it is probably impossible to duplicate all the various types
of aorist and verb stem found in the verb, most of those that are at
all frequent occur also in the noun.
1 Improbable, however, if aorist p.'eyertr LIE and p.'iyin-k'wa- LIE ON PILLOW are radically connected (see 31).
216
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
1. The most characteristic type of noun-stem in Takelma is the
monosyllabic group of consonant (less frequently consonant-cluster) +
vowel (or diphthong) + consonant (less frequently cluster) . This
type may be considered as corresponding to the normal monosyllabic
verb-stem. Out of a very large number of such primitive, underived
noun-stems are taken a selection of examples.
Occurring as naked stems only when incorporated:
gwel- leg
S'in- nose
da a - ear
gel- breast
gwen- neck
dag- head
s'al- foot
Occurring as absolute nouns:
nox rain 90.1
pIlfiTQ 62.10; 78.13
be sun 54.3; 122.15; 160.20
lem tree, stick 25.5; 48.7
xi v water 15.1; 57.14
^land 49.12; 73.9
Vgwa? thunder 55.8
p!a' a s snow 90.2, 3; 152.16
p Vm salmon 17.12; 30.10
Ian salmon-net 31.2; 33.4
mal salmon-spear shaft 28.7
t'gwa^n slave 13.12
gwan trail 148.7
Ms fly
del yellow- jacket 73.7, 10
mex crane 13.1
xe'm raven 162.8, 12
s-em duck 55.2; 166.10
. sel kingfisher
mel crow 144.9; 162.7
yak* w wildcat 42.1; 46.9
xa^mk* grizzly bear 106.14
dip" camass 108.18; 124.12
Tc!wal grass 31.8
Jiix roasted camass 178.4
o'V tobacco 194.1
Jclwal pitch 88.13; 158.9
yup* woman's basket-cap 178.3
86
yaw- rib
I- hand
xa a - back
de e - lips, mouth
Tia- woman's private parts
mo x grouse
fgweW w rat (sp.?)
t*l'*s gopher 78.4, 7
sbln beaver 112.1; 166.12
S'Ux bird 22.4; 166.10
dcfn rock 13.6; 16.12
la' a p* leaves
S'U venison 16.6; 55.1
xln mucus
la" excrement 122.2
Vga?m elk 158.4; 196.6
t!a mussel 26.7
~bo u n acorn-hopper
zo'fir 24.10; 54.6
Mile' panther 42.1
UY W skunk 164.2
t'an squirrel 94.2, 4
S'om mountain 43.6
xan urine
do u m testicles 130.20
do u m spider
hou jack-rabbit 108.8
ga'l bow
hai cloud 13.3
biti grasshopper 92.28, 29
xm'F acorn dough 16.12
gul thick brush 71.1
fgwll hazelnut 116.5, 11, 14
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 217
Occurring generally with possessive suffix:
n wa a d- body 9224; 130.24;
father 17.12; 70.7; 158.3 146 6
rwm-) , ' .
xu u l- brains
ni- } se e n- skin
fe _jmother 17.9; 76.10, 13; Mg _ buttockg ^. mo .
172 ' 17 94.15
gu u x-wife 13.2; 45.3; 64.5; 142.12 Ulg- breast
W-male, husband 45.14; 126.14 u u l- hair 24.8; 162.4
m*- teats 30.14 (ni* found as a-is-- property 23.2; 154.13
absolute form 130.9)
p!a a n- liver 120.15 (plan found
as absolute form 57. 9 , 13)
These lists might be very greatly increased if desired. It will be
noticed that a considerable number of the nouns given are such as
are generally apt to be derivative or non-primitive in morphology.
In regard to accent monosyllabic nouns naturally divide themselves
into two classes: those with rising or raised accent, embracing the
great majority of examples, and those with falling accent. Of the
latter type a certain number owe their accent to a glottal catch of
the stem. Besides ga'l , already given above, may be cited:
go H leggings
lc!a'l s sinew 27.13; (28.1)
p!e' e l s basket-plate 168.15
k*o' x tar- weed seeds 26.15
These offer no special difficulty. There is a fairly considerable num-
ber of monosyllabic nouns, however, in which the falling accent can
not be so explained, but appears to be inherently characteristic of
the nouns. Besides o' u p\ p!a fa s, t'l^s, and la' a p*, may be mentioned:
ne' e l song 106.7 #e' c F w yellowhammer90.18; 194.15
se' e l black paint, writing ~be fe w shinny-ball
ge' e t* xerophyllum tenax a'W silver-side salmon
ye' e t* tears p!e' e s (with derivative -sf see 87,
wa fa s bush (sp.?) 25.12 8) flat rock on which acorns are
pounded 74.13; 75.2; 118.17
For two of these nouns (he' e l and se' e l) the etymology is obvious.
They are derived from the verb-stems Jie e l- SING and se e l-(amd-)
PAINT; it may well be that the falling accent here characterizes sub-
stantives of passive force (THAT WHICH is SUNG, PAINTED). Possibly
la fa p* and d' u p* are to be similarly explained as meaning THOSE THAT
1 Most nouns of relationship show monosyllabic stems; none can be shown to be derivative in character.
218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ARE CARRIED (BY BRANCHES) and THAT WHICH IS DUG UP 1 (cf. aorist
stems la a b- CARRY and o u b- DIG UP).
2. A very considerable number of noun-stems repeat the vowel of
the base, corresponding to aorist stems of Type 2 verbs. Such are:
w\'l\ house 13.1; 14.8; 192.6 gwit!i-(n)- wrist
fe-.'i'addog fc'a&a- son 23.2; 128.5; 138.14
moa;o N buzzard 105.23 x&ga,- maternal aunt
sgi'si coyote 13.1; 70.1; 108.1 xli'wi war-feathers 110.18
sgwini" raccoon wa?/a"knife73. 3; 144.20; 172.12
fc/a'ma spit for roasting 170.17 #o?/o v shaman47.11; 142.7 ;188.7
y&p!sf person 14.12; 96.2; 128.2 wo u p!u-(n)- eyebrows .
7/ana N acorn 15.16; 16.9; 58.9
With probably derivative final consonant are :
lege^m- kidney d&g&^n turtle
Zap'am frog 102.10; 196.3 ts'!&xsL f& n blue-striped lizard
yuZu'm eagle 77.2; 122.15;164.8 wigln red lizard
#uZu v ra oak 22.10 Zi'&itt news 108.20; 194.9
fc'uZumfish (sp.?) yi'win speech 126.10; 136.12
Zozo'm manzanita 126.17; 178.5 fe'/amaZ mouse 102.10; 104.9;
142.4
yuttu^n white duck 55.5 simi'Z dew
pli'yin deer 17.1; 42.2; 54.2 (k !el)mehel j i' i basket for cook-
gBfJcl&n ladder 176.8 ing 178.4
Here again it will be observed that the rising or raised accent is
the normal one for the second syllable of the stem. But here also a
well-defined, if less numerous, group of noun-stems is found in which
the repeated long vowel bears a falling accent. Examples are:
t'gwdsi fa - hooting owl 194.9 Hibis'I'*- ant 74.4; 75.5
M u s*u/ u chicken-hawk 142.6 cZa-iM/a' a shaman's spirit (? from
dawy- fly) 164.14
s'uhu' u quail 70.2,5; 71.4 maya /a -fc' w - orphan 154.5
Compare also Honors' below (Type 3); fcr.WL'- and t*bele' s (Type
3) owe their falling accent to the presence of a glottal catch.
Very remarkable is the stem formation of the noun tluxu'i DRIFT-
WOOD 75.5. It is evidently formed from the verb-stem do u x- (aorist
stem tloxox-} GATHER (WOOD) according to aorists of Type 7b, at the
same time with vowel ablaut (cf. theoretic t!uxti-xi HE GATHERS ME)
and falling accent, perhaps to give passive signification (see 86, 1);
its etymologic meaning would then be THAT WHICH is GATHERED.
No other noun of similar stem formation has been found.
1 If this etymology of 6'up' is correct, Pit River dp' TOBACCO must be borrowed from Takelma.
86
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 219
3. It is not strictly possible to separate noun-stems corresponding
to aorists of verbal Type 2 from those that are to be compared with
aorists of Type 3. The doubt that we found to exist in the verb as
to the radical or suffixal character of certain consonants is present
also in regard to the final consonant of many dissyllabic nouns.
The following nouns with repeated vowel show final consonants that
are not thought to be elements of derivation. If this view is correct,
they are to be compared with Type 3 aorist stems.
libls crawfish 30.2 u'Zizfc/- hair 27.1; 140.6; 158.1
n\hfw'^V w black bear 116.1; deges 1 - sifting basket-pan
118.1 196.13
ts'Iill'fy!- elbow Jc!&ba?s porcupine-quills
sidib-i- (house) wall 176.4, 9 t'gw^y^m lark 22.1; 160.3
leples cat-tail rushes hulun ocean 60.8; 154.14
pine-nuts oho^p* black shells (sp. ?) 55.9
QX flea motlo^p* seed-beater
s-eZeF pestle 56.1 yuklum- salmon-tail 198.9
s'uluk* cricket dugvfm baby 126.9
t!ono fu s- humming-bird (per-
haps with derivative -s)
4. Analogous to aorist stems of Type 4 verbs (e. g., yewei-) are a
few nouns with repeated vowel and following -i- to form a diphthong.
Of such nouns have been found:
ts- /eZei- eye 27.8 ; 86.7 ; 92.20 do-klolo'i-do-x- cheek
fc'weeZei- name 100.21 mafta'i (adjective) large 196.10
fc/eZei- bark 54.6 (cf. plural mohml 130.4 for
fc/oZol storage basket 61.5; base)
138.17
That the final -i- of these nouns is not an added characteristic,
but an integral part of the noun-stem, is proven by the facts that no
examples have been found of vowels followed by noun-characteristic
-i- (ordinarily -n- or -m- is employed), and that ts'lelei- has been
found incorporated in that form.
5. A few nouns are found that show a repeated initial consonant;
they may be compared to Type 10 aorist stems. Examples are:
se e ns- hair 136.28 (cf. se e n- boy alder (94.17)
skin)
lu fl l- throat 25.2 (? cf. aorist ts'IuVs (ts f lunts- !-) deer-
lomol choke) skin cap embroidered with
woodpecker-scalps
1 Absolute form dega^s 178.4; cf. yula^rn 164.3 alongside ofyulu^m 77.8?
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220 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
sims thick, deep (of snow) 90.3 ts'\e'n e s m (ts'Ients'!-) wild-rose
berry 92.23
loebe^-n rushes bap' seeds (sp.?) (34.1; 79.9;
94.19)
b# w b-aV arm 23.2 ? 4; (172.4) ts'Ia'^s' 1 bluejay (onomato-
poetic)22.14;102.10;166.11
sens bug (sp.?) kelp* 2 swan 102.10; 104.14
Here may also be mentioned ~k!a'mdk!a, a HIS TONGS (also Tc!a'ma a ).
6. Reduplicated nouns are not frequent in Takelma, particularly
when one considers the great importance of reduplication as a gram-
matical device in the verb. Examples corresponding in form to Type
12 aorists (i. e., with -a- [umlauted to -i-] in second member) are:
t*gwi'nt*gurin-i- shoulder (also ts m !e'lc'ts'!ig-i- backbone 112 A',
gwl fi nt*gw-i-) 198.6
gelgcfl fabulous serpent (cf. gi'xgap* medicine, poison
aorist gelegal-amd- tie hair (irreg.) 188.12
into top-knot 172.3)
stfnsa^n decrepit old woman gwi'sgwas chipmunk
yuYya'Yw-a (place name) p*a t*p'id-i- salmon-liver (with
188.13 dissimilated catch) 120. 19,20
t" ga'lt* gil-i- belly ~b d u t^id-i- orphans (also&o'6a)
Also wa-iwl H GIRL 55.7; 96.23 doubtless belongs here; the -wl fi of the
second syllable represents a theoretic -wi'y, umlauted from -wa'y, the
falling accent being due to the inorganic character of the repeated a.
A very few nouns repeat only the first consonant and add a, leaving
the final consonant unreduplicated. Such are:
ba'~k'ba a red-headed woodpecker (onomatopoetic) 92. 2, 6
Jia' Va a ( = *hdk!-ha a ) goose 102.10; 106.2, 5
boMa" orphan 122.1, 5
A few nouns, chiefly names of animals, show complete duplication
of the radical element without change of the stem-vowel to -a- in the
second member. This type of reduplication is practically entirely
absent in the verb. Examples are:
ts'!e' e ts'!e small bird (sp.?) al-k!ok!o^V (adj.) ugly-faced
60.5
dalda'l dragon-fly 21.1; 28.6 lolo^p screech-owl 194.1
p*aba' a p" manzanita-flour fga'nt'gan fly (upper dialect)
Even all of these are not certain. Those with radical -a- might
just as well have been classified with the preceding group (thus
a That *$ is felt to be equivalent to -ts i ! is shown by Bluejay's song: ts - fa'its- !l-a gwa'tca gwatca 104.7.
*bel-is felt as the base of this word, cf. Swan's songbeleldo+ wa'inha 104.15, which shows reduplication
of bel- like aorist helel- of hel- SING.
86
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 221
daldcfl may be very plausibly connected with aorist tlalatldl- from
t!alal-j non-aorist da a ldal from da a l- CRACK); while p*aba' a p~ and
bobo^p* may, though improbably, show Type 1 reduplication
(p*ab-a a b- like p!ab-ab- CHOP). This latter type of reduplica-
tion seems, however, to be as good as absent in the noun (but cf .
sgwogw6W w ROBIN; mele^lx BURNT-DOWN FIELD 92.27 may be morpho-
logically verbal, as shown by its probably non-agentive -x). The
fullest type of reduplication, that found exemplified in the aorists
of Type 13 verbs, has not been met with in a single noun.
2. Noun Derivation ( 87, 88)
87. DERIVATIVE SUFFIXES
The number of derivative suffixes found in the noun, excluding
those more or less freely employed to form nominal derivatives from
the verb-stem, are remarkably few in number, and, for the most part,
limited in their range of application. This paucity of live word-
forming suffixes is, of course, due to a great extent, to the large num-
ber of nominal stems in the language. The necessity of using such
suffixes is thus greatly reduced. The various derivational affixes found
in the Takelma noun will be listed below with illustrative examples.
1. t*(a}-. This is the only derivational prefix, excluding of course
such considerably individualized elements as the body-part prefixes
of the verb, found in Takelma. It is employed to form the words
for the female relationships corresponding to ELDER BROTHER and
YOUNGER BROTHER.
waxa his younger brother 54.1, 5 t'awaxa his younger sister 55.2
wi^obl my elder brother 46.10 wi-obl my elder sister (55.14)
2. -la'xfa(k!-). This suffix is found only in a number of nouns
denoting ranks or conditions of persons; hence it is not improbable
that it was originally a separate word meaning something like PER-
SON, PEOPLE. That it is itself a stem, not a mere suffix, is shown by
its ability to undergo ablaut (for- le'p*i- see 77). -k!- is added to it
in forms with possessive or plural affix. For example, homt!l is la'p*a
178.7 MALE, HUSBAND are formed t!i i la'p*ilc!it*Jc* MY HUSBAND
(142.7) and t!l i lafp'ak!an HUSBANDS, MEN (130.1, 7). The fact that
the stem preceding -la'p^a appears also as a separate word or with
other elements indicates that words containing -lafp^a, may be best
considered as compounds.
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222 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Examples are:
W la'p'a male, Husband 178.7 (cf. til*- husband, male)
&V la'p'a woman 25 9, 12; 108.4, 5 (cf. Jc*a ie s'o'Jc*da girl who has
already had courses)
raoZo^ola'p'a old woman 26.14, 16; 56.3 (cf. mologo^l old woman
168.12; 170.10)
bdrfba a la,'~p*&k!an orphans (cf. l>dt*ba orphan and lo u bid-i-t'Jc'
my orphaned children)
lomtnil&'p'sJdan old men 128.11 : 130.1 (cf. lomtll' 1 old man 24.1 1 ;
126.19)
0s*d M la'p'a poor people
3 . -&' . A number of place-names with suffixed -F have been found :
La'mhi^i Klamath river
Sblnk* Applegate creek (cf. sbln beaver)
Gwen-p*unk* village name 114.14 (cf. p'u^n rotten 140.21)
Ha-t!dnk* village name
Dak'-t*gamlk* village name (cf. t*ga?m elk)
Gel-yolk* village name 112.13; 114.8 (cf. yal pine)
1 village name
village name (cf . dcfn rock)
4. -a f (n}. Nouns denoting PERSON COMING FROM are formed by
adding this suffix to the place-name, with loss of derivative -k\
Examples are:
Ha-gwa a l&' person from Ha-gwal, Cow creek
Lamlil i y& f person from La'mhik', Klamath river
SWno,' e person from Sbink', Applegate creek
Dal-sa'lsana? person from Dal-salsan, Illinois river
Dl -ldmiyaf s person from DlMomi
Gwen-p*u'n& person from Gwen-p'unk'
Ddl-da,niy&' person from Dal-dani N k'
S'omola,' 5 person from S'omolu v k' (see footnote)
Ha-t!o u na, f person from Ha-t!onk'
La-t*ga a wa, /e person from La-t'gau, uplands 192.14
Dak l -t*gamiy&' person from Dak'-t'gamlk'
Ha-l i l2(f s person from Ha-t'il
Gel-yd a l&' person from Gel-yalk'
Dak*-ts!a a wan&' person from dak'-ts !a a wa r n, i. e., above the
lakes ( = Klamath Indian)
DaF-ts!a a malsi'
i The -u*- of this word is doubtless merely the pitch-accentual peak of the -1-, the -u- resonance of the
liquid being due to the preceding -o-. The word is thus to be more correctly written as Somolk' (similarly,
wulx ENEMY was often heard as wulu^x), as implied by S'omola' e ONE FROM SOMOLK'. In that event
S'omol- is very probably a frequentative in v+l (see 43, 6) from s'om MOUNTAIN, and the place-name
means VERY MOUNTAINOUS REGION.
87
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 223
Da a -gelma,' n person from Da a -gela N m, Rogue river (= Takelma
Indian)
Di-dalamsi' ii person from Didalam, Grant's Pass
Judging from the material at hand, it seems that -a' s n is used only
when the place-name ends in -m, though the ease with which -a' n
may be heard as -a' s (see first footnote 60) detracts from the cer-
tainty of this generalization. **
5. -gw-. This element occurs 'as a suffix in a number of terms
relating to parts of the body. Examples are:
pancreas 47.17; t!ibagw-cfn-Y my pancreas (47.5, 6, 7,
13) (incorporated tliba- 46.1, 9)
my face (cf . verb-stem llu- look)
-cfn-tW my shoulder
da-uya fa i w -dek* my medicine-spirit (incorporated da-uya a -
164.14)
Ze'k'w-cm-f &' my rectum (cf. la^ excrement 122.2)
ma'p!agw-a-W my shoulder-blade
6. -(a)n- (or -m-, --). There are so many nouns which in their
absolute form end in -(a)n or its phonetic derivatives -(a)m- and -(a) l-
(see 21) that there is absolutely no doubt of its suffixal character,
despite the impossibility of ascribing to it any definite functional value
and the small number of cases in which the stem occurs without it.
The examples that most clearly indicate its non-radical character will
be conveniently listed here :
he e lsfm board 176.5 (cf. dtf-he'liya sleeping on board platform 13.2)
hail 152.12, 16 (cf. verb-stem ts'lel- rattle)
deer 13.10; 42.2 (cf. pH'yax fawn 13.11; 49.11)
yi'win speech 126.10; 138.4 (cf. verb-stem yiw- talk)
li'bin news 194.9 (? cf. verb-stem laba- carry)
yut!u^m white duck 55.5 (cf. verb-stem yut!- eat greedily)
do'lk* enn.-a- anus (also do'W-i- as myth form 106.4, 8)
doWim-i-
doWin-i- 106.6, 9
xdau eel (cf. reduplicated 7ia s -xdd' a xdagwa s n I throw away some-
thing slippery, nastily wet [49.7])
s'ugws^n root basket 124.5 (cf. s'ugwidl it lies curled up like
bundled roots or strings)
dan ye'twald-in-l* rocks returning-to- them, myth name of Otter
160.10, 13 (cf. verb-stem ye e w-ald- return to)
Other examples, etymologically untransparent, will be found listed
in 21. The difference between this derivational -n (-m) and
87
224 BUKEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
noun-characteristic -n- (-m) lies in the fact that the former is a neces-
sary part of the absolute form of the word, while the latter appears
only with grammatical increments. Thus the -am of 7ie e lcfm BOARD
can not be identified with the -am of Jia-gwd a la^m IN THE ROAD, as
gwa a la^m has no independent existence. The exact morphologic cor-
respondent of gwa a l-am- is 7ie e lam-a- (e. g., 7ie e lam-a*-tW MY BOARD).
A doubt as to the character of the -n- can be had only in words that
never, or at least not normally, occur without possessive suffix:
lege^m-t'Jc' my kidneys
wo u p!u"n-t"Y my eyebrows l
7. -a. There are a rather large number of dissyllabic nouns or
noun-stems with final -a, in which this element is to outward ap-
pearance an integral part of the radical portion of the word.
The number of instances in which it occurs, however, is considerable
enough to lead one to suspect its derivational character, though it
can be analyzed out in an even smaller number of cases than the
suffix -n above discussed. The most convincing proof of the exist-
ence of a suffix -a is given by the word xu'ma FOOD, DRY FOOD, 54.4;
188.1, a derivative of the adjective xu^m DRY 168.15 (e. g., p'im xu^m
DRIED SALMON; cf. also xumu'de s i AM SATED [132.1]). Other pos-
sible examples of its occurrence are:
fox (? cf. verb-stem yul- rub) 70.1, 4, 5; 78.2, 3, 9
bear 72.3; 73.2, 3, 4, 5; 106.7, 10
pleldsf slug 105.25
noxwa? small pestle
ZYZma small pestle 62.1; 116.18, 19; 118.2
ma'xU dust 172.3; 184.5, 9
' grass for string (sp. ?)
shinny-stick (? cf. verb-stem tleu- play shinny)
louse (? cf. verb base tlel- lick) 116.3, 6, 7, 8, 11
pancreas 46.1, 9; 49.7
ela,- tongue (characteristic -a-1)
old tree 24.1
oak 22.11; 168.1, 2, 3, 6, 7 (cf. yangwa's oak sp.; with
-gwas cf . perhaps al-gwa's-i- yellow)
It is of course possible that some of the dissyllabic nouns in -a
listed above ( 86, 2) as showing a repeated vowel (e. g., ya'pla) really
belong here.
i These seem to be parallel to gwitlfn-t'Tt' MY WKIST, in which -TO-, inasmuch as it acts as the equivalent
of the characteristic -u- (cf. gwit.'iuxde'k' MY WEIST with luxde'k' MY HAND), is itself best considered
characteristic element.
87
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 225
8. -s. This element is in all probability a derivational suffix in
a fairly considerable number of words, as indicated particularly by
the fact of its frequent occurrence after a consonant. Examples are :
p!e' e s mortar-stone fastened in ground (cf. verb-stem p!e- lie)
74.13; 120,17
letups blanket (? cf. base lab- carry on shoulder) 98.14, 15, 19, 21
pte^ns squirrel
gtims (adj.) blind 26.14 (? cf. gomhaW w rabbit)
bels moccasin
JduSls worm (? cf. verb-stem go u l-, aorist klolol- dig)
yols steel-head salmon (? cf. yolcf fox)
Ms moss 43.16; 44.1; 47.15
bami^s sky 79.7 (cf. verb-prefix 5am- up)
Mis (adj.) long 14.5; 15.12, 15 (? cf. da-balni'-xa [adv.] long time)
Also some of the dissyllabic nouns in -s with repeated vowel listed
above ( 86, 3) may belong to this set.
A few other stray elements of a derivational aspect have been
found. Such are:
-ax in pli'yax fawn 13.11; 16.8; 17.1, 2 (cf. pfi'yin deer)
-xi 1 in lomxV otter 13.5; 17.13; 154.13; 156.14; u' e xi seed-pouch;
M a pxV child 13.8, 13 (cf. liap'da his child 98.13 and lia a p*-
incorporated in 7ia a p*-7c!emna' s s Children-maker 172.15)
pluralic -x- in Tiapxda his children 16.3 ; 118.1, 14
-x- varies with -s- in adjective Jiapsdi small; Jid a pxi f Tiapsdi
little children 30.12
A large number of dissyllabic and polysyllabic nouns still remain
that are not capable of being grouped under any of the preceding
heads, and whose analysis is altogether obscure:
laxdis wolf 13.1; 16.10; 17.10
domxa^u Chinook salmon
yik'aY red deer
yiba'xam small skunk
bixa^l moon 196.1
Icla'naklas basket cup (probably reduplicated and with deriva-
tive -s)
88. COMPOUNDS
Of compounds in the narrower sense of the word there are very
few in Takelma. Outside of personal words in -ld'p*a, which we
have suspected of being such, there have been found:
lomtll'i old man 24.11, 12; 126.19 (cf. M*- male)
Jc'a i s'o'?c*da girl who has had courses (cf. Va i la'p'a woman)
iCf.-xf above, 82.
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 15 88
226 BTJKEATJ OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Independent nouns may, however, be juxtaposed without change of
form to make up a descriptive term, the qualifying noun preceding:
hapxi-tn'Wa" child male-person ( = boy) 14.1, 6; 17.3,6; 156.10
7iapxi-wa-iwl fi child female-person ( = girl) 29.7; 30.1; 71.3
7iapxi-t'd a ga' s child crier ( = cry-baby)
da'n mologo'l rock old-woman 170.10, 15, 20; 172.1
dan 7iapxi-t!i' i t*d a rock boy 17.8
dan wl*ll f * his rock knife 142.20
gwa's' will brush house (for summer use) 176.14
ydx will graveyard house 14.8, 9; 15.5, 6
will* he'lcfm house boards 176.5
xamk* wa-iwl'* grizzly-bear girl 124.10; 130.6, 7, 26
mena dap!d f la-ut'an bear youths 130.11
yapfa goyo^ Indian doctor 188.12
Examples of compounds in which the first element is modified by a
numeral or adjective are:
wili ha lgo' yapla^ house nine people ( = people of nine houses)
150.16
yapfa alt'gu' i s' goyo^ person white doctor ( = white doctor) 188.11
A certain number of objects are described, not by a single word,
but by a descriptive phrase consisting of a noun followed by an
adjective, participle, or another noun provided with a third personal
possessive suffix. In the latter case the suffix does not properly indi-
cate a possessive relation, but generally a part of the whole or the
fabric made of the material referred to by the first noun. Such are :
lasgu'm-iuxgwaY snake handed ( = lizard) 196.4
t"gwllts'!i fi lc'da, hazel its-meat ( = hazel-nut)
t'gwa Tie e lamd' a thunder its-board ( = lumber) 55.8, 10
p!iyin sge' e xaba a deer its-hat (not deer's hat, but hat of deerskin)
ptiyin ts'Iu'nts'H* deer its-cap-embroidered-with woodpecker-
scalps
Tc'ai mologold'p*axdd a what its- woman ( = what kind of woman?)
122.3
wi'li gwala^ houses many ( = village)
ts'li'xi maha^i dog big ( = horse)
p*im s'inlxdc, salmon its-nose ( = swallow) (perhaps so called
because the spring run of salmon is heralded by the coming of
swallows)
mena? e alt*guncfpx bear +? ( = dormouse [?])
xi'lam sebeY dead-people roasting ( = bug [sp.?]) 1 98.13, 15
rotten copulating- with ( = Oregon pheasant)
i See Appendix B, note 2 of first text.
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 227
89. 3. Noun- Characteristics and Pre- Pronominal -x-
As noun-characteristics are used four elements: -(a)n (including
-am and -al), -a-, -i-, and -u-. Although each noun, in so far as it
has any noun-characteristic,, is found, as a rule, to use only one of
these elements, no rule can be given as to which of them is to be
appended to any given noun. Nouns in suffixed -(a)n, or -(a)m, for
example, are found with characteristic -i- (bu u bin-i- [from bu u -ba^n
ARM]), -a- (Jie e lam-a- [from he e lcfm BOARD]), -(a)n (gulm-an- [from
gulcfm OAK]), and without characteristic (Jbo'Ydan-x-deY MY NECK
[hombo'Vdan 15.12, 15]).
1. ~(a)n. Examples of this characteristic element are:
gwit!i-n- wrist (cf. variant gwit!l-u-)
t!ibagw-&n- pancreas 45.15; 46.5 (absolute t!ibaW w 47.17)
da madagw-&u- shoulder
ZeFw-an- rectum
dd a -n-x- ear 14.4; 15.13 (incorporated dd a -)
ts!d a w-Q,n- lake, deep water 59.16 (absolute tsfati 162.9; 166.15)
gulm-a,n.- oak (absolute gula^m)
bob-in- 1 alder 94.17 (absolute bo^p')
Its phonetic reflexes -al and -am occur in:
S'd u m-al- mountain 124.2; 152.2 (absolute s-om 43.6; 122.16)
dd u m-&\- testicles 130.8 (absolute do u m 130.20)
ts!d a m-al- (in Dak*-ts!a a mala f Klamath Indian, parallel to
Dak' -is !d a wana' )
gwa a l-&m- trail 48.6, 8; 96.8, 9 (absolute gwdn 148.7)
mZ-am- urine (absolute xari)
-am- is also found, though without apparent phonetic reason, in xd a -
Jiam- BACK (incorporated xa a -) . Certain nouns add -g- before taking
-an- as their characteristic:
wax-gan- creek (absolute wa^x)
del-gan-(x-) anus 45.9; 72.10; 94.15
bil-gan-(x-) breast
gel-gan- breast (cf. variant gel-x-)
2. -a-. More frequently occurring than -(a)n- is -a-, examples of
which are:
dansi- rock (absolute dcfn 17.8; dal-am- as possible variant in
place-name Dl-dala^m over the rocks [?])
ey-&- canoe 112.6; 114.5, 13; 156.2 (cf. variant ei-x-)
t*gwan-&- slave (absolute t'gwa^n 13.12)
he e lam-&- board 55.8, 10 (absolute 7ie e la^m 176.5)
yd u k!w-&- bone 186.1; 196.17 (absolute yo us Jc' w )
i This word happened to occur with following emphatic yd'a, so that it is probably umlauted from bob-an-.
89
228 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
p'im-a- salmon 31.1; 32.4 (absolute pVra 30.10, 11; 31.3.)
do'Wam-&- rectum (cf. variant do f Wim-i-)
ma f p!agw-&- shoulder blade (absolute ma'p!ak* w )
yaw-a- rib 194.10 (incorporated ya-u-)
xiy-Si- water 58.6; 156.19; 162.13 (absolute xV 162.7, 8, 14)
p!iy-&- fire 118.4; 168.19 (absolute pit 88.12, 13; 96.17)
All nouns in -xab- take -a- as their characteristic, e. g., sge f e xab-a-t" V
MY HAT (from sge' e xap* HAT)
3. -i-. Examples of nouns with -i- as their characteristic are:
du u gw-i- shirt 13.4; 96.26; 192.4 (absolute du w 96.16)
lu u lin-\- arm 31.4; 172.4, 5, 6 (absolute lu u lcfn 23.2, 4, 9)
t* gwi r nt' gwin-i- shoulder
ts'!ugul-'i- rope (cf. absolute ts'luY)
Fu u ib-i- hair, skin 24.8; 160.6
uluk!-\- hair 27.1, 4; 126.11; 136.20; 158.1; 188.4, 5; 194.7.
7c!alts!-i- sinew 28.1 (absolute Jc!a'l s 27.13)
ld a l-\- seeds (sp.?) 34.1; 79.9; 94.19 (absolute lap')
lc!elw-\- basket bucket 170.14, 16, 18, 19 (absolute ~k!el 186.17)
md a l-i- spear-shaft 156.1 (absolute mal 28.7, 9, 10)
du u l-i- spear-point (absolute dul 28.8, 9; 156.19, 20)
lvM-\-(x-) throat 25.2
mu u l-i- lungs
t!egilix-i- skull 174.3
t'galt'gil-i-(x-) belly
ts-!ek'ts-!ig-\-(x-) backbone 112.4
ham-i- father 158.3 (e. g., Tiam-i'-H* your father, but wi-hcfm my
father 138.19)
A number of terms of relationship show an -i- not only in the second
person singular and plural and first person plural but also, unlike
ham-i- FATHER, in the first person singular, while the third person in
-xa(-a) and the vocative (nearly always in -a) lack it. They are:
wi-Jc'abal my son (23.2, 3)
wi e -obl my elder brother
(46.10)
wi-t'obl my elder sister
wi-kla'si my maternal
grandparent 14.2; (15.12)
wi-xddl my paternal uncle
wi-Jiasi" my maternal uncle
wi-t'adi" my paternal aunt
22.14
wi-xagal my maternal aunt
wi-ts!al my (woman's)
brother's child 22.1 ; 23.8, sister's child
10; my (man's) sister's
child 148.19; 150.4
89
a his son 138.16
o'^-xa his elder brother 48. 3; 62.2
ZV^-xahis elder sister 55. 14; 56.6
fc/o/s-a his maternal grandparent
16.1, 2; (154.18)
xda-xa, his paternal uncle
Jia's-Sb his maternal uncle
t'a'd-B, his paternal aunt (63.9;
77.14)
xaga'-xo, his maternal aunt
her brother's child; his
Ws] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 229
Still other terms of relationship have an -i- in all forms but the voca-
tive. It is probable, though not quite so certain for these nouns, that
the -i- is not a part of the stem, but, as in the preceding group, an
added characteristic element. Such nouns are:
Vocative
gamdi'-xa his paternal grand- gamda
parent (170.21; 188.13)
siwi'-xa her sister's child; his siwa
brother's child
wak*di'-xa his mother's broth- wcik'da 77 A
er's son 77.6; 88.14; (188.9)
t!omxi'-xa l his wife's parent tlomxa
lamts!i'-xa her brother's wife lamtsla
yidi'-xa her husband's sister yida
nanbi'-xa his brother's wife; nanba
his wife's sister
ximni'-xa his relative by mar- ximna
riage after linking member
has died
The -i- has been found in the vocative before the -a (but only as a
myth-form) in obiya o ELDER BROTHER! 59.3; 62.4 (alongside of oba),
so that it is probable that the vocative -a is not a mere transfor-
mation of a characteristic vowel, but a distinct element that is
normally directly appended to the stem. Other examples of myth
vocatives in -a appended to characteristic -i- are tslaya o NEPHEW!
23.1 (beside ts!a) and wo'Ydicf o COUSIN! 88.14, 15 (beside wok* da).
The stem Jiam- with its characteristic -i- is used as the vocative:
Jiaml o FATHER! 70.5; 71.7; also o SON! Quite unexplained is the
not otherwise occurring -i- in the vocative of mof- SON-IN-LAW:
mot'ia^ 166.6, 7. As already noted (see 88, 2), nouns in -la'p*a
regularly take an -i- after the added -Tel- of possessive forms : -la'p*ik!-i-.
4. -u-. Only a few nouns have been found to contain this element
as their characteristic. They are :
i-u-x- hand 58.2; 86.13 (incorporated $-)
gwit!l-u-x- wrist 2 (cf. variant gwit!i-n-)
Jia-u-x- woman's private parts 108.4; 130.8 (incorporated ha-)
t'ga-u- earth, land 55.3, 4; 56.4 (absolute t'ga 73.9, 11, 13)
-tlomxcfu wife's parent (cf. tlomxi'xa his wife's parent 154.16;
164.19; see footnote, sub 3).
1 The first person singular shows -u as characteristic: wi-t!omxcfu.
2 It is highly probable that this word has been influenced in its form by lux- HAND, which it resembles in
meaning, if it is not indeed a compound of it.
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230 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The pre-pronominal element -x- is in some words appended directly
to the stem or stem + derivational suffix; in others, to one of the
noun-characteristics -(a)n, -i, and -u (never -a) . A considerable num-
ber of words may or may not have the -x- after their characteristic;
a few show variation between -a- and -x-; and but a very small
number have -x- with or without preceding characteristic (e. g., gel-x-,
gel-gan-j and gel-gan-x- BREAST) . Examples of -x- without preceding
characteristic are:
c%-ax- head 1 90.12, 13; 116.8; 188.4, 5 (incorporated dak'-)
saZ-x- foot 120.18 (incorporated sal-)
gwel-x.- leg 15.15; 86.18; 122.10; 160.17 (incorporated form
gwel-)
de e -x- lips (incorporated de e -) 186.18
gwen-ha-u-x.- nape (incorporated gwen-lia-u-)
ei-x- canoe (absolute el)
dl mo-x- hips (incorporated dl s mo-)
liugw-six.- face
bok'dan-x.- neck (absolute bo'fcdan)
M?i-x- 2 brothers 136.7
Rather more common than nouns of this type seem to be ex-
amples of -x- with preceding characteristic, such as have been
already given in treating of the noun-characteristics. A few body-
part nouns in -x- seem to be formed from local third personal pos-
sessive forms (-da) ; e. g., dif alda-x-deY MY FOREHEAD from di' alda
AT HIS FOREHEAD (but also dl is a"l-Y with first personal singular pos-
sessive ending directly added to stem or incorporated form dl i al-) ;
da-k!olo'ida-x-deY MY CHEEK is evidently quite parallel in formation.
Body-part nouns with pre-pronominal -x- end in this element when,
as sometimes happens, they occur absolutely (neither incorporated
nor provided with personal endings). Examples of such forms fol-
low:
haux woman's private parts 130.19
da'gax head
yu'lclalx teeth 57.4
dayawa'ntlixi m v a? other hand 86.13
gwelx dayawa'ntHxi other leg 86.18
i-oi- contains inorganic -a-, and is not to be analyzed as characteristic -a- + -x- (parallel to -i- + -x-).
This is shown by forms in which -x- regularly disappears; e. g.,dak'-dS OVER ME (not *dag-a-de as parallel
to-s-in-i-dS).
2 Perhaps with pluraiic -x- as in haflp-v- CHILDREN, p. 225.
89
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA
231
4. Possessive Suffixes ( 90-93)
90. GENERAL REMARKS
The possessive suffixes appended to the noun embrace elements
for the first and second persons singular and plural and for the third
person; the form expressing the latter is capable of further ampli-
fication by the addition of an element indicating the identity of the
possessor with the subject of the clause (corresponding to Latin suus
as contrasted with eius). This element may be further extended to
express plurality. Altogether four distinct though genetically related
series of possessive pronominal affixes are found, of which three are
used to express simple ownership of the noun modified; the fourth ig
used only with nouns preceded by pre-positives and with local adver-
bial stems. The former set includes a special scheme for most terms
of relationship, and two other schemes for the great mass of nouns, that
seem to be fundamentally identical and to have become differentiated
for phonetic reasons. None of these four pronominal schemes is
identical with either the objective or any of the subjective series
found in the verb, though the pronominal forms used with pre-
positives are very nearly coincident with the subjective forms found
in the future of Class II intransitives :
Tia-wilide in my house, like s-a's'antfe* I shall stand
ha-will fi da in his house, like s'd f s'ana a he will stand
The following table gives the four possessive schemes, together with
the suffixes of Class II future intransitives, for comparison: *
Terms of relation-
ship
Scheme II
Scheme III
With pre-
positives
Future in-
transitives II
Singular:
First person . . .
wi-
-dfe'
-YJk 1
-de
-dee
Second person . . .
-'*?
d<*
- / '
-da s
-da*
Third person . . .
-xa, -a
-da
-', -'*'
-'da
-da
Plural:
First person . . .
-da'm
-da'm
-da'm
-da'm
-(p")igam
Second person . . .
-tfban
-daba s n
-'efban
f-daba n
\-' e t'ban
-daba
Singular reflexive:
Third person . . .
-xagwa, -agwa
-dagwa
-'Cgwa
\-'t'gwa
Plural reflexive:
Third person . . .
-xagwan, -agwan
-dagwan
-t'gwan
t-'dagwan
[-'t'gwan
1 A complete comparative table of all pronominal forms is given in Appendix A.
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232
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
It will be observed that the main difference between the last two
schemes lies in the first person plural; the first scheme is entirely
peculiar in the first person singular and third person. The first person
plural possessive suffix, (-da'm) resembles the endings of the sub-
jective future of the same person (-iga'm, -anaga'm) in the falling
accent; evidently there is a primary element -a'm back of these
various endings which has amalgamated with other suffixes. As
seen from the table, reflexive suffixes exist only for the third person.
The plural reflexive in -gwan has often reciprocal significance :
wu'lxdagwan their own enemies ( = they are enemies)
The suffixes of the first and second person plural may also have
reciprocal significance :
wulxda'm e e Wk* we are enemies (lit., our enemies we are) cf.
180.13
91. TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP
Jiam- (ma-) FATHER, Tiin- (ni-) MOTHER, ~k!as- MATERNAL GRAND-
PARENT, and beyan- DAUGHTER may be taken as types of the nouns
that form this group. 1
Singular:
First person ....
wiha^m
wihi^n
wik.'asi*
wibeya^n
Second person . . .
hami' s t'
hi'ntt'
klasi't?
beya'rM'
Third person . . .
ma'xa
ni'xa
k.'a'sa
beya'n
Plural:
First person ....
hamida'm
hinda'm
k'asida'm
bcyanda'm
Second person . . .
hami' e t'ban
hi'n e t'ban
k.'asWban
beya'nH'ban
Singular reflexive:
Third person ....
ma'xagwa
ni'xagwa
k.'a'sagwa
beya'nt'gwa
Plural reflexive:
Third person ....
ma'xagwan
ni'xagwan
k.'a'sagwan
beya'nt'gwan
Vocative
haml
\Unde\
\[s-na]\
k.'asa
tfhindc
l-fiaj
The first two of these are peculiar in that they each show a double
stem; the first form (ham-, Jiin-) is used in the first and second
persons, the second (ma-, ni-) in the third person. Despite the
phonetically symmetrical proportion ham- : ma- = Tiin- : m-, the two
words are not quite parallel in form throughout, in that Tiin- does not
show the characteristic -i- found in certain of the forms of
i Out of thirty-two terms of relationship (tabulated with first person singular, third person, and vocative
in American Anthropologist, n. s., vol. 9, pp. 268, 269) that were obtained, twenty-eight belong here.
91
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 233
Of the other words belonging -to this group, only that for FRIEND
shows, or seems to show, a double stem: wik!u u ya^m MY FRIEND
snidldu'yam o FRIEND! 31.6, 8; 32.4, 6 but Tc!u u ya'pxa HIS FRIEND
190.2, 4 and Tc!wyaba r *t* (with inorganic rather than characteristic a)
YOUR FRIEND 198.2. Irregular is also wi-k!o u xa^ MY SON'S WIFE'S
PARENTS: Jc!o u xa'm-xa HIS SON'S WIFE'S PARENTS 178.9, in which
we have either to reckon with a double stem, or else to consider
the -m- of the latter form a noun-characteristic. Other terms of
relationship which, like Jiin-, append all the personal endings
without at the same time employing a characteristic are:
wd a - younger brother 42.1; 64.4 (also t*awa a - younger sister
58.1, 5; 188.10)
lc!e e l)- husband's parent
wayau- daughter-in-law ([ ?] formed according to verb-type 11
from way- sleep) 56.8, 9
s'iyd p*- woman's sister's husband or husband's brother
Jiasd- 1 man's sister's husband or wife's brother 152.22
k!uyal.~\ friend 180.13; 196.19; 198.2
beyan- DAUGHTER 13.2; 70.1, 4; 118.1, 4 belongs, morphologically
speaking, to the terms of relationship only because of its first per-
sonal singular form; all its other forms (the vocatives really belong
to Tiin-) are built up according to Scheme III.
As far as known, only terms of relationship possess vocative forms,
though their absence can not be positively asserted for other types of
nouns. The great majority of these vocatives end in -a, which, as in
wa o YOUNGER BROTHER! may be the lengthened form with rising
accent of the final vowel of the stem, or, as in k!asa o GRANDMOTHER!
16.3, 5, 6; 17.2; 154.18 added to the stem, generally with loss of the
characteristic -i-, wherever found, wayau- and s-iya p'-, both of which
lack a characteristic element, employ as vocative the stem with rising
accent on the a- vowel: wayau o DAUGHTER-IN-LAW! and s-iya p*
o BROTHER-IN-LAW! (said by woman). This method of forming the
vocative is in form practically equivalent to the addition of -a. s-na 2
MAMMA! and JiaiJcIa o WIFE! HUSBAND! are vocatives without corre-
sponding noun-stems provided with pronominal suffixes, beyan-
DAUGHTER and Ic'aba- SON, on the other hand, have no vocative
1 wiha^st' MY WIFE'S BROTHER is the only Takelma word known that terminates in -st\
3 Inasmuch as there is hardly another occurrence of s'n- in Takelma, it is perhaps not too far-fetched to
analyze s-na into s'- (cf. second footnote, p. 8) +na (vocative of ni- in ni'xa HIS MOTHER).
91
234 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
derived from the same stem, but employ the vocative form of MOTHER
and FATHER respectively. Of other vocatives, Jclu'yam J o FRIEND!
31.6, 8; 32.4, 6 is the bare stem; Jiaml 70.5; 71.7, the stem with
added characteristic-!-; hinde o MOTHER! DAUGHTER! 56.7; 76.10,
13; 186.14 is quite peculiar in that it makes use of the first personal
singular ending (-de) peculiar to nouns with possessive suffix and pre-
ceding pre-positive. Only two other instances of a nominal use of
-de without pre-positive or local adverb have been found : mo't*e e MY
SON-IN-LAW! (as vocative) 164.19; and k'wi'naxde MY FOLKS, RELA-
TIONS, which otherwise follows Scheme II (e. g., third person
Jc*wi f naxdd a ).
The normal pronominal suffix of the third person is -xa; -a is found
in only four cases, Jcta'sa HIS MATERNAL GRANDPARENT, ha'sa HIS
MATERNAL UNCLE, Vofdd HIS PATERNAL AUNT, and Tld' 'sdd HIS BROTHER-
IN-LAW. The first two of these can be readily explained as assimi-
lated from *~k!a'sxa and *Jia'sxa (see 20, 3): *t*adxa and *Jiasdxa,
however, should have become *t'a'sa and *Tiafsa respectively. The
analogy of the first two, which were felt to be equivalent to
stem + -a, on the one side, and that of the related forms in -d-
(e. g., f ado, and Jiasda) on the other, made it possible for t'a'da and
Jia'sda to replace *t*a r sa and *Tia'sa, the more so that a necessary
distinction in form was thus preserved between Jia'sa HIS MATERNAL
UNCLE and Jia'sda (instead of *Jia'sa) HIS BROTHER-IN-LAW.
The difference in signification between the third personal forms in
-xa and -xagwa (similarly for the other pronominal schemes) will be
readily understood from what has already been said, and need not be
enlarged upon:
ma'xa waP-TwrtiiV he spoke to his (some one else's) father
ma'xagwa wd a -7iimi^ he spoke to his own father
There is small doubt that this -gwa is identical with the indirect
reflexive -gwa of transitive verbs with incorporated object. Forms
in -gwan seem to refer to the plurality of either possessor or object
possessed :
Ydba'xagwan their own son or his (her) own sons
elxdagwan their own canoe or his own canoes
The final -n of these forms is the indefinite plural -an discussed
below ( 99). Plural (?) -gwan is found also in verb forms (144.12;
150.24).
i kfuyam- is perhaps derived, by derivational suffix -(a)w, from verb-stem k.'duy- GO TOGETHER WITH ONE.
91
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 235
92. SCHEMES II AND III
As examples may be taken dagax- HEAD, which follows Scheme II,
and will- HOUSE, dana- ROCK, tlibagwan- LIVER, and xa a ham- BACK,
which follow Scheme III.
Singular:
1st person
da'gaxdek*
wiliW
danaVk'
tUbagwa^nfk'
xdaha^mt'k'
2d person
da'gaxde 5
wili' s t
dana' s t'
t!ibagwa'n s t'
xaaha'm^t'
3d person
da'gaxda
will'i
dana'a
t.'ibagwa'n
xaaha'm
Plural:
1st person
da'gaxdam
wilida'm
danada'm
tUbagwa'ndam
xdaha'mdam
2d person
daga'xdaba s n
will' 'ft' 'ban
dana' H* ban
tlibagwa'nffban
xaaha'mn'ban
Singular reflex-
ive:
3d person
daga'xdagwa
wili'fgwa
dana'Cgwa
t.'ibagwa'nt'gwa
xaaha'mt'gwa
Plural reflex-
ive:
3d person
daga'xdagwan
wili't'gwan
dana't'gwan
ttibagwa'nt'gwan
zaaha'mt'gwan
1
A third person plural -dan also occurs, as in dUmhaJc' w dan HIS
SLAIN ONES Or THEIR SLAIN ONE 180.2.
Scheme II is followed by the large class of nouns that have a pre-
pronominal -x-, besides a considerable number of nouns that add the
endings directly to the stem. Noun-characteristics may not take the
endings of Scheme II unless followed by a -x- (thus -cfntW and
-anxde^Y; -iYF and -ixdeW). Examples of Scheme II nouns with-
out preceding -x- are:
a-is'de'Y my property (though -- may be secondarily derived
from -s-x- or -tx-) 23.2, 3; 154.18, 19, 20; 158.4
moYeF my son-in-law (152.9) (incorporated mot'-)
se' e lt*efc my writing, paint (absolute se' e l)
Jie'Wek' my song (164.16; 182.6) (absolute Jie fe l 106.7)
ts'll'^deV my meat (44.3, 6; 170.6)
wila'ufelc* my arrow (45.13; 154.18) (absolute wilcfu 22. 5; 28.1,2;
77.5)
gafWek" my bow (154.19; 190.22) (absolute ga'l s )
la'psdek* my blanket (absolute Icfps 98.14, 15, 19, 21)
ts'tixwndha'ifeJc* my horse (absolute ts- !i' xi-maha"i)
Scheme III is followed by all nouns that have a characteristic
immediately preceding the personal suffix or, in nearly all cases,
whose stem, or stem + derivative suffix, ends in -a- (e. g., HelaYJc*
MY SHINNY-STICK [from tlelo?]), -I-, -el- (e. g., ts'teleltW MY EYE
[from ts'Ielei-]), -n (e. g., senW MY SKIN), -m, or -I 1 (e. g., dl ie aWk*
1 In most, if not all, cases the -n, -m, or -I is a non-radical element. It is not quiteclear in how far stems
ending in these vowels and consonants follow Scheme II or Scheme III.
92
236 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
MY FOREHEAD [from di i al-]) . The third person is, at least super-
ficially, without ending in all nouns of this group whose pre-pro-
nominal form is not monosyllabic. The third personal form is
characterized by a falling accent on the final syllable, -a- and -i-
being lengthened to -a' a and -% H respectively. Other forms are :
ts-lde'i his eye 27,8; 86.7, 9; (cf. 54.6)
do u ma'l his testicles 130.8; 136.5
xa a l(i f m his urine
gwitli'n his wrist
There is no doubt, however, that these forms without ending origi-
nally had a final -t\ as indicated by the analogy of third personal
forms in -da in Scheme II, and as proved by the preservation of the
-f - before the reflexive suffix -gwa and in monosyllabic forms :
p!a' a n? his liver 120.2, 15
m'W her teats 30.14; 32.7
t!l fi f her husband ( 17.13)
sa' a t* his discharge of wind 166.8
Though the conditions for the loss of a final -f are not fully under-
stood, purely phonetic processes having been evidently largely inter-
crossed by analogic leveling, it is evident that the proportion will fi
HIS HOUSE: m'*? HER TEATS = s'as-inl HE STANDS: wit" HE TRAVELS
ABOUT represents a by no means accidental phonetic and morphologic
correspondence between noun and verb (Class II intransitives) .
The falling pitch is peculiar to the noun as contrasted with the verb-
form (cf. Tie' e l SONG, but Jiel SING!). Monosyllabic stems of Scheme
III seem to have a rising accent before -t'gwa as well as in the first
person. Thus:
lat'gwa his own excrement 77.1
tilt" gwa her own husband (despite t!l'*f) 45.14; (59.16; 60.2);
128.22
Nouns with characteristic -i- prefer the parallel form in -i'-x-dagwa
to that in -i'-t'gwa. Thus:
bu u Mni'xdagwa his own arm, rather than ~bu u Hni,'gwa, despite
lu u liniW MY ARM
The limitation of each of the two schemes to certain definite pho-
netically determined groups of nouns (though some probably merely
apparent contradictions, such as ga'l-H" ek* MY BOW and di^a^l-VY
1 -t'k' always requires preceding rising or raised accent. As gal- BOW seems to be inseparably connected
with a falling accent (very likely because of the catch in its absolute form), it is, after all, probably a phonetic
reason that causes it to follow Scheme II rather than III.
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA
237
MY FOREHEAD, occur), together with the evident if not entirely sym-
metrical parallelism between the suffixes of both, make it practi-
cally certain that they are differentiated, owing to phonetic causes,
from a single scheme. The -a- of -da (-dagwa) and -dcibtfn (as con-
trasted with -f and -H'ban) may be inorganic in origin, and intended
to support phonetically difficult consonant combinations :
guxda his wife (from *gUx-f) 13.2; 43.15; 49.6, like l-lasgcf touch
it (from stem lasg-)
The -e-, however, of -dele' 32.6 and -de s 31.1; 59.3 can not be thus
explained. It is not improbable that part of the endings of Scheme
III are due to a loss of an originally present vowel, so that the
primary scheme of pronominal suffixes may have been something like :
Singular: First person, -d-ek*; second person, -d-e ; third person, -t\
Reflexive : Third person, -t*-gwa. Plural : First person, -d-a'm; second
person, *--ba s n.
It can hardly be entirely accidental that all the suffixes are char-
acterized by a dental stop ; perhaps an amalgamation has taken place
between the original pronominal elements and an old, formerly
significant nominal element -d-.
93. POSSESSIVES WITH PBE-POSITIVES
As examples of possessive affixes attached to nouns with pre-
positives and to local elements may be taken daY- OVER, wa- 1 TO,
haw-an- UNDER, and Jia- e m- IN HAND.
Singular:
First person ....
dak'de over me
wade to me
hawande under me
haflude in my hand
Second person . . .
dak'da*
wada'e
hawanda f
haH'udae
Third person . . .
da'k'ddada
wa'ada
Jiawa'nda
ha^l'uda
Plural:
First person ....
dak'da'm
wada'm
hawanda'm
7ia s luda'm
Second person . . .
da'k'daba e n
wa'asfban
hawa'n s t'ban
ha^l'u^ban
Singular reflexive:
Third person . . .
da'k'dagwa
wa't'gwa
hawa'nfgwa
ha s l'ut'gwa
Plural reflexive:
Third person . . .
da'k'dagtvan
wa't'gwan
hawa'nt'gwan
ha s i'ufgwan
The apparently double ending -da a da of the third person of
is not entirely isolated (cf . Jia-ye e wa'x-da a da IN THEIR TIME OF RETURN-
ING; Tie' eS -da a da BEYOND HIM), but can not be explained. The use of
i It is possible that this wa- is etymologically identical with the verbal prefix wa- TOGETHER. The forms
of wa- given above are regularly used when reference is had to persons, the postposition ga s aV being
employed in connection with things: wa'ada gini'W HE WENT TO HIM (56.11); 148.6; s-orn ga^l gini'W
HE WENT TO THE MOUNTAIN (43.6).
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238 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
-dagwa and -daba n on the one hand, and of -t'gwa and - e fban on the
other, is determined by the same phonetic conditions as differentiate
Schemes II and III. A third personal plural in -fan (apparently = -d-
4- -hari) is also found: de' e t*an IN FRONT OF THEM 190.13 (but de' e da
BEFORE HIM 59.14); xa a -s'ogwl H fan BETWEEN THEM (see below, p.
240); wa' a an TO THEM 160.15. A form in -xa seems also to occur
with third personal plural signification: wa'xa ts'linl'Hs'tanx HE GOT
ANGRY AT THEM; dlTlOUXa AFTER THEM, BEHIND THEIR BACKS 132.13.
The number of local elements that directly take on possessive suf-
fixes seems fairly considerable, and includes both such as are body-
part and local prefixes in the verb (e. g., dak*-) and such as are used
in the verb only as local prefixes (e. g., wa-, dal-) ; a few seem not to
be found as verbal prefixes. Not all adverbially used verbal pre-
fixes, however, can be inflected in the manner of dak'de and wade (e. g.,
no *hade can be formed from Tia-) . A number of body-part and local
stems take on a noun-characteristic:
Tiaw-an- under (from Tia-u-)
xa a -Tiam-de l about my waist (from xa a -)
The local elements that have been found capable of being followed
by pronominal affixes are:
daVde over me (56.9; 110.18); 186.4, 5
wade to me (56.15; 60.1; 63.14; 88.13; 150.18; 194.1)
xa a Tiamde about my waist
gwelda^ under it 190.17
gwe'nda (in Gwenda yu'sa a = being at its nape, i. e., east of it)
dl fi da close in back of him, at his anus 138.2
dinde behind me ( ? = verb-prefix dl - anus, behind + noun-char-
acteristic -n-) (86.9; 138.3; 170.1)
Tiawande under me (71.1, 5, 12)
gelde in front of me, for (in behalf of) me
dede in front of me (59.14; 124.20)
Tia yade around me
he' e da a da beyond him 148.9
ha'nda across, through it
da'lfgwan among themselves 98.2
gwen-7ia-ude at my nape ; gwen-7iaut*gwa in back of his own neck
75.2
di-Jia-ude after I went away, behind my back (132.10; 186.8;
192.4)
1 It is only the different schemes of personal endings that, at least in part, keep distinct the noun xaaham-
BACK and the local element xaaham- ON BACK, ABOUT WAIST: xdaha'm HIS BACK, but xaaha'mda ON HIS
BACK, AT HIS WAIST; xaaha'mdam OUR BACKS and ON OUR BACKS.
93
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 239
di i -a'lda over his eyes, on his forehead (172.3)
no'tsladam neighboring us (= stem nots!- next door + noun-
characteristic -a-} (98.13)
When used as local pre-positives with nouns, these local stems drop
their characteristic affixes, and thus appear in the same form in which
they are found in the verb (e. g., xa a -gwelde BETWEEN MY LEGS),
except that Tia-u- UNDER as pre-positive adds an -a-: Jiawa- (e. g.,
Jiawa-salde UNDER MY FEET). The various pre-positives found pre-
fixed to nouns with possessive suffixes are :
Jia- in
Jiawa- under
dak'- over
dl*- above
da a - alongside
al- to, at
de-j da- in front of
xa a - between, in middle of
gwen- at nape, east of
dl - at rear end, west of
dal- away from
Jian- across (?)
gel- facing
gwel- under, down from
The noun itself, as has already been seen, appears with its charac-
teristic. ga EARTH, however, perhaps for some unknown phonetic
reason, does not retain its characteristic -u- before the possessive
suffixes (Jia-t'gdu IN THE COUNTRY 33.7, but Jia-t*ga a de IN MY COUNTRY
194.4) Examples of forms of the type 7ia lude IN MY HAND are:
7w-dl't*gwa in back of him, in his anus (incorporated dl s -) 94.11
da a -yawade l aside from me (literally, alongside my ribs)
dak'-s-alde on top of my feet 198.6; (cf. 44.8)
Jiawa-lu^lide under my throat
dak'-s'inl^da over his nose 144.11
al-guxwida'm woY we have enough of it (literally, to-our-hearts
it-has-arrived) 128.1
Jia-wilide in my house (64.2; 88.18; 120.14)
Jia-ye e waxde in my returning (= when I return) (124.15)
di-delga'nt*gwa behind himself, at his own anus (72.10)
al-wa a di't*gwan at one another (literally, to each other's bodies;
wd a d-i- body) (96.22; 146.2; 190.19)
lAlso dal-yawadS ASIDE FROM ME (with verb of throwing) (=literally, AWAY FROM MY RIBS).
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240 BTJKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Jia-sa'lda (thinking) of her (literally, in her footsteps) 142.13
dtf-dande over my ear
dtf-ts'leleide over my eyes
Jia-dede in my mouth (170.2; 182.17)
gwen-bok* 'dande at my nape
xa a -s'inide resting on my nose (like spectacles)
gwel- wa a dide down from my body 198.4
Several such forms with apparently simple local signification contain
after the pre-positive a noun stem not otherwise found :
xa a -s'ogwida'm between us
7ia- winide inside of me (73.1; 92.17)
di-bo u wide at my side
da oldide close to me (124.9) (cf. adverb da o^l near by 102.6)
Such a non-independent noun is probably also Jia-u- in gwen-Tia-u-
and di-7ia-u- } both of which were listed above as simple local elements.
Instances also occur, though far less frequently, of pre-positives
with two nouns or noun and adjective* the first noun generally
stands in a genitive relation to the second (cf., 88, the order in
juxtaposed nouns), while the second noun is followed by the third
personal possessive -da. Such are:
gwen-t* ga a -bo'Jc' dan-da at nape of earth's neck (= east) 79.6;
102.4
di-t'ga a -yu'k!uma a -da at rear of earth's tail (= west) 146.1; 198.9
ha-t*ga a -yawa' a -da in earth's rib (= north) (cf. 194.9)
d^-xi-ts'lek'ts'ligl^-da alongside water's backbone (== not far
from shore)
xa a -xi-ts'!eYts'!igl' l da in middle of water's backbone (= equally
distant from either shore) 112.4
Ha-ya a l-bafls-dd L in its long (i. e., tall) (bals) pines (yaT) (= place-
name) 114.9
Dl-plol-tsU'l-da over (dl*) its red (tslil) bed (plol ditch)
( = Jump-off Joe creek)
Al-dan-Tc/olo'i-da 1 to its rock (da^n) basket (klolol) ( name of
mountain)
Rather difficult of explanation is de-de-will' *-da DOOR, AT DOOR OF
HOUSE 63.11; 77.15; 176.6, which is perhaps to be literally rendered
IN FRONT OF (first de-) HOUSE (will) ITS (-da) MOUTH (second de-)
(i. e., IN FRONT OF DOORWAY). The difficulty with this explanation
is that it necessitates the interpretation of the second noun as a
genitive in relation to the first.
1 Observe falling accent despite rising accent (bals, Jdolol) of independent noun, -da with pre-positives,
whether with intervening noun or noun and adjective, consistently demands a falling accent before it.
93
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 241
5. Local Phrases ( 94-96)
94. GENERAL REMARKS
Local phrases without possessive pronouns (i. e., of the type IN THE
HOUSE, ACROSS THE RIVER) may be constructed in three ways.
A local element with third personal possessive suffix may be used
to define the position, the noun itself appearing in its absolute form
as an appositive of the incorporated pronominal suffix:
dafn gweldcf rock under-it (i. e., under the rock)
dafn Jianda through the rock
dan Jia' as ya a da around the rock
dan da oldl fi da near the rock
dan ge'lda in front of the rock
dan di'nda behind the rock
There is observable here, as also in the method nearly always employed
to express the objective and genitive relations, the strong tendency
characteristic of Takelma and other American languages to make the
personal pronominal affixes serve a purely formal purpose as substi-
tutes for syntactic and local cases.
The second and perhaps somewhat more common method used to
build up a local phrase is to prefix to the noun a pre-positive, the
noun itself appearing in the form it assumes before the addition of
the normal pronominal suffixes (Schemes II and III) . Thus some of
the preceding local phrases might have been expressed as :
gwel-dana" under the rock
Tian-dana^ through the rock
M' a ya-dana^ around the rock
gel-dana" in front of the rock
di -dana" behind the rock
These forms have at first blush the appearance of prepositions fol-
lowed by a local case of the noun, but we have already seen this
explanation to be inadmissible.
A third and very frequent form of local phrase is the absolute
noun followed by a postposition. The chief difference between
this and the preceding method is the very considerable amount
of individual freedom that the postposition possesses as contrasted
with the rigidly incorporated pre-positive. The majority of the
postpositions consist of a pre-positive preceded by the general
demonstrative go- THAT, dafn gadaW OVER THE ROCK is thus really
to be analyzed as ROCK THAT-OVER, an appositional type of local
3045 Bull. 40, pt 2 12 16 94
242 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
phrase closely akin in spirit to that first mentioned: dan da'Jc'dd a da
ROCK OVER-IT, dak" -dana^ , according to the second method, is also
possible.
95. PRE-POSITIVES
The pre-positives employed before nouns without possessive suf-
fixes are identical with those already enumerated ( 94) as occurring
with nouns with possessives, except that Jiawa- UNDER seems to be
replaced by gwel-. It is doubtful also if 7ie es - BEYOND (also han-
ACROSS ?) can occur with nouns followed by possessive affixes.
Examples of pre-positives in local phrases are :
han-gela^m across the river
lian-waxga^n across the creek
Tian-pHycf across the fire 168.19
Jia'-waxga^n in the creek
Tia-xiycf in the water 58.6; 60.3; 61.11; 63.16
Tia-bini'' in the middle 176.15 (cf. de-bVn first, last 150.15)
Tia-plolcf in the ditch
7ia-gwa a la^m in the road 62.6; 158.19
ha-s-ugwan in the basket (cf. 124.18)
xa'-s'd u mcfl halfway up the mountain
xd a -gulma^n among oaks
xd a -xo (ya' a ) (right) among firs (cf. 94.17)
gwel-xi'ya, under water 156.19
gwd-t'gau down to the ground 176.8
da a -ts!a a wcfn by the ocean 59.16
dd a -t'gau alongside the field
gwen-t'gdU east of the field 55.4; 56.4
gwen-waxgcfn east along the creek
Gwen-p'un place-name ( = east of rotten [pVrz,]) 114.14
de-will in front of the house ( = out of doors) 70.4
dak'-S'd u ma^l on top of the mountain 188.15
dak'-will over the house 59.2; 140.5
daY-pliya" over the fire 24.6, 7
he ee -s'd u maV beyond the mountain 124.2; 196.13
al-S'o u mcfl at, to the mountain 136.22; 152.8; 192.5,7,8
7ia' $ ya-p!iya'' on both sides of the fire 176.12
hd f ya-s-d u ma^l on both sides of the mountain 152.2
di-t'gdu west of the field 55.3
dl-waxga^n some distance west along the creek
dl-8'o u mcfl at foot ([ ?] =in rear) of the mountain
Dtfi-dalcfm place-name ( = over the rock[ ?])
Gel-yolk* place-name ( = abreast of pines) 112.13
Perhaps really Di s -dala^m WEST OF THE BOCK (?).
95
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 243
A few cases of compound pre-positives occur :
ha-gwel-p !iya? under the ashes (literally, in-under-the-fire)
118.4
Jia-gwel-xiya* at bottom of the water 60.12, 14
7ia-gwel-t*ge' e mt*gam down in dark places 196.7
An example of a pre-positive with a noun ending in pre-pronominal
-x is afforded by Jia-dd a nx molJii^t' IN-EAR RED 14.4; 15.13; 88.2
(alongside of da a molhW RED-EARED 15.12; 86.6). It is somewhat
doubtful, because of a paucity of illustrative material, whether local
phrases with final pre-pronominal -x can be freely used.
96. POSTPOSITIONS
Not all pre-positives can be suffixed to the demonstrative ga- to
form postpositions; e. g., no *ga7ia^, *gaha^n, *gagwe^l are found in
Takelma. Very few other words (adverbs) are found in which what
are normally pre-positives occupy the second place: me' al TOWARD
THIS DIRECTION 58.9; ye'Vdal IN THE BRUSH 71.3. Instead of -ha IN,
-na^u is used, an element that seems restricted to the postposition
gana^u IN. The ^-postpositions that have been found are:
gadaW on 48.15; 49.1
gidl* (= gardtf) on, over 49.12
gidl f (=ga-di' ) in back
gancfu in 47.2 ; 61.13; 64.4; 110.9
gada^l among 94.12
gafcfl to, for, at, from 43.6; 44.4; 55.6; 58.11
gadd a by, along 60.1
gaxa a between
gede in front (?) 28.8, 9
and possibly :
gasal in adverb gasa'lhi quickly 28.10; 29.14; 160.1
Examples of their use are :
wi'li gadaW on top of the house 14.9; 15.5
dafn gadaW on the rock
t*ga a gidl upon the land 49.12
p!l* gada^l in between the fire 94.12
dafn gada^l among rocks
da'n gadd alongside the rocks (cf. 60.1)
wu^lham-Jioidigwia gadd a gini' V he went right by where there
was round-dancing (literally, menstruation-dancing-with by
he-went) 106.13
el gancfu in the canoe 96.24; 112.3
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244 BUKEATJ OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
dola' gana^u in the old tree 24.1
wa-iwl fi t^a'ga a^l to the female 15.14
gof ga a'l for that reason 50.2; 124.6; 146.20, 21; 188.6; 194.11
bixal wi in-wi f ga al ya' he goes every month (literally, month
different-every at he-goes)
dafn gaxa a between the rocks
dm gede* right at the falls 33.13
YuVya'Ywa gede 1 right by Yuk'ya'k'wa 188.17
Postpositions may be freely used with nouns provided with a pos-
sessive suffix; e. g., ela't'Y gadaW ON MY TONGUE; will'* gana^u IN
HIS HOUSE, cf . 194.7. There is no ascertainable difference in significa-
tion between such phrases and the corresponding pre-positive forms,
daY-elade and 7ia-wiU fi da. Sometimes a postposition takes in a
group of words, in which case it may be enclitically appended to the
first:
JcHyl'x gan^au ba-igina'xda a smoke in its -going -out ( = [hole] in
which smoke is to go out) 176.7
Although local phrases involving a postposition are always pro-
nounced as one phonetic unit, and the postpositions have become,
psychologically speaking, so obscured in etymology as to allow of
their being preceded by the demonstrative with which they are them-
selves compounded (cf. ga ga a^l above), they have enough individu-
ality to render them capable of being used quasi-adverbially without
a preceding noun:
gada'V s'u wilit*e I sat on him
gadaY ts!cL a ts!a'de I step on top of it (148.17)
gidi* galxgwa thereon eating ( = table)
gidl' -hi closer and closer (literally, right in back)
gada a yeweyaW he got even with him (literally, alongside he-
returned-having-him) 17.5
mat yaxa aba^i dul gede* salmon-spear-shaft only in-house, spear-
point thereby 28.7, 9
gl l gana^u I am inside
ga'nau naga' i wiliW he went through my house (literally, in
he-did my-house[for naga' is see 69]) cf. 78.5
Other postpositions than those compounded with ga- are :
da o*l near (cf. da ol- as pre-positive in da oldide near me):
wili't'Y da o^l near my house
wa with (also as incorporated instrumental wa-, 38) 25.5; 47.5
i Yuk'ya'k'wa gadavfas said to be preferable, whence it seems possible that gcde is not really equivalent
to ga THAT + de- IN FBONT, but is palatalized as adverb (see below, 104) from gadaa.
96
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 245
ha-bini^ in the middle: will ha'-bini^ 1 in the middle of the house;
Tia-be e -binV noon (literally, in-sun [ = day]-middle) 126.21;
186.8
-di^s away : eme' s dis away from here ; dedewill fi dadi^s ( ? outside of)
the door 176.6
It is peculiar that mountain-names generally have a prefix al- and
a suffix -dis:
al-dauya' a Hc*wa-dis (cf. dauyaf a V w supernatural helper) 172.1
al-wila' 'mxa-dis
al-sawenfa-dis
That both al- and -dis are felt not to be integral parts of these
mountain-names is shown by such forms as he e ^wila'mxa BEYOND
Alwila'mxadis 196.14 and al-dauya' a Y w . In all probability they are
to be explained as local phrases, AT, TO (al-) . . . DISTANT (-dis),
descriptive of some natural peculiarity or resident supernatural
being.
Differing apparently from other postpositions in that it requires
the preceding noun to appear in its pre-pronominal form (i. e., with
final -x if it is provided with it in Scheme II forms) is wa'fci* WITH-
OUT, which would thus seem to occupy a position intermediate
between the other postpositions and the pre-positives. Examples are :
ts'.'elei wa'fri* without eyes 26.14; 27.6
dagax wa'k*i without head
yuktalx wa'Jc*i without teeth 57.4
nixa wa'lc'i motherless
As shown by the last example, terms of relationship whose third
personal possessive suffix is -xa (-a) use the tnird personal form as
the equivalent of the pre-pronominal form of other nouns (cf. also
108, 6), a fact that casts a doubt on the strictly personal character
of the -xa suffix. No third personal idea is possible, e. g., in maxa
wa'Yi elt'e i AM FATHERLESS. walc'i is undoubtedly related to wa
WITH; the -k'i may be identical with the conditional particle (see 71).
On the border-line between loosely used preposition and inde-
pendent adverb are nogwa* BELOW, DOWN RIVER FROM (? =no u DOWN
RIVER + demonstrative ga THAT) : nogwa will BELOW THE HOUSE
76.7; and hinwa^ ABOVE, UP RIVER FROM (cf. Jiina^u UP RIVER) : Jii'nwa
Will ABOVE THE HOUSE 77.1.
i Properly speaking, ha-bini^is a pre-positive phrase from noun-stem bin- (cf. de-bin FIRST, LAST, and
[?] bilgan-x- BREAST [ ? = middle part of body-front]) with characteristic -i-. bee-bin- SUN'S MIDDLE is
compounded like, e. g., t'gaf- bok'dan- EARTH'S NECK above ( 93).
96
246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TBULL. 40
6. Post-nominal Elements ( 97-102)
97. GENERAL REMARKS
Under the head of post-nominal elements are included a small
group of suffixes which, though altogether without the distinct indi-
viduality characteristic of local postpositions, are appended to the
fully formed noun, pronoun, or adjective, in some cases also adverb,
serving in one way or another to limit or extend the range of appli-
cation of one of these denominating or qualifying terms. The line
of demarcation between these post-nominal elements and the more
freely movable modal particles discussed below ( 114) is not very
easy to draw; the most convenient criterion of classification is the
inability of what we have termed POST-NOMINAL elements to attach
themselves to verb-forms.
98. EXCLUSIVE -fa
The suffix -t'a is freely appended to nouns and adjectives, less fre-
quently to pronouns, in order to specify which one out of a number
is meant; the implication is always that the particular person, object,
or quality mentioned is selected out of a number of alternative and
mutually exclusive possibilities. When used with adjectives -t'a has
sometimes the appearance of forming the comparative or superlative ;
e. g.,aga (1) t!os-o' u t'a (2) THIS (1) is SMALLER (2), but such an inter-
pretation hardly hits the truth of the matter. The sentence just
quoted really signifies THIS is SMALL (NOT LARGE LIKE THAT) . As a
matter of fact, -t*a is^rather idiomatic in its use, and not susceptible
of adequate translation into English, the closest rendering being
generally a dwelling of the voice on the corresponding English word.
The following examples illustrate its range of usage :
Tiapxitn'tfa, child male (not female) (i. e., boy) 14.1; 156.8
wa-iwi fi t'si ga al yewe' i the- woman to he-turned (i. e., he now
proceeded to look at the woman, after having examined her
husband) 15.14
maJia'it'a, a'nl gwl na s naga' i the-big (brother) not in-any-way
he-did (i. e., the older brother did nothing at all, while his
younger brother got into trouble) 23.6; (58.3)
aga wdxat'a, xebe f n this his-younger-brother did-it (not he him-
self)
lc!wa'lt'& younger one 24.1; 58.6
97-98
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 247
a'Fda dut'a, gtf-s'i s l f lts!ak' w e%t*e he (Ok") (is) handsome (du)
I-but ugly I-am
u's-i naxdeV aZ-fe/i'Zt'a a give-me my-pipe red-one (implying
others of different color)
wag r a' 't' 'a a di which one?
aga t!os-o' u t'& I' dago, yaxa maha'it'a, this (is) small, that but
large (cf 128.7)
I'daga s'd u maha'it*& that-one (is) altogether-big ( = that one
is biggest)
It seems that, wherever possible, -t'a keeps its ' intact. To prevent
its becoming -da (as in d'Jc'da above) an inorganic a seems to be
added in:
a a soft 57.9 (cf. letups worm; more probably directly from
JdulsaY 130.22)
99. PLURAL (-fan, -han, -Man)
As a rule, it is not considered necessary in Takelma to specify the
singularity or plurality of an object, the context generally serving to
remove the resulting ambiguity. In this respect Takelma resembles
many other American languages. The element -(a)n, however, is
not infrequently employed to form a plural, but this plural is of
rather indefinite application when the noun is supplied with a third
personal possessive suffix (compare what was said above, 91, in
regard to -gwari). The fact that the plurality implied by the suffix
may have reference to either the object possessed or to the possessor
or to both (e. g., beya'nhan HIS DAUGHTERS or THEIR DAUGHTER,
THEIR DAUGHTERS) makes it very probable that we are here dealing,
not with the simple idea of plurality, but rather with that of reci-
procity. It is probably not accidental that the plural -(a)n agrees
phonetically with the reciprocal element -an- found in the verb. In
no case is the plural suffix necessary in order to give a word its full
syntactic form ; it is always appended to the absolute noun or to the
noun with its full complement of characteristic and pronominal affix.
The simple form -(a)n of the suffix appears only in the third per-
sonal reflexive possessive -gwa-n (see 91) and, apparently, the third
personal possessive -fan of pre-positive local phrases (see p. 238).
Many absolute nouns ending in a vowel, or in Z, m, or n, also nouns
with personal affixes (including pre-positives with possessive suffixes)
other than that of the third person, take the form -han of the plural
99
248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
suffix; the -Ji- may be a phonetically conditioned rather than mor-
phologically significant element. Examples are:
Noun Plural
slnsan decrepit old woman slnsanhsm
ts'li'xi dog fe'/izi'han
ya'pfa person 176.1, 12 yap/a'han 32.4
el canoe 13.5; 112.3,5 glhan
wilc!u u ycfm my friend wiJc!u u yfl,'mha,n
wits' !al my nephew 22.1 wits' !alha,n 23.8, 10; 150.4
borfbiditW my orphan child bo u fbidifTc*ha,n
no'tslade neighboring to me nd'ts!ode e 1n.&n
Unde O mother! 186.14 Mndehtm O mothers! 76.10, 13
A large number of chiefly personal words and all nouns provided
with a possessive suffix of the third person take -fan as the plural
suffix; the -fan of local adverbs or nouns with pre-positives has
been explained as composed of the third personal suffix -t" and the
pluralizing element -Jian: nd'ts!a a t*an'H.is NEIGHBORS. In some cases,
as in wa-wl ri fan GIRLS 55.16; 106.17, -fan may be explained as
composed of the exclusive -fa discussed above and the plural -n.
The fact, however, that -fan may itself be appended both to this
exclusive -fa and to the full third personal form of nouns not pro-
vided with a pre-positive makes it evident that the -fa- of the plural
suffix -fan is an element distinct from either the exclusive -fa or
third personal -f. -fa a fa-n is perhaps etymologically as well as
phonetically parallel to the unexplained -da a da of da'Vda a da OVER
HIM (see 93). Examples of -fan are:
Noun Plural
lomt!l fi old man 112.3, 9; 114.10; ZoraJ.Wan
126.19
mologo^l old woman 168.11; mologo'ltf&n
170.10
wa-iwl fi girl 124.5, 10 wa-iwi'W&n 55.16; 60.2;
106.17
a'i-hV just they (cf. 49.11; 138.11) a'it'an they
ts f !ixi-ma7ia^i horse ts'lixi-maTia'ii^sxi
lo u sl fi his plaything 110.6, 11 Zo w si'*'t'an
mo' u fa a his son-in-law md' u fa a i*&n their sister's
husband 1 150.22; 152.4, 9
tldtf louse (116.3, 6) t!ela fa t*&n
~tiapxi-t!l' i fa a \)oy 14.6; 156.8, 10 Jiapxi-t!l fi fa a t^u 160.14
[dap !a'la-u youth 132.13; 190.2 dap!a'la-ut*&u 132.12
wala^u young ~bala'ut*sni
wo u na f K w old 57.1; 168.2 wo u na f Jc' w dsiU
1 mot'- seems to indicate not only the daughter's husband, but also, in perhaps a looser sense, the rela-
tives gained by marriage of the sister.
99
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN" LANGUAGES - TAKELMA 249
The plural form -k!an is appended to nouns in -lafp^a and to the
third personal -xa(-a) of terms of relationship. As -fc/- 1 is appended
to nouns in -la'p*a also before the characteristic -i- followed by a
possessive suffix, it is clear that -k!an is a compound suffix consisting
of an unexplained -k!~ and the plural element -(a)n. Examples of
-klan are:
men 128.11; 130.1, 7, 25; 132.17
k'a i ld f p*ak\&Ji women 184.13
mologola'p'aklsm old women 57.14; 128.3, 10 (also mologo'lt' 'an)
o'pxaklnu her elder brothers 124.16, 20; 134.8; 138.7
Fa&a'zddan his, their sons 132.10; 156.14
raa'xaklan their father 130.19, 21; 132.12
t' awaxakl&n their younger sister 148.5
their maternal grandmother 154.13; 156.8, 15, 18, 21
100. DUAL -dil
The suffix -dil(-dl^l) is appended to a noun or pronoun to indicate
the duality of its occurrence, or to restrict its naturally indefinite or
plural application to two. It is not a true dual in the ordinary sense
of the word, but indicates rather that the person or object indicated
by the noun to which it is suffixed is accompanied by another person
or object of the same kind, or by a person or object mentioned before
or after; in the latter case it is equivalent to AND connecting two
denominating terms. Examples illustrating its use are:
go u md?\ we two (restricted from go u m we)
gadil go u m Ihemxinigam we two, that one and I, will wrestle
(literally, that-one-and-another [namely, I] we we-shall-
wrestle) 30.5
sgi'sid? 1 two coyotes (literally, coyote-and-another [coyote])
waxad\\ two brothers (lit., [he] and his younger brother) 26.12
sgisi ni'xadi'l Coyote and his mother 54.2
The element -dll doubtless occurs as an adjective stem meaning
ALL, EVERY, in aldil ALL 134.4 (often heard also as aldl 47.9; 110.16;
188.1); Jiadedllt'a EVERYWHERE 43.6; 92.29; and Jiat*ga a dlU*a IN
EVERY LAND 122.20.
101. -wi /s every
This element is freely appended to nouns, adjectives, and adverbs,
but has no independent existence of its own. Examples are :
be wi f every day (literally, every sun) 42.1; 158.17
xu' s nwi every night (xu f n, xu fe ne^ night, at night)
1 It was found extremely difficult, despite repeated trials, for some reason or other, to decide as to whether
-kl- or -g- was pronounced. -k!i- and -klan may thus be really -gi- and -gan.
100-101
250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
bixal wi inwi' ba-i-wili fu month comes after month (literally,
moon different-each out-goes)
gwel- wak*wiwi every morning (gwel- wdwi morning 44.1)
da-hd u xawi' every evening
~fia-be e -biniwi' every noon
lc*aiwi' everything, something (Fa-, Jc'ai- what, thing) 180.5, 6
ada't*wi everywhere, to each 30.12; 74.2; 120.13
As illustrated by Yaiwi f , the primary meaning of -wi is not so
much EVERY as that it refers the preceding noun or adverb to a
series. It thus conveys the idea of SOME in:
dal wi' sometimes, in regard to some 57.12
xa newi' sometimes 132.25
With pronouns it means TOO, AS WELL AS OTHERS:
gl l wi f I too
mawi / you too 58.5
Like -dil, -wi may be explained as a stereo typed adjectival stem
that has developed into a quasi-formal element. This seems to be
indicated by the derivative wi s ^n EVERY, DIFFERENT 49.1; 160.20;
188.12.
102. DEICTIC -W
It is quite likely that the deictic - a N is etymologically identical
with the demonstrative stem a- THIS, though no other case has been
found in which this stem follows the main noun or other word it
qualifies. It differs from the exclusive -t*a in being less distinctly a
part of the whole word and in having a considerably stronger con-
trastive force. Unlike -fa, it may be suffixed to adverbs as well as
to words of a more strictly denominative character. Examples of
its occurrence are extremely numerous, but only a very few of these
need be given to illustrate its deictic character:
moV you ([I am ,] but you ) 26.3; 56.5; (cf. 49.8, 13)
maha'tfa? big indeed
</a a v ge will fi that one's house is there (literally, that-one there
his-house [ that house yonder belongs to that fellow Coyote, not
to Panther, whom we are seeking]) 55.4; cf. 196.19
&6 w a N but nowadays (so it was in former days, but now things
have changed) 50.1; 194.5
ge'-hi gl i a? yok!oya' n that-far I-for-my-part know-it (others may
know more) 49.13; 154.7
p*i'm a? gayau he ate salmon (nothing else.
102
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 251
in. The Pronoun ( 103-105)
103. Independent Personal Pronouns
The independent personal pronouns of Takelma, differing in this
respect from what is found to be true of most American languages,
show not the slightest etymological relationship to any of the various
pronominal series found incorporated in noun and verb, except in so
far as the second person plural is formed from the second person sin-
gular by the addition of the element -p* that we have found to be
characteristic of every second person plural in the language. The
forms, which may be used both as subjects and objects, are as
follows :
Singular: First person, gl 56.10; 122.8; second person, ma? (md a )
26.7; 98.8; third person, ok" 27.5; 156.12. Plural: First person,
go u m 30.5; 150.16; second person, map'] third person ai 49.11;
xilamana" 27.10; 56.1
Of the two third personal plural pronouns, ai is found most fre-
quently used with post-positive elements; e. g., ayd' a JUST THEY
(= ai yd fa ) 160.6; d f ya^ THEY (= ai-V) 49.11. When unaccom-
panied by one of these, it is generally pluralized: a' it' an (see 99).
The second, xilamana^, despite its four syllables, has not in the
slightest yielded to analysis. It seems to be but little used in normal
speech or narrative.
All the pronouns may be emphasized by the addition of -wi s (see
101), the deictic - a^ (see 102), or the post-positive particles ya' a
and enclitic -Jii and -s'i (see 114, 1, 2, 4):
mayd' a just you 196.2
ma'lii you yourself
dihi" they themselves 104.13 (cf. 152.20)
gtfs'i'* I in my turn 47.14; 188.8; (cf. 61.9)
A series of pronouns denoting the isolation of the person is formed
by the addition of -da x or -da' s xi ( = -da x + -hi) to the forms given
above :
gVda'^i) only I
md a da' x(i) you alone
ada x(i) all by himself 61.7; 90.1; 142.20; 144.6
gd u mda' x(i) we alone
mdp'da x(i) you people alone
aida' x(i) they alone 138.11
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252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The third personal pronouns are not infrequently used with pre-
ceding demonstratives:
hd' ga (or I' dago) aYda x that one by himself (aV used here
apparently as a peg for the suffixed element -da x by one's self)
Jid a'it'an and ida a'it*an those people
ha s - and Ida-, it should be noted, are demonstrative stems that occur
only when compounded with other elements.
The independent possessive pronouns (IT is) MINE, THINE, HIS,
OURS, YOURS, are expressed by the possessive forms of the substan-
tival stem ais'- HAVING, BELONGING, PROPERTY: a-is'de^Y IT is MINE
23.2; 154.18, 19, 20; a-is'de f YOURS; a' -is' da HIS 23.2, 3; (156.7)
and so on. These forms, though strictly nominal in morphology,
have really no greater concreteness of force than the English transla-
tions MINE, THINE, and so on.
104. Demonstrative Pronouns and Adverts
Four demonstrative stems, used both attributively and substan-
tively, are found: a-, ga, Ida-, and Jia a -. Of these only ga THAT
occurs commonly as an independent word ; the rest, as the first ele-
ments of composite forms. The demonstratives as actually found
are:
Indefinite, ga that 60.5; 61.2; 110.4; 194.4,5
Near first, a'ga this 44.9; 186.4; all this here 110.2; 188.20
Near second. I'daga that 116.22; Idall that there 55.16
Near third. ha' a ga that yonder 186.5; ~hafll that over there
a- has been found also as correlative to ga- with the forms of na(g)-
DO, SAY:
ana ne^x like this 176.13 (ga-na ne^x that way, thus 114.17;
122.20)
ana na f t* it will be as it is now cf. 152.8 (ga-na s na' t* it will be
that way)
perhaps also in:
ada't*wi everywhere ( = adcft ' this way, hither [see 1 12, 1] + -wi'*
every) 30.12; 74.2; 120.13
Ida- (independently 46.5; 47.5; 192.6) seems to be itself a compound
element, its first syllable being perhaps identifiable with I- HAND.
lda a'it'an and ha as a'it*an, referred to above, are in effect the sub-
stantive plurals of I'daga and Jid fa ga. 7id a - as demonstrative pro-
noun is doubtless identical with the local ha a - YONDER, BEYOND,
found as a prefix in the verb.
104
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 253
By far the most commonly used of the demonstratives is that of
indefinite reference, ga. It is used as an anaphoric pronoun to refer
to both things and persons of either number, also to summarize a pre-
ceding phrase or statement. Not infrequently the translation THAT
or THOSE is too definite; a word of weaker force, like IT, better
serves the purpose. The association of I'daga and ha' a ga with spa-
cial positions corresponding to the second and third persons respec-
tively does not seem to be at all strong, and it is perhaps more accu-
rate to render them as THAT RIGHT AROUND THERE and THAT YONDER.
Differing fundamentally in this respect from adjectives, demonstra-
tive pronouns regularly precede the noun or other substantive ele-
ment they modify:
a'ga sgi'si this coyote 108.1
i'daga yaplcf that person
ga aldll all that, all of those 47.12
A demonstrative pronoun may modify a noun that is part of a local
phrase :
Vdaga Jie e s'd u ma^l beyond that mountain 122.22; 124.1
Corresponding to the four demonstrative pronoun-stems are four
demonstrative adverb-stems, derived from the former by a change
of the vowel -a- to -e-: e-, ge, ide-, and Jie eS -. Just as ga THAT was
found to be the only demonstrative freely used as an independent
pronoun, so ge THERE, alone of the four adverbial stems, occurs outside
of compounds, e-, ide-, and he e -, however, are never compounded
with ge, as are a-, Ida-, and Jia a - with its pronominal correspondent
ga; a fifth adverbial stem of demonstrative force, me (HITHER as
verbal prefix), takes its place. The actual demonstrative adverbs
thus are:
Indefinite, ge there 64.6; 77.9; 194.11
Near first. eme' here 112.12, 13; 194.4; me - hither
Near second. i'deme right around there 46.15
Near third. Jie fe me yonder 31.13
Of these, me -, the correlative of Jie e -, can be used independently
when followed by the local -al : me' al ON THIS SIDE, HITHERWARDS
58.9; 160.4. Jie e - AWAY, besides frequently occurring as a verbal
prefix, is found as a component of various adverbs :
Tie e dada f i Jie e da' over there, away from here, off 46.8; 194.10
he' ne" then, at that time 120.2; 146.6; 162.3
Jie f daY on that side, toward yonder 104
254 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
me - can be used also with the adverb ge of indefinite reference pre-
ceding ; the compound, followed by di, is employed in an interroga-
tive sense: geme' di WHERE? WHEN? 56.10; 100.16; 190.25. The
idea of direction in the demonstrative adverbs seems less strong
than that of position: lie' e me baxa f m HE COMES FROM OVER THERE,
as well as lie' e me gini' V HE GOES OVER THERE. me - and Tie e - (hd a -) ,
however, often necessarily convey the notions of TOWARD and AWAY
FROM the speaker: me' -yewe i ha' a -yewe i HE CAME AND WENT BACK
AND FORTH.
Demonstrative adverbs may take the restrictive suffix -da x or
-daba' x (cf. -da x with personal pronouns, 103):
eme s da' x 114.4, 5
?j -L ,? i alone
eme daoa x 114.14J
lOo. Interrogative and Indefinite Pronouns
As independent words, the interrogative and indefinite stems occur
with adverbs or adverbial particles, being found in their bare form
only when incorporated. The same stems are used for both inter-
rogative and indefinite purposes, a distinction being made between
persons and things:
neV who? some one 86.2, 23; 108.11
Yai what? something 86.5; 122.3; 128.8
As independent adverb also PERHAPS:
Jc'ai tlumuxi perhaps he'll strike me 23.3
As interrogatives, these stems are always followed by the interroga
tive enclitic particle di, Jc'ai always appearing as Fa- when di imme-
diately follows:
ne'V-di who? 46.15; 86.4; 142.9
Fa'-<^what? 47.9; 60.11; 86.8
Fo/i . . . di occurs with post-positive ga cfl:
Va'igtfaldV what for? why? 71.15; 86.14; 98.8
As indefinites, they are often followed by the composite particle
neY-s'i i wa'Ydi I don't know who, somebody 22.8
Yai-s'i wa'Ydi I don't know what, something 96.10
As negative indefinites, nelt and Fo/i are preceded by the negative
adverb ofnl or wede, according to the tense-mode of the verb (see
72):
105
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 255
a'ni neW nobody 63.4; 90.8, 25
afntftfcfi nothing 58.14; 61.6; 128.23
we'de nek* u's'ik* nobody will give it to me (cf. 98.10)
we'de Yai u's'dam do not give me anything
With the post-nominal ~wi f EVERY, Yai forms Yaiwi' EVERYTHING,
SOMETHING. No such form as *nek*wi' , however, occurs, its place
being taken by aldll, aldl ALL, EVERYBODY. In general, it may be
said that Yai has more of an independent substantival character
than nek* ; it corresponds to the English THING in its more indefinite
sense, e. g., Vo!i gwala MANY THINGS, EVERYTHING 96.15; 102.11;
108.8
The adverbial correspondent of Yai is gwi HOW? WHERE? 46.2;
78.5. In itself gwi is quite indefinite in signification and is as such
often used with the forms of na(g)- DO, ACT 47.11 ; 55.7:
gwi'di nagalt* how are you doing? (e. g., where are you going?)
86.17; (138.25)
As interrogative, it is followed by di:
gwi'dihowl where? 44.5; 70.6; 73.9; 190.10
as indefinite, by -8'i*wa r Jc*di (cf. 190.4) :
gwis'i s wafYdi in some way, somewhere 54.7; 96.8; 120.21 (also
gwi'hap* somewhere)
as negative indefinite, it is preceded by a'm or wede:
a'ni gwi 1 in no way, nowhere 23.6; 62.11; 192.14
we'de gwi naY do not go anywhere!
As indefinite relative is used gwl'Jia WHERESOEVER 140.9, 13, 15, 19.
IV. The Adjective ( 106-109)
106. General Remarks
Adjectives can not in Takelma without further ado be classed as
nouns or verbs, as they have certain characteristics that mark them
off more or less clearly from both; such are their distinctly adjectival
suffixes and their peculiar method of forming the plural. In some
respects they closely approach the verb, as in the fact that they are
frequently preceded by body-part prefixes, also in the amplification
of the stem in the plural in ways analogous to what we have found
in the verb. They differ, however, from verbal forms in that they
can not be predicatively used (except that the simple form of the
adjective may be predicatively understood for an implied third per-
son) , nor provided with the pronominal suffixes peculiar to the verb ;
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256 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
a first or second personal relation is brought about by the use of
appropriate forms of the copula ei- BE. They agree with the noun
and pronoun in being frequently followed by the distinctly denomi-
native exclusive suffix -fa (see 98) and in the fact that, when
forming part of a descriptive noun, they may take the personal end-
ings peculiar to the noun:
ts'!ixi-malia'ieY dog-big-my ( = my horse)
As adjectives pure and simple, however, they are never found with
the possessive suffixes peculiar to the noun; e. g., no such form as
*mcikafiek* alone ever occurs. It thus appears that the adjective
occupies a position midway between the noun and the verb, yet with
characteristics peculiar to itself. The most marked syntactic feature
of the adjective is that, unlike a qualifying noun, it always follows
the modified noun, even when incorporated with it (see 93) . Ex-
amples are:
wariwl H du girl pretty 55.7; 124.5
yap! a daldi^ person wild 22.14
sgi'si da-sga'xit* Coyote sharp-snouted 86.3, 20; 88.1, 11
p'im xu^m yele^x debu / salmon dry burden-basket full ( = burden-
basket full of dry salmon) 75.10
Rarely does it happen that the adjective precedes, in which case
it is to be predicatively understood :
gwa'la yapla^ many (were) the people 180.16 (but ya'pla gwala*
people many 194.10)
Even when predicatively used, however, the adjective regularly fol-
lows the noun it qualifies. Other denominating words or phrases
than adjectives are now and then used to predicate a statement or
command :
yvfklalx (1) wa'Vi s (2), ga (3) ga al (4) deligia'Wi (5) gwas (6) [as
they were] without (2) teeth (1), for (4) that (3) [reason] they
brought them as food (5) intestines (6) 130.22
masi' s (1) al-na a na' s n (2) naga-ida' (3) [do] you in your turn (1)
[dive], since you said (3) "I can get close to him " (2) 61.9
107. Adjectival Prefixes
Probably all the body-part prefixes and also a number of the
purely local elements are found as prefixes in the adjective. The
material at hand is not large enough to enable one to follow out the
prefixes of the adjective as satisfactorily as those of the verb; but
107
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 257
there is no reason to believe that there is any tangible difference of
usage between the two sets. Examples of prefixes in the adjective
are:
1. daW-.
dak'-mafta^ big on top
d&]z-du'l s big-headed
2. da a -.
da a -moZMY red-eared 14.4; 15.12; 96.13
da, a -ho'k'wal with holes in ear 166.13, 19
d^-maha^i big-cheeked
3. S'in-.
s'm-7io'Vwal with holes in nose 166.13, 18
s'ia.-hu's'gal big-nosed 25.1; 27.5, 13; 28.6
s'm-p*i'l s flat-nosed
4. de~.
de-ts'!uguY, de-is' !ugu' u sharp-pointed 74.13; 126.18
de-t<ulu' p' dull
de- winiY proceeding, reaching to 50.4
5. da-.
d&-sga'xi(t') long-mouthed 15.13; 86.3; 88.1, 11
i^ short 33.17
Z holed 176.7
^i big-holed 92.4
d&-t!os'd' u small-holed
6. gwen-.
gwen-xdi'l s s slim-necked
gwen-'gre r m black-necked 196.6
7. I-.
l-ts'!o'pal sharp-clawed 14.4; 15.13; 86.3
l-ge'wa x crooked-handed
I-Jc!oJc!o^ ugly-handed
8. oca a -.
x^-maJia^i big-waisted, wide
x^-xdi'Vs slim-waisted, notched 71.15; 75.6
9. dl 1 -.
dV-JcIelix conceited
10. dl -.
di ^na7ia^i big below, big behind
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 17 107
258 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
di s -lc!a^ls lean in rump
11. gwel-.
ha-gwel-bila^m empty underneath, like table (cf. Tia-lila^m
empty)
gwel-ho'k 'wal holed underneath 43, 9.
12. ha-.
hsi-bila^m empty (literally, having nothing inside, cf. bilcfm
having nothing 43.6, 8, 14)
13. sal-.
s&\-t!a'i narrow
sal-fe* funa^px straight
14. al-. (Referring to colors and appearances)
al-> x ra black 13.3; 162. 4
al-fe'/iV red
&\-t'gu' i s' white 55.2 ; 188. 1 1
d-sgenUY black 92.19
&\-gwa'si yellow
o\-t' gisa^mt' green (participle of t*gisi' m it gets green)
a\-Jc!iyl'x-nat* blue (literally, smoke-doing or being)
&\-kloJc!oW ugly-faced 47.2; 60.5
&\-t!e e s-iY little-eyed 94.3; (94.6, 14)
&l-t*geycfpx round
a\-t'mila^px smooth
15. han~.
h&n-hogwa^l with hole running through 56.9, ip
A few cases have been found of adjectives with preceding nouns in
such form as they assume with pre-positive and possessive suffix:
dafkloloi-ts'lil red-cheeked
gwit!m-t!a'i slim-wristed
An example of an adjective preceded by two body-part prefixes has
already been given Qia-gwel-bilcfm) . Here both prefixes are coordi-
nate in function (cf. ha-gwel-p!iycf , 95). In:
xa a -sal-gwa' si between-claws-yellow (myth name of Sparrow-
Hawk) 166.2
the two body-part prefixes are equivalent to an incorporated local
phrase (cf. 35, 4)
108. Adjectival Derivative Suffixes
A considerable number of adjectives are primitive in form, i. e.,
not capable of being derived from simpler nominal or verbal stems.
Such are:
108
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 259
ho's'au getting older
mdhcfi big 23.1; 74.15; 146.3
bus' wiped out, destroyed, used up 42.2; 140.19
du good, beautiful 55.7; 58.7; 124.4; 146.6
t*U hot 57.15; 186.25
p'u^n rotten 140.21
yo't'i alive ([?] yoY being + enclitic -hi) (128.16)
and many others. A very large number, however, are provided with
derivative suffixes, some of which are characteristic of adjectives
per se, 1 while others serve to convert nouns and pre-positive phrases
into adjectives. Some adjectival stems seem capable of being used
either with or without a suffix (cf. da-sgafxi and de-ts'JuguV above,
107):
mdhcfi and mahaW big
al-gwa'si and al-gwa'si yellow
1. "(i)t\ Probably the most characteristic of all adjectival suffixes
is -(i), all -* participles (see 76) properly belonging here.
Non-participial examples are:
al-gwa' 'sit' yellow
al-sgenhW black 92.19
aZ-Z/eViV little-eyed 94.3
(?) ha'nt* half ([?] cf. lian- through) 146.22; 154.9; 192.7
tloli* one-horned 46.7; 47.7; 49.3.
da a -molhW red-eared 14.4; 15.12; 88.2; 96.13
de-ts' !ugu^ sharp-pointed 126.18
Tclulsa^ soft (food) (cf. fc/uYs worm) 130.22
p!ala,'Jc'wa-goyd' u t' ele I am story-doctor (cf. goyo^ shaman)
2. -al. Examples of adjectives with this suffix are:
l-ts'!o'p'&\ sharp-clawed 14.4; 86.3(cLde-ts'!uguY sharp-pointed;
for-/-: -g-cL 42, 1,6)
Wfel thin
(?) deJi&l five ([ ?] = being in front 2 ) 150.19, 20; 182.21
s'in-ho'Vw&\ with holes in nose 166.13, 18; (56.9; 166.19; 176.7)
s'in-M's'ga\ big-nosed 25.1; 27.5, 13; 28.6
My al flat
imi'xsil how much, how many (used interrogatively and relatively)
100.8; 182.13
mix&'lha numerous, in great numbers 92.28; 94.1
1 A few adjectives in -am (= -an) are distinctly nominal in appearance; Ula^m HAVING NOTHING; xilatm
SICK (but also as noun, DEAD PEKSON, GHOST). It hardly seems possible to separate these from nouns like
heela^m BOARD; ts-!ela^m HAIL.
2 Cf. American Anthropologist, n. s., vol. 9, p. 266.
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260 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
3. -di. A few adjectives have been found with this suffixed element:
Jiapsd? little 192.6; My di 24. 12; 60.15; 61.5 (cf. 7id a pxV child
128.16)
yap! a daldi" wild man (cf. dal- in the brush) 22.14
gama'xdiTSiW 94.3, 6; 144.5; 182.4
gweld? finished (cf . gwel- leg) 34.1; 79.8; 94.18
4. -ts!- (- s). In a small number of adjectives this element is doubt-
less to be considered a suffix:
l'lts\aF w bad, ugly 182.1; 186.22; 198.4 (cf. pi. ti s a'lsaV w )
s'in-p'i'l s flat-nosed
xa a -xdi'l s slim-waisted 71.15; 75.6 (cf. inferential passive xa-l-
xdi'lxdaWam they have been notched in several places)
A few adjectives in -s, evidently morphologically connected with
the scattering nouns in -s, also occur:
gums blind 26.14
bals long 14.5; 33.16; 158.1
s'uns- thick 90.3
5. ~(a)x. This suffix disappears in the plural (see below, 109),
so that no room is left for doubt as to its non-radical character.
Whether it is to be identified with the non-agentive -x of the
verb is somewhat uncertain, but that such is the case is by no
means improbable; in some cases, indeed, the adjective in -x
is connected with a verb' in -x. The -cfpx of some of the
examples is without doubt composed of the petrified -b- found
in a number of verbs (see 42, 1) and the adjectival (or non-
agentive) -x.
al-t'gey^^ round (cf . al-t'geye^px it rolls)
sal-ts' .%na r px straight
<Za-fcr/amxsick 90.12, 13, 21; 92.5; 150.16
al-t'mils^pK smooth
da-p'o'a x crooked (cf. p*owo' s x it bends)
l-ge'wa x crooked-handed
More transparently derivational in character than any of those
listed above are the following adjectival suffixes:
6. -gwat* HAVING. Adjectival forms in -gwaY are derived partly
by the addition of the adjectival suffix -(a)t* to third personal
reflexive possessive forms in -gwa (-xagwa) , or to palatalized
passive participial forms in -^F, themselves derived from
nouns (see 77), partly by the addition of -gwaY to nouns in
108
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 261
their pre-pronominal form (-x) . The fact that these various
-gwaY forms, despite their at least apparent diversity of origin,
clearly form a unit as regards signification, suggests an ultimate
identity of the noun reflexive -gwa (and therefore verbal
indirect reflexive -gwa-} with the passive participial -k* w . The
-gwa- of forms in -x-gwat* is not quite clear, but is perhaps to
be identified with the comitative -gwa- of the verb. An
adjective like yu'Jc!al-x-gwat* TEETH-HAVING presents a parallel-
ism to a verbal participle like daY-llm-x-gwat' WITH (TREE)
FALLING OVER ONE (from aorist dak'-limtm-x-gwa-de* 1 AM WITH
IT FALLING OVER ME, see 46) that is suggestive of morphologic
identity. Examples of -gwaV adjectives are:
waya'uxagw&t* having daughter-in-law 56.10 (cf. waya f uxagwa
her own daughter-in-law)
t'gwana't'gw&t* slave-having (cf . t'gwana't'gwa his own slave)
Da-t*dn-eld' a t*gw&,t* 1 Squirrel-Tongued (literally, in-mouth squirrel
his-tongue having [name of Coyote's daughter]) 70.6; 72.4;
75.11
ni'xagw&t* mother-having (cf. ni'xaJc' w mothered)
me'zagwat' father-having (cf. me'xalc' w fathered)
Jc*e is le'p*igigw&t* wife-having (cf. Ye is le'p*igiY w wived 142.6)
gu u xgwa?t* wife-having 128.4 (cf. gu u -x-deW my wife 142.9)
dagaxgw^t* head-having (cf. da'g-ax-deY my head 90.13)
ts' lu'lxgw&t* having Indian money (cf. ts'Iu^lx Indian money
14.13)
A form with -gwat' and the copula ei- (for persons other than the
third) takes the place in Takelma of the verb HAVE :
ts f lu'lxgwat* eit*e e I have money (literally money-having or
moneyed I-am
ts'!ulx-gwaY he has money
Aside from the fact that it has greater individuality as a distinct
phonetic unit, the post-positive wa'V i WITHOUT is the mor-
phologic correlative of -gwat* HAVING:
dagax wa'tftf elt* head without you-are
da'gaxgwat* elt* head-having you-are
Similarly :
nixa wa'lc'tf elt'e mother without I-am
ni'xagwat* elfe e mother-having I-am
1 The fact that this form has a body-part prefix (da- MOUTH) seems to imply its verbal (participial)
character, -t'gwat' in it, and forms like it, may have to be analyzed, not as -t'gwa HIS OWN+ -t', but rather
as -t' Hi3+-gwa- HAVING+-*' . In other words, from a noun-phrase fan eld'a (older eld'af) SQUIRREL HIS-
TONGUE may be theoretically formed a comitative intransitive with prefix: *da-t'an-cla'at'-gwade s I AM
HAVING SQUIRREL'S TONGUE IN MY MOUTH, of which the text-form is the participle. This explanation has
1 he advantage over the one given above of putting forms in -'t'gwat' and -xgwat' on one line; cf . also 73.15.
108
262 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
7. -imiMi. A few adjectives have been found ending in this suffix
formed from temporal adverbs :
hop!e nimikli (men) of long ago 168.1 (hop!e s n long ago 58.4, 1, 11)
&6 M i'mik!i (people) of nowadays (bo u now 188.8; 194.5)
8. ~(i)k!i. This suffix, evidently closely related to the preceding
one, forms adjectives (with the signification of BELONGING TO,
ALWAYS BEING) from local phrases. Examples are:
lid-will' 'yikli belonging to good folks, not " common" (homha-will
in the house)
xa a -bemik !i being between sticks
ha-bami' sik !i dwelling in air
xd a -da'nik\i belonging between rocks (e. g., crawfish)
dak'-p!i f yak\i staying always over the fire
7ia-p!i'yak.\i s belonging to fire
9. - xi. A few adjectival forms in - xi, formed from local phrases,
seem to have a force entirely coincident with adjectives m-(i)Jc!i:
Jia-p!i'ya x.i belonging to fire
ha-xi'ya xi mink (literally, always staying in the water [from
Tia-xiya^ in the water 33.4])
10. - 7 i fi xi. This suffix seems to be used interchangeably with
-(i)Jc!i and - xi. Examples are:
ha-bami'sa^xi 5 belonging to the air, sky
xa f a -da / ni e l fi xi e belonging between rocks
7ia-wili l fi xi belonging to the house
ha-xi'ya l fi xi belonging to the water
Jia-p!iya l fi xi belonging to fire
The following forms in -%;i, not derived from local phrases, doubt-
less belong with these:
ge i fi xi belonging there 160.24
goyo l n xi belonging to shamans (used to mean: capable of wish-
ing ill, supernaturally doing harm, to shamans) 170.11
109. Plural Formations
A few adjectives form their plural or frequentative by reduplica-
tion:
Singular Plural
tie-In'^ full 49.14; 116.5 de-bu lcfx (dissimilated from
-Wba x) 122.17
i'ltelalc*" bad 182.1; 198.4 ll s a'lsaY w (dissimilated from
ll alts!-}
maha'i large 23.1; 74.15 mahml 32.15; 49.10; 130.4
109
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 263
Of these, the first two are clearly verbal in type. The probably non-
agentive -x of de-bu e bcfx (also singular de-bu'^x from *de-bu' ii ]c!-x [cf.
de-bu'^JcIin i SHALL FILL rrj) and the apparently passive participial
-ak' w of l f lts!dk' w strongly suggest that the first two of these adjec-
tives are really adjectivally specialized verb-forms, mahml is alto-
gether irregular in type of reduplication. t!os'o fu LITTLE 56.15 ; 74.16
forms its plural by the repetition of the second consonant after the
repeated vowel of the singular: daldoloi-Hos'u's'gwaf HE HAS SMALL
CHEEKS. In regard to fuf 170.18. the plural of fti HOT 57.15, it
is not certain whether the -t* is the repeated initial consonant, or
the -f characteristic of other adjective plurals.
Most adjectives form their plural by repeating after the medial
consonant the vowel of the stem, where possible, and adding to the
amplified stem the element -if (probably from -hit*, as shown by
its treatment with preceding fortis), or, after vowels, -fit*; a final
non-radical -(a) a; disappears in the plural, lio's'au GETTING BIGGER
(with inorganic -a-) forms its plural by the repetition of the stem-
vowel alone, Jios'o u 156.11; 158.11; similar is du e u* 58.10 which seems
to be the plural of du PRETTY 58.8. yo't*i ([?] yof-hi) ALIVE forms
the plural yofi'hi ([?] yofi-hi) 128.16. Examples of the peculiarly
adjectival plural in -(f)if are:
Singular Plural
al-fgeycfpx round al-fgeye'p'ii*
al-fmilcfpx smooth al-t*mili'p*itf
sal-ts ' luna^px straight sal-ts !u'nup*it*
sal-t!a f i narrow 8(d-t!a'yB,t*it*
da-p*o'a e x crooked (= -dk!-x) gwif-p*o'o s k'it* crooked-
armed
l-ge'wa?x crooked- handed l-ge'ws e V\i*
(= -ak!-x; cf. aorist gewe-
Tclaw- carry [salmon] bow-
fashion)
de-ts'!uguY sharp-pointed 126.18 de-ts' lugtibit*
de-fulu' p* dull de-fulu' p'it*
al-ts' !i^l red da f ~k!oloi-ts'!i'l\i*ii* he has red
cheeks
al-fgu' i s' white 55.2; 188.1.1 da'k!oloi-fguyu s'ii* he has
white cheeks
al-fge^m black 13.3; 162.4 da'Jc!oloi-fge'met*it* he has
black cheeks
Mis long 14.5; 15.12,15 s'inlxdd a fan ba a la,'sit* their
noses are long
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264
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
That these plurals are really frequentative or distributive in force
is illustrated by such forms as da'Tcloloi-ts'li'litfiC RED-CHEEKED,
which has reference not necessarily to a plurality of persons affected,
but to the frequency of occurrence of the quality predicated, i. e., to
the redness of both cheeks.
V. Numerals ( 110, 111)
2.
Adverbs
muv xda"n ouce 182.20; 188.13
ga f mHn twice
xi^nt"
gamga'man
deJialdan
Jia imi'ts!ada*n
182.22
Jia lxinda'n
Jia igo u gada*n
ixdllda^n
110. Cardinals
Cardinals
1. ml /i sga 13.2- 192.8; ml' s s
188.9
'a' m 22.7; 110.11
'd'pHni* 1 55.7,12; 116.
3. xi'linV 150.8
4. gamga'm 148.5; 184.17
5. deJial 150.19, 20; 182.21
6. lia lml f s 150.12
7. Jia iga' m
9. Jia igo* 150.14
10. i'xdll 13.1; 150.5
11. i'xdll ml' i sga
ten one on-top-of
12. i'xdll ga / m gadcfk*
20. yaplami' s 182.23
30. xi'n ixdll
40. gamga'mtin
50. deJialdan ixdl^l
60. Jia lmi'ts!adan
70. Jia lga' madan ixdl^l
80. Jia lxi'7idan ixdl^l
90. Jia lgogada f n ixdl^l
100. t!dmi' s 23.2, 4, 9, 12, 13
200. ga' mtint!eimi' s
300. icm t!eimi' s
400. gamga'mtin t!eimi' s s
1,000. i'xdlldant!eimi' s
2, 000. yap!ami'ts!adan t!eimi' e s
ml' i sga is the usual uncompounded form of ONE. In compounds
the simpler form ?m /e s (stem mlts!-) occurs as the second element:
Jia imi' s six ( = one [finger] in the- hand)
yap!ami / s twenty ( = one man)
HO
i Often heard as ga'p^ini^ 55.2, 5.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 265
t!eimi' s s one hundred (probably = one malefW-])
me e l t'ga a ^mi / s crows earth-one ( = land packed full of crows)
144.9, 11, 12, 13
de e ml f s in-front-one ( = marching in single file)
almi' s all together 92.23, 24; 190.17
Of the two forms for TWO, ga'pHni* seems to be the more frequently
used, though no difference of signification or usage can be traced.
ga'pIinV TWO and xi'bini* THREE are evident compounds of the
simpler ga / m and xi*n (seen -in lia^ixi'n EIGHT) and an element -bini*
that is perhaps identical with -bin? of Jia'-bini* IN THE MIDDLE.
gamga'm FOUR is evidently reduplicated from ga' m TWO, the falling
accent of the second syllable being probably due to the former
presence of the catch of the simplex. An attempt has been made 1
to explain deJiol FIVE as an adjectival form in -al derived from de e -
IN FRONT. The numerals six, SEVEN, EIGHT, and NINE are best con-
sidered as morphologically verbs provided with the compound prefix
7ia i- IN THE HAND (see 35, 4), and thus strictly signifying ONE
(FINGER) is IN THE HAND; TWO, THREE, FOUR (FINGERS) ARE IN THE
HAND. No explanation can be given of -go* in 7ia lgo* NINE, except
that it may be an older stem for FOUR, later replaced, for one reason
or another, by the composite gamga'm TWO + TWO. i'xdll TEN is
best explained as compounded of l-x- HAND (but why not mx- as in
lux-de^V MY HAND?) and the dual -dVl, and as being thus equivalent
to TWO HANDS.
It thus seems probable that there are only three simple numeral
stems in Takelma, ml' i s ONE, gaf m TWO, and xi^n THREE. All the
rest are either evident derivations from these, or else (deTial probably
and i'xdll certainly) descriptive of certain finger-positions. While the
origin of the Takelma system may be tertiary or quinary (if -gcf is
the original stem for FOUR and deJial is a primary element), the
decimal feeling that runs through it is evidenced both by the break
at ten and by the arrangement of the numerals beyond ten.
The teens are expressed by TEN ONE ABOVE (i. e., ten over one), TEN
TWO ABOVE ; and so on. ga a*l THERETO may be used instead of gadcfY
OVER. Twenty is ONE MAN, i. e., BOTH HANDS AND FEET. One hun-
dred can be plausibly explained as equivalent to ONE MALE PERSON. 2
The other tens, i. e., thirty to ninety inclusive, are expressed by
i American Anthropologist, loc. cit., where FIVE is explained as BEING IN FKONT, on the basis of the
method of fingering used by the Takelma in counting,
a Loc. cit.
no
266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
multiplication, the appropriate numeral adverb preceding the word for
ten. xi'n ixdll THIRTY, however, uses the original cardinal xin, Instead
of the numeral adverb xinC . The hundreds (including two hundred
and one thousand) are similarly expressed as multiplications of one
hundred (t!eimi' s), the numeral adverbs (xin instead of xi*nt* in
three hundred) preceding t!eimi' s. Numerals above one thousand
( = 10x100) can hardly have been in much use among the Takelma,
but can be expressed, if desired, by prefixing the numeral adverbs
derived from the tens to t!eimi f s; e. g., deJialdan ixdildan t!eimi' s
5X10X100 = 5,000.
As far as the syntactic treatment of cardinal numerals is concerned,
it should be noted that the plural of the noun modified is never em-
ployed with any of them :
wa-iwl'* gdpfini girl two (i. e., two girls) 55.2, 5, 7, 12 (wa-iwl ri -
t'an girls 56.11)
mologola'p'aga'pHni old- woman two 26.14 (mologola'p'alclan old
women 138.10)
Jid'p'da gd'pHni his child two 154.17 (ha'pxda his children)
Like adjectives, attributive numerals regularly follow the noun.
111. Humeral Adverts
The numeral adverbs denoting so AND so MANY TIMES are derived
from the corresponding cardinals by suffixing -an (often weakened
to -tin) to gd' m TWO and its derivative gamga'm FOUR; -t* , to xin
THREE; -dcfn, to other numerals (-ada^n, to those ending in - m and
..&/- = - e s). ha iga' m SEVEN and ha lxi*n EIGHT, it will be observed,
do not follow ga' m and xin in the formation of their numeral adverbs,
but add -(a)dcfn.
It is not impossible that mu^x- in mu^xda^n ONCE is genetically
related and perhaps dialectically equivalent to ml i s-, but no known
grammaticor phonetic process of Takelma enables one to connect them.
Jia lgo u gada"n NINE TIMES seems to insert a -ga- between the cardinal
and the adverbial suffix -dan. The most plausible explanation of the
form is its interpretation as NINE (fia igo^) THAT (ga) NUMBER-OF-TIMES
(-da^n), the demonstrative serving as a peg to hang the suffix on.
From the numeral adverbs are derived, by prefixing ha- IN, a
further series with the signification of IN so AND so MANY PLACES :
Tia-gd^mtin in two places
ha-gamgama^n 176.2, 3 in four places
7w,-Jia igd u gada^n in nine places
HI
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - TAKELMA 267
Cardinals with prefixed ha- are also found, apparently with an
approximative force, e. g., Jia-deJial ABOUT FIVE 194.2.
No series of ordinal numerals could be obtained, and the prob-
ability is strong that such a series does not exist. debVn occurs
as FIKST (e. g., will debi'n-Tii FIKST HOUSE), but may also mean LAST
49.2; 150.15, a contradiction that, in view of the probable etymology
of the word, is only apparent. debVn is evidently related to tid-binV
IN THE MIDDLE, and therefore signifies something like IN FRONT OF
THE MIDDLE; i. e., AT EITHER END of a series, a meaning that com-
ports very well with the renderings of both FIRST and LAST, It is
thus evident that no true ordinal exists for even the first numeral.
VI. Adverbs and Particles ( 112-114)
A very large number of adverbs and particles (some of them simple
stems, others transparent derivatives, while a great many others still
are quite impervious to analysis) are found in Takelma, and, particu-
larly the particles, seem to be of considerable importance in an idio-
matically constructed sentence. A few specifically adverbial suffixes
are discernible, but a large number of unanalyzable though clearly
non-primitive adverbs remain; it is probable that many of these are
crystallized noun or verb forms now used in a specialized adverbial
sense.
112. Adverbial Suffixes
Perhaps the most transparent of all is :
1. -da?t\ This element is freely added to personal and demonstra-
tive pronouns, adverbs or verbal prefixes, and local phrases, to
impart the idea of direction from or to, more frequently the former.
Examples of its occurrence are :
aV in my direction (gl I)
waded&t* from my side (wade to me)
adaV on, to this side 112.17; 144.2
i'^adaY in that direction, from that side (Ida- that)
7wi /ae daV from yonder (ha a - that yonder)
gwi'd&t* in which direction? 190.18 (gwi how? where?)
gredaY from there 144.8
6me / dat* from here
rae'MaY hitherwards 32.10, 11; 55.3 (me - hither)
7ie f d&t' thitherwards (Jie - away)
7i6 tt daY from down river 23.9 (no u down river)
H2
268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
famdaV (going) across (Tian- across) 30.4; 31.16
* from across (the river) (ha'nda across it) 112.17; 114.17
from above (Jia- in + 6am- up)
Jiaxiya'd&t* from water on to land Qia-xiya^ in the water).
dak' '-will' '*dat' from on top of the house (daY-will over the house)
27.5; 62.5
gwen-ga a - lo'Ydanda&^i* from the east (gwen-t*gd a -bo'Jc*danda
east) 144.23; (cf. 146.1)
More special in use of -dat* are :
honoxd&t* last year (Jionox some time ago)
dewe' nxad&\" day after to-morrow (dewe'nxa to-morrow)
de e daY first, before others 110.5
2. -xa. A fairly considerable number of adverbs, chiefly temporal
in signification, are found to end in this element. Such are:
A6 M xa N yesterday 76.9; 98.21
da-Jio u x^ this evening 13.3; 16.15; 63.8; 78.4
dabalni'xa, for a long time (cf . &Z-s long and lep*ni'xa in winter)
54.4; 108.16
2/a'xa continually, only, indeed (cf. post-positive ya' a just) 54.5;
63.3; 78.10
dewe'nxa, to-morrow 77.14; 112.15; 130.17; 194.1
dapla'xa, toward daylight, dawn 45.4
(Ze / xa henceforth (cf. de- in front of) 196.5
samo/xa in summer (cf. sa'ma summer 188.13; verb-stem sam-g-
be summer 92.9) 162.16; 176.13, 15
Ze/m'xa in winter 162.20; 176.15
de-bixi'msa, ([ ? ] = -t-xa) in spring ([ ? ] cf . bi'xal moon)
da-yd u ga'mxsi in autumn 186.3
fe'/i's'a ([?] = -^aw) at night 182.20
xaml fi xB, by the ocean (cf. xam- into water) 21.1; 55.1
(?) bo u -nexa,-da soon, immediately (cf. &o M now and ne e well! or
na- 1 do) 90.10; 108.2
(?)<Za mo/xau far away (for<Za -cf.eZa -o v Znear) 14.3; 188.21; 190.6
In lep*ni^x 90.6, a doublet of lep'ni'xa, -xa appears shortened to -x;
this -x may be found also in Jionox SOME TIME AGO (cf. 7iono' AGAIN).
Here perhaps belongs also da-yawa r nt!i-xi (adjectival?) IN HALF,
ON ONE SIDE (OF TWO) 94.3.
It will be noticed that a number of these adverbs are provided
with the prefix da- (de- before palatal vowels, cf. 36, 2), the appli-
cation of which, however, in their case, can not be explained.
3. -ne^. A number of adverbs, chiefly those of demonstrative
signification, assume a temporal meaning on the addition of -ne*, a
i See Appendix A, p. 290.
H2
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 269
catch intervening between the suffix and the stem. Etymologi-
cally -ne may be identical with the hortatory particle ne WELL, LET
(us) .
Adverb Temporal
he es - there yonder Jie' ne? then, at that time 45.6;
49.14
ge there 14.3; 15.5, 12 ' ge n^ so long 92.10; 198.9
me - hither m6 ne e at this time 24.14 (cf. also
ma nai around this time 178.4)
e'me here 31.3; 192.9 eme ne(yd' a -hi) (right) here([?] =
now) 190.23
gwi how? 46.2; 78.5 gwi' ue some time (elapsed), how
long? 44.2; 48.9; 148.7
To this set probably belong also :
xu u,xu' n^ at night, night 45.3; 46.12; 48.10; 160.22
&g n by day 166.2 (cf. le sun, day)
7iop!e n long ago 58.4; 86.7,9; 192.15; 194.4
xd uewi' sometimes 132.25
bo u uQ now, yet 130.23 (cf. lo u now)
l'de ne^, which the parallelism of the other forms in -ne^ with de,
monstrative stems leads one to expect, does not happen to occur-
but probably exists. Curiously enough, 7ie' ne not infrequently may
be translated as LIKE, particularly with preceding Tc'ai ( 105):
Ya f ilie ne bem something like wood 186.11
Ic'ai gwala he f ne like various things 196.3
A number of other adverbial suffixes probably occur, but the
examples are not numerous enough for their certain determination.
Among them is -ado? :
no u gwada" some distance down river 54.2 (cf. no u down river and
no u gwa^ down river from 75.14)
Tiinwada^ some distance up river 56.4; 100.18; 102.4 (cf. liincfu
up river and Tiinwa^ up river from 77.1)
TvafnVada across the river 98.5; 192.3; (cf. Ticfnt* across, in half)
Several adverbs are found to end in -(da)da , perhaps to be identified
with the -da of subordinate verb-forms :
bd u -nexada immediately 90. 10, 12; 108.2
~he e (da)da' away from here 92.5; 172.5; 194.10; 196.11
gwel- wdwi EARLY IN THE MORNING 44.1; 63.9; 77.14; 190.1 seems
to be a specialized verb-form in -i IF, WHENEVER. It is possible
that there is an adverbial -t* suffix:
gwe^nt' in back, behind 94.15
ftaW across, in half 146.22; 154.9; 192.7 112
270 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
It may be that this -t" has regularly dropped off when final in poly-
syllables :
daVZnear 100.15; but dafo'Wi (=da oW] + -hi) 136.7
113. Simple Adverbs
The simple adverbs that are closely associated with demonstrative
stems have been already discussed (104). A number of others,
partly simple stems and partly unanalyzable derivatives, are listed
here, such as have been already listed under adverbial suffixes not
being repeated.
1. Local adverbs:
no u down river 17.9; 63,1; 124.15
no fu s- next door ([?] related to no u ) 17.4; 188.2 *
Tiina'u up river ([?] compounded with no u ) 22.7; 23.1; 61.13;
192.14
daf-ol near (cf. -*', 112, and see 93) 100.15; 102.6; 126.2
diJiau(ya' a ) last of all (see 93) 120.18
gi' ie wafa,T off 48.8; 192.1
abcfi in the house (cf. 37, 14) 28.8; 43.13; 140.5
Tia'^ycf on both sides, mutually (cf. 37, 5) 172.10; 176.6
2. Temporal adverbs :
&6 M now, to-day 49.13; 50.1; 56.11; 61.11
Jia'wi still, yet (cf. 37, 9) 78.1; 126.21; 192.8; 198.11
bo u ne hawi }
-,,.,_ A soon 128.18
fiawi oo u ne J
olo v m (ulvfm) formerly, up to now 43.11; 63.1; 71.15; 166.2
Jiemdi* when? 132.24; a'nl e hem never
mi* now, already (often proclitic to following word) 22.4; 63.1;
190.9
gane then, and then (often used merely to introduce new state-
ment) 47.14; 63.1, 2, 16
A noteworthy idiomatic construction of adverbs or phrases of tem-
poral signification is their use as quasi-substantives with forms of
ZaZ^'- BECOME. Compare such English substantivized temporal
phrases as AFTERNOON. Examples are:
sama'xa Idp'Jc' in-summer it-has-become 92.11
7iaye wa f xda a da la a le^ in- their-re turning it-became ( = it became
time for them to return) 124.15
habebini diliaf-uda ld a lU'a noon after-it when-it-became ( = when
it was afternoon) 186.8
113
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 271
3. Negative and affirmative adverbs:
lilt' no 134.19, 21
TUL'-U yes 24. 13; 64.1; 170.12
a'm* not (with aorist) 23.3, 6; 64.3; 78.1
a'ndi not? 56.10; 90.26 (e. g., a'ndi Yai are there not any?) 56.8
nl* not? (with following subordinate): s'-nl' 1 naga' sbinda didn't
I tell you? 136.10
naga-di" do (you) not? 116.12
wede not (with inferential and potential) 25.13; 122.22, 23
4. Modal adverbs:
Tiono' (rarely heard as 7iono n 74.8; this is very likely its origi-
nal form, cf. - n for - ne } 112, 3) again, too, also 22.4; 58.5;
134.1
ganga only 54.4; 94.5; ganga'-Jii anyhow 94.8 ; 142.13; ganga-s'i'
just so, for fun
wana" even 47.10; 61.3; 71.8; 76.4; 186.2
yaxd' a wa however (cf. yaxa, 114, 9; for -wa cf. gi' is wa, 113, 1)
72.11; 74.15
Jia'ga explanatory particle used with inferential 28.10; 45.11
(e. g., ga Jiaga wa'la? yvffc so that one was really he 170.8)
naklcf in every way, of all sorts (e. g., k'adi' nakfa a f nl lgl fi nan
what kind was not taken?, i. e., every kind was taken 60.11)
yewe perhaps 136.23; 180.8; 196.18
s-o , s-o u perfectly, well 136.20; 166.1 (e. g., s'o' de^gwa'Wgw^p"
take good care of yourself! 128.24)
amadi'(s'i s ) would that! 142.10 (e. g., amadi's'i t!omoma f n I
wish I could kill him; amadi loho' is would that he died! 196.2)
wi f sa m (cf. wis, 114, 8) I wonder if 150.2, 3 (e. g., ml* wi'sa m
ya' I wonder if .he went already)
It is a characteristic trait of Takelma, as of many other American
languages, that such purely modal ideas as the optative (WOULD
THAT!) and dubitative (i WONDER IF) are expressed by independent
adverbs without modification of the indicative verb-form (cf . further
wi obihcfn ye e wa' f wi'sa m MY-ELDER-BROTHERS THEY- WILL-RETURN
I-WONDER-IF 150.2, 3).
Several of the adverbs listed above can be used relatively with
subordinates, in which use they may be looked upon as conjunctive
adverbs :
ld u -gwan* (1) ya a nia'-uda (2) bai-yeweyaW" (3) as soon as(l)
they went (2), she took him out again (3) 128.20
yewe (1) xebe e yagwanaga'm (2) yewe (3) wa' a da (4) 7iiwili' u (5)
perhaps (1) that we destroy him (2), perhaps (3) he runs (5)
1 Probably compounded of 63 NOW and gan(i) NOW, THEN, AND THEN.
113
272 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
to her (4) ( = should we destroy him, perhaps he would run to
her)
waya' (1) he ne^ (2) de-Jc*iwi'fcaufcwa,nma s (3) ga (4) nafnak'iY
(5) just as (2) a knife (1) is brandished (3), that (4) he did
with it (5) 172.12 (cf. Jie s ne^ in its meaning of LIKE, 112, 3)
114. Particles
By particles are nere meant certain uninflected elements that have
little or no meaning of their own, but that serve either to connect
clauses or to color by some modal modification the word to which
they are attached. They are never met with at the beginning of a
clause or sentence, but occur only postpositively, generally as enclitics.
Some of the elements listed above as modal adverbs ( 113, 4) might
also be considered as syntactic particles (e. g., wana, ha'ga, naklcf,
which never stand at the beginning of a clause); these, however,
show no tendency to be drawn into the verb-complex. Whenever
particles qualify the clause as a whole, rather than any particular
word in the clause, they tend to occupy the second place in the sen-
tence, a tendency that, as we have seen (p. 65), causes them often
to be inserted, but not organically incorporated, into the verb-
complex. The most frequently occurring particles are those listed
below :
1. ya' n JUST. This element is not dissimilar in meaning to the
post-nominal emphasizing -V ( 102), but differs from it in
that it may be embedded in the verb-form :
l-ya' a -sge e fsgay he just twisted it to one side 31.5
It only rarely follows a verb-form, however, showing a strong
tendency to attach itself to denominating terms. Though
serving generally to emphasize the preceding word, it does not
seem to involve, like - a\ the idea of a contrast :
xa a -xo yd' a right among firs (cf. 94.17)
7ie neya' a just then, then indeed 63. 13; 128.22; 188.1,18
do u mxbin ya' a I shall just kill you 178.15
It has at times a comparative force :
gl* ya' a na nada' you will be, act, just like me (cf. 196.2)
2. hi. This constantly occurring enclitic is somewhat difficult to
define. With personal pronouns it is used as an emphatic
particle :
ma' U you yourself (cf. 104.13; 152.20
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 273
Similarly with demonstratives :
ga' hi just that, the same 64.6; 96.16; 144.3; 190.21
In such cases it is rather difficult to draw the line between it
and ya' a , 1 to which it may be appended:
ga ya' a hi gweldcf just under that 190.17
7ian-ya' a -hi bd a -t*e' e x just across the river she emerged 58.3
As emphasizing particle it may even be appended to sub-
ordinate verb forms and to local phrases:
yant*e e da s hV just as I went (cf. 138.23; 152.5, 7)
diha-ude TiV right behind me, as soon as I had gone
It may be enclitically attached to other particles, ya' a -M
192.1 being a particularly frequent combination:
gl* yaxa'-lii I, however, indeed 71.8
Its signification is not always, however, so specific nor its
force so strong. All that can be said of it in many cases
is that it mildly calls attention to the preceding word with-
out, however, specially emphasizing it; often its force is prac-
tically nil. This lack of definite signification is well illustrated
in the following lullaby, in the second line of which it serves
merely to preserve the rhythm -' :
mo'xo wa'inhd buzzard, put him. to sleep !
s'l'mJiiwafiriha (?) put him to sleep!
p'e'lda wa'inha slug, put him to sleep!
The most important syntactic function of Jii is to make a verbal
prefix an independent word, and thus take it out of its proper
place in the verb:
de'-U ahead (from de- in front) 33.15; 64.3; 196.1; 198.12
ha'n-Jii ei-saJc' w across he-canoe-paddled
but:
ei-7ian-saF w he-canoe-across-paddled 112.9, 18; 114.11
where Jian-, as an incorporated local prefix, takes its place after
the object el. A number of adverbs always appear with suffixed
Jii; e. g., gasa'lhi QUICKLY 16.10. Like - e a\ from which it differs,
however, in its far greater mobility, hi is never found appended
to non-subordinate predicative forms. With Jii must not be
confused :
i The various shades of emphasis contributed by -^ ya'a, Jii, and-s-#, respectively, are well illustrated
in ma o' YOU, BUT YOU (as contrasted with others); ma ya'a JUST YOU, YOU INDEED (simple emphasis with-
out necessary contrast); ma' hi YOU YOURSELF; mas-'i' s AND YOU, YOU IN YOUR TURN (108.13)
3045 Bull. 40, pt 2 12 18 114
274 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
3. -hi s . This particle is found appended most frequently to intro-
ductory words in the sentence, such as mi*, gane, and other
adverbs, and to verb-forms:
mtf-M* t'aga' i then he returned 62.2; (cf. 188.15)
gane-M aba-i-gini' Jc* and then he went into the house 55.16
naga'-i-hi = naga' i he said + -7ii (see 22) 22.6; 57.1; 128.15;
192.9
As no definite meaning can be assigned to it, and as it is found
only in myth narration, it is highly probable that it is to be
interpreted as a quotative :
ga naga'sa n-Jii s that they said to each other, it is said 27. 1, 3 ; 31.9
-U is also found attached to a verbal prefix (22.1; 140.8, 22, 23).
4. -s*i AND, BUT. This is one of the most frequently occurring par-
ticles in Takelma narration, its main function being to bind
together two clauses or sentences, particularly when a contrast
is involved. It is found appended to nouns or pronouns as
deictic or connective suffix:
alcs'i he in his turn 61.11; (cf. 47.14; 104.8, 13)
liulY sgi'sid^l mexs'i Panther and Coyote, also Crane
An example of its use as sentence connector is :
ga naganhan ha-t* ga a de 7iop!e n, l)d u -s'i f eme f a'ni ga naga'n that
used-to-be-said in-my-country long-ago, now-but here not that
is-said 194.4; (cf. 60.9; 118.3; 122.17)
-s'i is particularly frequently suffixed to the demonstratives ga
THAT and aga THIS, gas'i and agas'i serving to connect two
sentences, the second of which is the temporal or logical resultant
or antithesis of the second. Both of the connected or con-
trasted sentences may be introduced by gas'i , agas'i , or by a
word with enclitically attached -s'i s . In an antithesis agas'i 5
seems to introduce the nearer, while gas'i is used to refer to
the remoter act. Examples showing the usage of gas'i s and
agas'i are:
gas-i f de e l ha-de-dllt' a di-buma' a F (I smoked them out), and-
then (or so-that) yellow-jackets everywhere swarmed 73.10
Vaiwi' 5 t!omoma'nda gas'i' s gayawaYp* something I-having-
killed-it, thereupon you-ate-it 90.8
gas'i' s guxda Tiulu^n wa-iwl fi t!omxi'xas'i aba^i on-one-hand his-
wife (was a) sea woman, her-mother-in-law-but (lived) in-the-
house 154.15
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - TAKELMA 275
agas'i yo u lc! w aY ya' a xu'ma-s'i s a'm s de ugil f s'i now my-bones
just (I was) (i. e., I was reduced to a skeleton), food-and not
she-gave-me-to-eat 186.1
agas'i a f nl mi' wa al-t!eye f xi naga' i yulum a^ aga's'i 5 xamY wa-
%wl' 1 ml 1 al-t!ayaYwa on-one-hand "Not probably she-has-dis-
covered-me," he-said Eagle-for-his-part, but Grizzly-Bear girl
now she-had-discovered him 124.9
gas'i s and agas'i as syntactic elements are not to be confused
with the demonstratives go, and ago, to which a connective -s'i s
happens to be attached. This is shown by:
ga-s'i' ga al that-so for ( = so for that reason)
where ga al is a postposition to ga. There is nothing to pre-
vent post-nominal -s'i from appearing in the same clause:
aga'si mels'i but Crow-in-her-turn 162.14
When suffixed to the otherwise non-occurring demonstrative l-
(perhaps contained in Ida- THAT) it has a concessive force,
DESPITE, ALTHOUGH, EVEN IF 60.1:
i's'i -7ii s'om ga al 7ia-de-dilt'a wit' a'nl al-t!ayaW pliyVn
although-indeed mountain to everywhere he-went, not he-
found deer 43.6
i's'i tslaycfk* a'nl tlomom guxdagwa although he-shot-at-her, not
he-killed-her his-own-wife 140.17
-hi (see no. 3) or connective -s'i may be added to i's'i , the
resulting forms, with catch dissimilation (see 22), being i's'ilii s
and i's'is'i 47.11; 148.12. When combined with the idea of
unfulfilled action, the concessive ls'i e is supplemented by the
conditional form in -Fi of the verb:
i's'i Jc'a'i gwala naxbiyauJc'i 5 , wede ge Wwcft* even-though things
many they-should-say-to-you (i. e., even though they call you
names), not there look! 60.3
Compounded with -s'i is the indefinite particle:
5. -s*i wa'&di 64.5. When appended to interrogatives, this parti-
cle brings about the corresponding indefinite meaning (see
105), but it has also a more general syntactic usage, in
which capacity it may be translated as PERCHANCE, IT SEEMS,
PROBABLY:
wak'di JienenagwaV perhaps (or probably) you ate it
all up 26.17
276 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The uncompounded wak'di also occurs:
ulu^m wo'Ydi ai naYam formerly I-guess something it-was said
to him 166.1
go, wa'Fdi 7iogwa' sdd a that-one, it-seems, (was) their-runner 49.3
Similar in signification is :
6. -m/l^wa PROBABLY, PERHAPS 45.8; 63ol5. This enclitic has a con-
siderable tendency to apparently be incorporated in the verb :
l-rm' i wa-t!aut!iwin maybe he was caught (l-t!dut!iwin he was
caught)
xa s -l-ml fie wa-sgl ri l)i n mu^xdcfn Jii I'11-probably-cut-him-in-two
once just 31.13
7. his, hits NEARLY, ALMOST, TRYING 44.7; 56.14. This element
implies that the action which was done or attempted failed of
success :
mi* Jiono t!omdwa-his mal then also he-killed-him nearly spear-
shaft (personified), i. e., spear-shaft almost managed to kill
him, as he had killed others 28.11; (cf. 188.20)
A frequent Takelma idiom is the use of Tii^s with a form of the
verb of SAYING na(g)- to imply a thought or intention on the
part of the subject of the na(g)- form that fails to be realized:
"Tia-xiyaf mi wasgd' a t'ap'de " nagof^-Jii^s "in-the- water probably
I-shall-jump," he thought (but he really fell among alder-
bushes and was killed) 94.17
Sometimes his seems to have a usitative signification; prob-
ably the main point implied is that an act once habitual has
ceased to be so:
dak-7iis-t'ek!e' e xade I used to smoke (but no longer do)
8. wis, w1 { s IT SEEMS, DOUBTLESS. This particle is used to indicate
a likely inference. Examples are:
mtf-wis dap d'la-u moyugwana'n now-it-seems youth he's-to-be-
spoiled (seeing that he's to wrestle with a hitherto invincible
one) 31.12
ml 1 wl fi s ak!a tlomoma'n now apparently he-for-his-part he-has-
been-killed (seeing that he does not return) 88. 9, (6)
9. yaxa CONTINUALLY, ONLY. The translation given for yaxa is really
somewhat too strong and definite, its force being often so weak
as hardly to allow of an adequate rendering into English. It
H4
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 277
often does not seem to imply more than simple existence or
action unaccompanied and undisturbed. It is found often
with the scarcely translatable adverb ganga ONLY, in which
case the idea of unvaried continuance comes out rather
strongly, e. g. :
ga'-7ii yaxa ganga naga' i that-indeed continually only he-said
(i. e., he always kept saying that) 24.15
From ganga it differs in the fact that it is often attracted into
the verb-complex:
ganga ge'l-yaxa-hewe'Jiau only he-is-continually-thinking (i. e., he
is always thinking) (cf. 128.18; 146.15)
10. wala' s (sina s ) REALLY, COME TO FIND OUT 45.11; 170.8. As
indicated in the translation, wala fs indicates the more or less
unexpected resolution of a doubt or state of ignorance :
ga Jiaga wala f will wa s -l-t!a'niY that-one so really house he-kept-
it (i. e., it was Spear-shaft himself who kept house, no one else)
28.10
Certain usages of wala' si(na ) , evidently an amplification of
wala' , have been already discussed ( 70).
11. di INTERROGATIVE. The interrogative enclitic is consistently
used in all cases where an interrogative shade of meaning is
present, whether as applying to a particular word, such as an
interrogative pronoun or adverb, or to the whole sentence.
Its use in indirect questions is frequent :
man Cl' { s mixal di* t!omomana' he-counted gophers how-many
had-been-killed
The use of the interrogative is often merely rhetorical, imply-
ing an emphatic negative:
Ya-di r ma will wa -i-t!a'nida s literally, what you house you- will-
keep? ( = you shall not keep house) 27.16; (cf. 33.1; 47.9)
Ordinarily di occupies the second place in the sentence, less fre-
quently the third :
yu'k!alxde e ml 1 dp s a'nl s fcVi your- teeth now (inter.) not any
(i. e., have you no teeth?) 128.23
Besides these syntactically and modally important enclitic par-
ticles, there are a few proclitics of lesser significance. Among these
are to be included ml 1 NOW and gane THEN, AND THEN, which, though
they have been included among the temporal adverbs and may
114
278 . BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
indeed, at times, convey a definite temporal idea, are generally weak
unaccented introducers of a clause, and have little determinable force :
ganeya' then he went 92.26; 118.19; 152.7
mVloho'te then he died 71.13; 98.19; 122.13
The proclitic ne e WELL! is used chiefly as introductory to a hor-
tatory statement :
ne e go u m-s'i' dak^S'inl fi da naba' a 7ia*n let us-in-our-turn over-
his-nose let-us-do (i. e., let us pass over him!) 144.11
ne e t!omoma' n let me kill him. (cf. 96.4)
115. VH. Interjections
Of interjections and other words of an emotional character there
are quite a number in Takelma. Some of them, while in no sense
of definite grammatical form, are based on noun or verb stems. Not
a few involve sounds otherwise foreign to the language (e. g., nasal-
ized vowels [expressed by n ], a as in English BAT, a as in SAW, dj as
in JUDGE, voiceless palatal I [written Z], final fortis consonant) ; pro-
longation of vowels and consonants (expressed by + ) and repetition
of elements are frequently used.
The material obtained may be classified as follows:
1. PARTICLES OF ADDRESS:
ama" come on! 96.24
Tiene' away from here! get away! 148.8, 10, 11, 13, 14
difgwalam O yes! (with idea of pity) 29.13; dit*gwa' a lam wi wa
my poor younger brother! 64.4
Jia-i" used by men in talking to each other
Jia'iJcIa? used by women in talking to each other (cf. 7ia-ik!d wife!
husband!)
2. SIMPLE INTERJECTIONS (expressing fundamental emotions):
a+ surprise, generally joyful; weeping 28.5; 58.2; 150.2
a; a; a; a sudden surprise at new turn; sudden resolve 28.6 ; 29.7 ;
55.7; 78.9
a' e sudden halt at perceiving something not noticed before 26.12
o x doubt, caution 136.23
o+ sudden recollection; admiration, wonderment; call 92.9;
138.19; 188.17, 19
d+ fear, wonder 17.3
e e ; V displeasure 27.16; 32.9; 33.6; 122.12
e; Jie+ (both hoarsely whispered) used by mythological char-
acters (crane, snake) on being roused to attention 122.10;
148.17, 18
115
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 279
7ie+; e+ call 59.2; 73.7; 75.10; 76.8
e e n*. ^disapproval, " what's up?", sarcasm 28.11; 32.10
E n E U protest 112.6, 11 ; 114.3, 6, 13; V", V 71 decided displeasure
198.2
7ie n scorn, threat 140.9; 152.14
e n * sniffing suspiciously 160.20
E n * E n " E^ E n " smelling suspiciously 124.23
dja disapproval, warning 156.18
m+ m+ gentle warning, pity 29.8; 31.11, 14
7im+ Tim-}- reviving hope (?) 32.3
wd + wd + (loudly whispered) cry for help 29.12
Tia-i alas! 62.4, 7
A n + groan 182.11
7io' s (hoarsely whispered) on being wounded 190.24
"ha! Tid Tid groans on being wounded 192.10
Tie' Tie Tie Tie laughter 118.22; 120.6
Those that follow have a prefixed s'- frequently used by Coyote.
They are probably characteristic of this character (see also
71.14; 90.12).
s' e'Tiehehe derisive laughter 71.7; 72.11; 73.15; 74.15
S'foy sharp anger 86.6, 22, 24
s'be' + u call for some one to come 92.1
cfa'i say there, you! 92.18, 21
s'ga+ sorrow 100.3
3. SET CALLS (including cries in formulas and myths) :
p*d+ (loudly whispered) war-whoop 190.15
T)d + bd+ (loudly whispered and held out long) war-whoop
136.26 ba wd' du wd f du (loudly whispered) war-whoop
110.19 gwd' Id Id Id Id (loudly whispered) war-whoop on slaying
one of enemy
wd wd wd cry to urge on deer to corral
&o+ yelling at appearance of new moon 196.5
Tid + ; bd+ (both loudly whispered) urging on to run 46.5, 7 ; 47.6 ;
48.1, 3, 9; 49.3
Ji w + blowing before exercising supernatural power 96.19, 20, 22;
198.7
p* + blowing in exercising supernatural power 77.9
p* w + blowing water on person to resuscitate him 170.3
Tie blowing preparatory to medicine-formula addressed to wind
198.4
do' do do do do do cry (of ghosts) on catching fire 98.4 (cf . Yana du'
du du du r du du)
ximl' + ximi cry of rolling skull 174.5, 6
280 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
o' -\- da da da da da cry of people running away from rolling skull
174.9, 10
do'lhi dolhV taunt (of Pitch to Coyote) 86.2, 8, 10, 17, 21, 23;
88. 1, 2
da'ldalwaya da Idalwaya da'ldalwaya formula for catching craw-
fish (explained in myth as derived from dalda^l dragon-fly)
29.14, 16
wi'liklisi "cut off!" (cf. wi^l'* his stone knife 142.21) Chicken-
Hawk's cry for revenge 144.1
sgilbibl' + { x "come warm yourself!" 25.7 (cf. sgili'pxde I warm
myself 25.8)
gewe' e lc!ewe e (cf . gewe'lc!iwi n I hold [salmon] bow-fashion) said
by Pitch when Coyote is stuck to him 88.5, 9, 11, 12
p!idi-l-p'd' t'p'idit'Je' " O my liver! " (cf . p*a s t*p*id-i- salmon liver)
cry of Grizzly Bear on finding she has eaten her children's
livers 120.19, 20
The last three show very irregular types of reduplication, not other-
wise found.
4. ANIMAL CRIES AND IMITATIVE SOUNDS:
wa'yani cry of Jack-Kabbit 108.9, 14, 17
(s')Jia'u, ha f u cry of Grizzly Bear 106.12, 19; 140.12
wa' + u (hoarse) death-cry of Grizzly Bear woman 142.3
M u Bear's cry 72.15
plale' pfak' "bathe! bathe!" supposed cry of crow
bale' bak' bale' bak' bale' bale' sound made by Woodpecker 90. 1 1 ; 92.2
(cf. ba'le'ba a red-headed woodpecker 92.2)
p!au plan p!au pfaupfau p!au sound made by Yellowhammer 90. 19
bum+ bum+ noise made by rolling skull 174.4
tcle'lelelele (whispered) sound of rattling dentalia 156.24 (cf. aorist
stem tdelem- rattle)
t'ul t'ul t'ul noise made by Rock Boy in walking over graveyard
house 14.8
dsm + dsm + dsm + noise of men fighting 24. 1
xa'-u (whispered) noise of crackling hair as it burns 24.8
t'gi'l imitating sound of something breaking 24.4 (cf.xa-da a n-t'gil-
t'ga'lhi he broke it in two with rock 24.4)
t'ut' t'ut' t'ut' noise of pounding acorns 26.12
~bAk! "pop! " stick stuck into eye 27.8
Jiu n + confused noise of people talking far off 190.7
leU'didididi sound of men wrestling 32.14
5. SONG BURDENS:
wa'yawene lo' u wana medicine-man's dance 46.14
wairiha round dance; lullaby (cf. walnha put him to sleep!)
104.15; 106.4, 8; 105 note
115
BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 281
TcH'xirihi round dance (said by Frog) 102.18
o'cu s o'cu round dance (said by Frog) 102.23
gwa'tca gwalca round dance (said by Bluejay) 104.7
tcfa'itdw round dance (play on tc!a' i c bluejay) 104.7
le'lebinibl' a round dance (said by Mouse; play on lebe^n rushes)
104.10
beleldo round dance (play on belp* swan) 104.15
~bi f gi bi'gi Wgl-\- Skunk's medicine-man's dance ([?] play on
llV w skunk) 164.18,22; 166.5
Jid' gwatci 7id' gwatci said by s'omloho'lxa s in doctoring
116. CONCLUSION
The salient morphologic characteristics of Takelma may be summed
up in the words INFLECTIVE and INCORPORATING, the chief stress
being laid on either epithet according as one attaches greater impor-
tance to the general method employed in the formation of words and
forms and their resulting inner coherence and unity, or to the par-
ticular grammatical treatment of a special, though for many Ameri-
can languages important, syntactic relation, the object. Outside of
most prefixed elements and a small number of the post-nominal
suffixes, neither of which enter organically into the inner structure
of the word-form, the Takelma word is a firmly knit morphologic
unit built up of a radical base or stem and one or more affixed (gen-
erally suffixed) elements of almost entirely formal, not material,
signification.
It would be interesting to compare the structure of Takelma with
that of the neighboring languages ; but a lack, at the time of writing,
of published material on the Kalapuya, Coos, Shasta, Achomawi,
and Karok makes it necessary to dispense with such comparison.
With the Athapascan dialects of southwest Oregon, the speakers of
which were in close cultural contact with the Takelmas, practically
no agreements of detail are traceable. Both Takelma and Atha-
pascan make a very extended idiomatic use of a rather large num-
ber of verbal prefixes, but the resemblance is probably not a far-
reaching one. While the Athapascan prefixes are etymologically
distinct from the main body of lexical material and have reference
chiefly to position and modes of motion, a very considerable number
of the Takelma prefixes are intimately associated, etymologically
and functionally, with parts of the body. In the verb the two lan-
guages agree in the incorporation of the pronominal subject and
116
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
object, but here again the resemblance is only superficial. .In
Athapascan the pronominal elements are phonetically closely com-
bined with the verbal prefixes and stand apart from the follow-
ing verb-stem, which never, or very rarely, loses its monosyllabic
individuality. In Takelma the pronominal elements, together with
the derivative affixes, enter into very close combination with the
preceding verb-stem, but stand severely aloof from the verbal
prefixes. The radical phonetic changes which the verb-stem under-
goes for tense in both languages is perhaps the most striking
resemblance between the two; but even in this regard they differ
widely as to the methods employed. Neither the very extended
use of reduplication in Takelma, nor the frequent use in Atha-
pascan of distinct verb-stems for the singular and plural, is shared
by the other. Add to this the fact that the phonetic systems of
Athapascan and Takelma are more greatly divergent than would
naturally be expected of neighboring languages, and it becomes clear
that the opinion that has generally been held, though based on
practically no evidence, in regard to the entirely distinct character-
istics of the two linguistic stocks, is thoroughly justified.
The entire lack of nominal cases in Takelma and the lack of pro-
nominal incorporation in Klamath indicate at the outset the funda-
mental morphologic difference between these stocks. In so far as
nominal cases and lack of pronominal incorporation are made the
chief morphologic criteria of the central Calif ornian group of linguistic
families, as represented, say, by Maidu and Yokuts, absolutely no
resemblance is discernible between those languages and Takelma. As
far, then, as available linguistic material gives opportunity for judg-
ment, Takelma stands entirely isolated among its neighbors.
In some respects Takelma is typically American, in so far as it is
possible at all to speak of typical American linguistic characteristics.
Some of the more important of these typical or at any rate wide-
spread American traits, that are found in Takelma, are: the incor-
poration of the pronominal (and nominal) object in the verb; the
incorporation of the possessive pronouns in the noun; the closer
association with the verb-form of the object than the subject; the
inclusion of a considerable number of instrumental and local modifi-
cations in the verb-complex; the weak development of differences of
tense in the verb and of number in the verb and noun; and the
impossibility of drawing a sharp line between mode and tense.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 283
Of the more special grammatical characteristics, some of which are
nearly unparalleled in those languages of North America that have
been adequately studied, are : a system of pitch-accent of fairly con-
siderable, though probably etymologically secondary, formal sig-
nificance; a strong tendency in the verb, noun, adjective, and adverb
toward the formation of dissyllabic stems with repeated vowel (e. g.,
aorist stem yowo- BE; verb-stem loJio- DIE; noun moxo" BUZZARD;
adjective Tios'd u [plural] GETTING BIG; adverb oZoVi FORMERLY); a
very considerable use of end reduplication, initial reduplication being
entirely absent ; the employment of consonant and vowel changes as a
grammatical process; the use in verbs, nouns, and adjectives of pre-
fixed elements, identical with body-part noun stems, that have refer-
ence now to parts of the body, now to purely local relations; the
complicated and often irregular modifications of a verbal base for
the formation of the most generalized tense, the aorist; the great
differentiation of pronominal schemes according to syntactic rela-
tion, class of verb or noun, and tense-mode, despite the comparatively
small number of persons (only five two singular, two plural, and
one indifferent) ; the entire lack in the noun and pronoun of cases
(the subjective and objective are made unnecessary by the pronominal
and nominal incorporation characteristic of the verb; the possessive,
by the formal use of possessive pronoun affixes ; and the local cases,
by the extended use of pre-positives and postpositions) ; the existence
in the noun of characteristic suffixes that appear only with pre-
positives and possessive affixes ; the fair amount of distinctness that
the adjective possesses as contrasted with both verb and noun; the
use of a decimal system of numeration, tertiary or quinary in origin ;
and a rather efficient though simple syntactic apparatus of subordi-
nating elements and well-modulated enclitic particles. Altogether
Takelma has a great deal that is distinct and apparently even isolated
about it. Though typical in its most fundamental features, it may,
when more is known of American languages as a whole, have to
be considered a very specialized type.
116
284
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHttOLOGY
[BULL. 40
&
I
I
o
>
i li
* i
.s
s .
s
-? 'a
'
-
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKEL.MA
285
I
ft
Modes
CD
.a
I
-5
VI
04
II I
% e c
SSI
? '?
- -
t? -5? S 4 ^
s s e s c
1 1
1 8^
~ 1 1 j S S
^ '(S 'e 'a 13 ^3
1 !
.% & -"i 7;
-? e
& "o a -a
O Q) O O
rt sz; AH
286
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
3. Forms of na(g)- SAY, DO
A. Intransitive
[BULL. 40
Aorist
Future
Potential
Inferential
Present
imperative
Future
imperative
Singular:
1st per.
nagait'e*
na't'ee
na f t*e*
na'k'a 1
2d per.
nagalt'
nada'e
naV
na'k.'eit
no."
na'ek'
3d per.
naga'te
na'n*
na'e
na^k'
Plural:
1st per.
nagayW
naga'm
(?)7iaj/rfc'
na'k'anaW
naba'a(Jia*n)
2d per.
nagalfp"
na't'ba
naYp'
na'k.'eit'p'
na^np*
Imper.
neeye' s (sub-
nceya&k'ie
'
o r dinate
(conditional)
neye'eda s or
FREQ JJENTATIVE
Aorist
Future
Inferential
Present
imperative
Future
imperative
Singular:
2d per
3d per ....
n&gonof \C
nank*%
Plural:
2d per
Imper.
neenia'ue
1 These forms are to be carefully distinguished from na^-nada' e , na s -na' t',andso forth (see 69). It is
of course possible to have also ni s -nant'ee, na, s -nanada' , and so forth.
2 Also nankak' is found, so that It is probable that doublets exist for other non-aorist forms, e. g.,
nanhada e , nanhaba 5 .
B. Transitive
Aorist
Object
Subject
First person
singular
Second person
singular
Third person
First person
plural
Second person
plural
Singular:
1st per.
naga'sbi s n
naga' s n
naga'sanba^n
2d per.
nege's-dam
nagaY
naga'simit*
3d per.
nege's-i
naga'sbi
naga*
naga'sam
naga'sanp*
Plural:
1st per.
nagasbina^k'
nagana^k'
naga' 'sanbana *k '
2d per.
nege's-dap'
nagaVp'
naga'simit'p'
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 287
3. Forms of na(g)- SAY, DO
B. Transitive Continued
Future
Singular:
1st per.
naxbin
naagi'n
naxanban
2d per.
nexdfc
nak'ida s
naximida s
3d per.
nexink*
naxbink'
nak'ink*
naxamank'
naxanbank'
Plural:
1st per.
naxbinagam
ndaginaga'm
naxanbanagam
2d per.
nexdaba s
naagi't'ba s
naximit'bae
Imper. condit.
nexiauk'i
naxbiauk'i s
Inferential
Singular:
1st per.
naxbiga s
nak'igae
naxanp'ga e
2d per.
nexikfeit'
nak'ik.'elt'
naxamk.'elt'
3d per.
nexik'
naxbik'
nak'ik'
naxamk*
naxanp'k*
Plural:
1st per.
naxbigana^k'
nak'igana^k'
naxanp'ganaW
2d per.
nSxik.'dt'p*
nak'ik.'elt'p*
naxamk.'elt'p'
Potential
Singular:
1st per.
naxbi n
naagi'sn
naxanba n
2d per.
nexdam
nak'it'
naximit'
3d per.
nexi
naxbi
nak'i
naxam
naxanp'
Plural:
1st per.
naxbinak'
nak'inak'
naxaribana^k*
2d per.
nexdap'
nak'it'p'
ndximit'p"
Present Imperative
Singular:
2d per.
nexi
nak'i
naxam
Plural:
1st per.
nak'ibtf
2d per.
nexip'
nak'ip'
naxamp'
Future Imperative
Singular:
2d per.
nexg&m
naagW
288
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
3. Forms of na(g)- SAY, DO
B. Transitive Continued
Passive
[BULL. 40
Aorist
Future
Potential
Inferential
Singular:
1st per
nege's-in
nexina s
nexin
nlxigam
2dper
naga'sbin
naxbina s
naxbin
naxbigam
3d per
naga'n
naagina't
nak'in
nak'am
Plural:
1st per
naga'simin
naximina e
naximin
naxamk'am
2dper
naga'sanban
naxanbana*
naxanban
naxanp'gam
FREQ TTJSNTATIVJE
Aorist
Object
Singular:
1st per. . . .
nagansbien
n
iganha^n
nagansanba n
2dper. . . .
negens-dam
naganhat*
nagansimW
3d per. . . .
negens-i
nagansbi
naganha
nagansam
nagansanp'
Plural:
1st per. . . .
nagansbinak'
naganhanak'
nagansanbana^k'
2dper. . . .
negens'dap'
naganhat'p'
nagansimit'p*
\
Ftiture
Singular:
1st per. . . .
nansbin
nanhan
nansanban
2dper. . . .
liens-da*
nanhada s
nansimida*
3d per. . . .
nZns'ink*
nansbinli 1
nanhank*
nansamank'
nansanbank'
Plural:
1st per. . . .
nansbinagam
nanhanagam
nansanbanagam
2dper. . . .
nnsdaba e
nanhat'ba
nansimit'bae
Passive
Aorist
Future
Singular:
negenS'in
ncns'inof
2d per ....
nagansbin
nansbina e
3d per ....
naganhan
nanJiana*
Plural:
1st per -
nagansimin
nansimina e
2dper. . . .
nagansanban
nansanbana s
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA
3. Forms of na(g)~ SAY, DO
C. Causative in -/?- l
Aorist
289
Object
Subject
First person
singular
Second person
singular
Third person
First person
plural
Second person
plural
Singular:
1st per. . . .
naganxbi e n
nagaana' n
nag&nxanba e n
(nagaani'tn)*
2dper. . . .
negSnxdam
nagaanaV
naganximit*
(nagaaniY)
3d per. . . .
negZnxi
nagSnxbi
nagan
naganxam
naganxanp*
(naganhi)
Plural:
1st per. . . .
nag&nxbinak'
nagaananaW
naganxanbanaW
(nagdaninaW)
2dper. . . .
negZnxdap'
nagdanaVp*
naganximit'p'
(nagtianWp')
Future
Singular:
1st per. . . .
n&nxbin
ndana'n
nanxanban
(naani'ri)
2dper. . . .
nZnxda*
ndanada' s *
nanximida*
(ndanida'c)
3d per. . . .
nSnxink-
nanxbink*
nflonaW
nanxamank*
nanxanbank*
Plural:
(nac nk )
1st per. . . .
nanxbinagam
ndananaga'm
nanxanbanagam
(ndaninaga'm)
2dper. . . .
nZnxdaba s
ndana't'ba*
(ndani't'ba s )
nanximifba*
Passive
Aorist
Future
Singular:
1st per .
2d per.
nag&nxbin
nS,nxbincL
naQQ&no,' n (naQd&ni'ri)
nd^nana' 1 (ndAnino,' 6 )
Plural:
1st per
naganxi'min
n&nximina*
2d per
nag&nxanban
n&nxanbana 1
1 Though these forms are simply derivatives of Intransitive aorist naga(i)-, verb-stem na-, they have been
listed here because of their great similarity to transitive frequentatives, with which they might be easily
confused. In the aorist, the two sets of forms differ in the length of the second (repeated) vowel, in the
connecting consonant, and to some extent in the place of the accent, though this is probably a minor con-
sideration. In the future, they differ in the connecting consonant and partly again in the place of the accent.
3 Forms in parentheses are instrumental.
8 Imperative (sing. subj. and third person object): n&nha.
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 19
290
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
3. Forms of na(g)~ SAY, DO
D. Reciprocal Forms
IBULL. 40
Aorist
Future
Plural:
1st per
naga'sinik'
n&xinigaTn
2d per
nGgct'sant'p'
naxant'bot
3d per
nagd'safn
naxan t*
(frequentative nagan-
sa s n)
E. Nominal Derivatives
INFINITIVES
Intransitive: ne*x
Object
First person
singular
Second person
singular
Third person
First person
plural
Second person
plural
Transitive ....
nSxiya
n&xbiya
naagfa*
naximia
n&xaribia
PARTICIPLE
Active: raoV
Other forms derived from verb-stem na(g)- than those given above
are of course found, but are easily formed on evident analogies.
Observe, however, intransitive aorist stem nagai- in transitive deriva-
tives nagalk*wa HE SAID TO HIM (personal) and nagallcwi^ HE SAID
TO HIMSELF. Comitatives in - (a)gw- are not listed because their forma-
tion offers no difficulty; e. g., second person singular present impera-
tive na w DO so AND so HAVING IT! It is possible that &6 M -
nexada IMMEDIATELY is nothing but adverb ~bo u NOW 4- subordinating
form *nexada of -xa- derivative from na a g- with regular palatal ablaut
(see 31,5); literally it would then mean something like WHEN IT is
BECOMING (DOING) NOW.
APPENDIX B
THE OKIGIN OF DEATH
xi'lam 1 sebeY 2 hap'da 3 lohoV. 4 sgi'sidrt 5 no'tslat'gwan 8
Roasting-Dead-People his child it died. He and Coyote neighboring each
other
yuV. 7 ga-s'i 68 naVik': 9 "laps 10 yimi'xi 11 hSp'dek' 12 loho'ida 6 , 13
they were. And that he said to " Blanket lend it to me my child since it died,
him:
kps 10 yimi'xi," 11 naga'-ihi 14 xilam 1 sebeY. 2 "ani 515 laps 10
blanket lend it to me," he said, it is said, Roasting-Dead-People. "Not blanket
i xi'lam. Used indifferently for SICK, DEAD (as noun), and GHOST, -am (= -an) is probably noun-forming
suffix with inorganic -a- (cf. han-xilml ABODE OF GHOSTS, literally, ACROSS-EIVER ARE GHOSTS as verb with
positional -!). As base is left xil- or xin- (-n- of radical syllable dissimilates to -I- before nasal suffix); xi'lam
from * xirwn or * xiton. This xin- is perhaps etymologically identical with xin mucus (verb-base xin- SNIFF).
3 sebeY. Participle in -f of verb seeba' s n Type 5 1 ROAST IT; aorist stem seeb-, verb-stem sebe-. ROAST-
ING-DEAD-PEOPLE is Takelma name for species of black long-legged bug. He is supposed to be so called
because responsible for death, as told in this myth.
*hap'da. Base Map'- SMALL, CHILD (cf. hap-s-di* SMALL). This is one of those comparatively few nouns
that add possessive pronominal suffixes of Scheme II directly to stem. With suffixed ([?] pre-pronominal)
-x- it becomes plural in signification: hapxda HIS CHILDREN. This sort of plural formation stands, as far as
known, entirely isolated in Takelma. In its absolute form Map'- takes on derivative suffix -xi, hapxP
CHILD.
*loho*k'. Third personal inferential of verb loholt'e? Type 4b i DIE; aorist stem lohoi-, verb-stem
loho-. -k' inferential element. Inferential mode used because statement is here not made on personal
authority, but only as tradition or hearsay. According to this, all myth narrative should employ inferential
forms instead of aorist. This myth employs partly inferentials and partly aorists; but in most other
myths aorists are regularly employed, probably because they are more familiar forms, and perhaps, also,
because myths may be looked upon as well-authenticated fact.
s sgi'sidW. sgi'si COYOTE, formed by repetition of base-vowel according to Type 2. -dVl is dual suffix
sgi'sidW by itself might mean TWO COYOTES, but -dW is never properly dual in signification, meaning rather
HE (indicated by preceding noun) AND SOME ONE ELSE (indicated by context).
no'ts!at'gwan. From local adverbial stem note/- NEXT DOOR, NEIGHBORING; it is formed by addition
of characteristic -a- and third personal plural reflexive pronominal suffix -t'gwan (= -t'- [third person]+-0;a-
[reflexive] + -n [plural]). First person singular nots.'adZ; second person singular nots!ada' s .
i yuW. Third personal inferential of verb yowo't'c? Type 2 i AM; aorist stem yowo-, verb-stem yo-
(yu-). -k' inferential element as in ZoAoW. Corresponding aorist, yowo' e .
gas-i . ga is general demonstrative THAT, here serving to anticipate quotation: "laps (2) ... yimi'x*-
(3). " -s'i s as general connective indicates sequence ofn&k'ik' upon lohoW (1).
'. Third personal inferential of verb naga' s n Type 2 i SAY TO HIM; aorist stem naga-, verb-stem
Corresponding aorist, naga*. Non-aoristic forms of this transitive verb show instrumental -i- (see
64).
1 laps. Noun of uncertain etymology, perhaps from base lab- CARRY ON ONE'S BACK, -s nominal deriva-
tive suffix of no known definite signification.
yimi'xi. Present imperative second person singular subject, first person singular object (-xi) of verb
ylimiya' n Type 1 1 LEND IT TO HIM; aorist stem yUmli-, verb-stem yimi-. Non-aoristic forms show instru-
mental -i- as in n&k'ik'; e. g., yimi'hin i SHALL LEND IT TO HIM.
uh&p'dek'. See hap' da (I), ^fc'firstpersonsmgularpossessivepronominalsuffixaccording to Scheme II.
w loho'idae. Subordinate form, with causal signification, of tofto'* HE DIED. Aorist stem lohoi- = verb-
stem loho- + intransitive element -i- characteristic of aorist of Type 4; -f, third personal aorist subject intran-
sitive Class I , dissimilated because of catch in subordinating suffix -da. Syntactically loho'idae is subordi-
nated to yimi'xi.
unaga'-ihi e . =naga'i s HE SATO+ quotative enclitic -hi s . naga'i* third person aorist of irregular verb
nagalt'e* Type 4a i SAY; aorist stem nagai-, verb-stem no-. Both transitive and intransitive forms of na(g)-
SAY incorporate object of thing said; ga in ga8'i e (2) is incorporated as direct object in n&k'ik' (it would be
theoretically more correct to write ga [*(*> nafc'ifc'); while quotation "laps . . . yimi'xi" is syntactically
direct object of naga'-ihi s which, as such, it precedes, ga-nak'ik' anticipates "laps . . . yimi'xi" naga'-
ihi s . Observe use of aorist instead of inferential from naga'-ihi* on.
Negative particle with following aorist. True negative future would be wede yimi'hixbigaf.
291
292 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
yi'misbi'n 16 gwidi'-s'i 17 yo' e t' 18 xila'm 1 y&uk'iV' 19 naga'-ihi e "
I lend it to you for where they will be dead people if they return? " he said, it is said,
sgi'si. 5 no u s'i 20 yewe' ie21 xilam 1 sebeY. 2 klodc-Y 22 hap'dagwa 23
Coyote. And next door ne returned Roasting-Dead-People. He buried it his own child
loho'ida 6 . 24 ganehi' 25 dabalni'xa 26 la a le\ 27 mPhi* 28 sgi'si 5 hap'da 8
who had died. And then, it long time it became. Now, it is Coyote his child
is said, said,
xi'lam 1 la a le\ 27 ml 128 loho' ie . 2fl ml 128 no' u V 20 gini' k' 30 xilam 1 sebet' 2
sick it became. Now it died. Now next door ne went Roasting-Dead-People
5 wa' a da. 31 "laps 10 yimi'xi " ha a p'de v k' 12 loho'ida 6 ." 13 "k'adi' 32
to him. "Blanket lend it to me my child since it died." - "What
nagait'," 33 xilam 1 sebe't' 2 ga 8 naga' i . 14 "ho u xaV 34 ma a 35
you said?" Roasting-Dead-People that he said. "Last time you
i yHmlsbi { n. First person singular subject (-*ri) second personal singular object (-U-) of verb yVmiya^n
(see yimi'xi above). -s- indirect object used only in aorist of this verb, elsewhere -x-; e. g., future yimi'xbin
I SHALL LEND IT TO YOU. Aorist is used because idea of futurity is here immediate; i. e., tune of action is not
put definitely forward.
" gwidi'-s-i s . gwi- general interrogative and indefinite adverb WHERE? SOMEWHERE, di interrogative
enclitic serving to give gwi- distinct interrogative signification. -ri has here slight causal tinge: FOR WHERE
"WOULD THEY ALL BE, IF THEY RETURNED?
M yo'tf. Third personal future of verb yowo't'e? i AM (see yuW above), -*f third personal subject
future intransitive Class I.
yfifc't. Third personal conditional (-fc*t) of verb yewelt't* Type 4a i RETURN; aorist stem yewei-,
verb-stem ylu- (ye*w-).
*o nd'us-i . =n5'v*s' (stem nots!~ NEXT DOOR) + connective -* i s . no'uts- may best be considered as local
adverbial prefix to yewfi*.
yewe'i . Third person aorist of verb yewtit'e* (see yluk'i* above (-*' and - as in loho'# and naga'tf above)
" fc/odoY. Third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb k/ododa'^n Type 8 i BURY HIM
aorist stem k!odod-, verb-stem go^d-.
uhap'dagwa. See hap'da (1). -gwa reflexive suffix. fc/o<foY hap'da would have meant HE (Roasting-
Dead-People) BURIED HIS (Coyote's) CHILD.
2< loWidaf. In this case subordinate form serves merely to explain hap'dagwa, and may thus be rendered
as relative, WHO HAD DIED.
ganehi*. =-gane AND THEN (compound of demonstrative ga), used to introduce new turn in narrative,
+ quotative -hi e .
M dabalni'xa. Temporal adverb LONG TIME. Like many other adverbs, it is difficult of satisfactory
analysis, da- is local body-part prefix, as in several other temporal adverbs; but its application here is
quite obscure. 6cZ- radical element, cf. adjective b&l-s LONG, -xa adverbial (chiefly temporal) suffix-
ni- = ? (cf. lep'ni'xa WINTER).
vidale*. Third person aorist intransitive Class II of verb WflRte? Types lOa and 15a i BECOME; aorist
stem laflle-, verb-stem lda-p'-. -e- = H- of positional verbs. Corresponding inferential lap'k'.
M mHM*. = ml* weak temporal adverb NOW, THEN, serving generally to introduce new statement, + quo-
tative -Ai .
9 fofco'*. See loho'idat (2).
M gini ft k'. Third person aorist of verb gini'k'de! Type 2 i GO (somewhere); aorist stem ginig-, verb-stem
ging-, ginag- (present imperative gink' ; future gina'k'de ). * third person aorist intransitive Class I. Inas-
much as forms occui derived from base gin- (e. g., reduplicated giniginia'ut), -g- must be considered as either
petrified suffix, or as trace of older reduplication with vanished vowel in second member: gin-i-g- from
(?) gin-i-gn-. ginig- can be used only with expressed goal of motion (in this case no'^s- and wa'ada). HE
WENT without expressed goal would have been ya' . Similarly: baxam- COME, me* '-ginig- COME HERE;
460>-RUN, hiwiliw- RUN (somewhere); s~ow5'vfk'ap'- JUMP, biliw- JUMP AT.
n wa'ada. Formed, like nd'ts.'at'gwan (1), by addition of third personal pronominal suffix -'da to local
stem wa-; first person wadS. These forms are regularly used when motion to some person or persons is
meant: if goal of motion is non-personal, postposition ga^l TO, AT is employed.
* k'adi'. k'a (before di, otherwise k'ai) is substantival indefinite and interrogative stem (THING), WHAT,
corresponding to adverbial gwi- (4). di serves also here to give k'a distinct interrogative force.
nagait'. Second person singular aorist of verb nagait'e* (see naga'-ihi s above). This is one of those
few intransitives that take personal endings directly after stem ending in semi-vowel (nagay-), without
connective -a- (see 65 end).
M Aoxoo\ - ft5zo % YESTERDAY, (here more indefinitely as) LAST TIME, FORMERLY + deictic -*a\ -xa is
adverbial (temporal) suffix (cf. dabalni'xa above). -^ serves to contrast LAST TIME with NOW.
** rna'a. =ma second person singular independent personal pronoun + deictic -ta*, which here contrasts
TOU (as former object of supplication) with i (as present object of supplication).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 293
a 36 nege's'dam 37 'laps 16 yimi'xi' 11 naga'sbinda 6 : 38 'yapla 39
mt you said to me 'Blanket lend it to me' when I said to you: 'People
where ttieywillbe if they return?' Now it is rotting my child,"
xilam 1 sebeY. 2 n6' u s'i 2 sgisi 5 yewe' i . 21 "sga 41 +"
Roasting-Dead-People. And next Coyote he returned. " Sga +"
door
ga al 43 b5 u44 a'm 15 yapla 39 yewe' 1 " 1 loho'ida 8 . 13
because of nowadays not people they return when they die.
he said, it is said,
t'aga' i . 42 ga 8
he cried. That
ga. Anticipates quotation "yapta (10) . . . yeftk'i* (11)."
s? nege's-dam. Second personal singular subject, first personal singular object (-dam) of verb naga'fn
(see nak ik' above), nege- shows palatal ablaut characteristic of forms with first person singular object.
-$- indirect object in aorist only, elsewhere -x-; e. g., nZxda* YOU WILL SAY TO ME. Direct object is ga.
38 naga'sbinda s . Subordinate form, with temporal force, of naga'sbi s n i SAY TO YOU. naga'sbi n = aorist
stem naga- + indirect object -s- 4- second personal singular object -W- + first personal singular subject
*n. naga'sbinda* is subordinated to main verb nege's'dam; its direct object is quotation "laps yimi'xi"
(10).
3 yapla. Noun formed apparently by repetition of base vowel according to Type 2. It is employed for
PEOPLE in general without regard to sex.
hawa'xiut. Third person aorist intransitive Class I of verb hawaxiiLfff Type 5 I AM ROTTING; aorist
stem xiu-, verb-stem xiwi-. This verb is evidently compounded of hawcfx MATTER, PUS and verbal base
xiu-, whose exact meaning can not be determined, as it has not been found alone.
i S ga+ , Words spoken by Coyote often begin with s-, which has hi itself no grammatical significance.
t aga'i* Third person aorist intransitive Class I of verb t'agaWe? Type 4a I CRY; aorist stem t'agai-,
verb-stem t'Qflg-. -# as in yewtfi*, loho'i*, and naga'a above.
43 gaWl. Postposition TO, AT, ON ACCOUNT OF, used with preceding demonstrative ga; ga ga a*l= there-
fore. gaWl is itself compounded of demonstrative ga and local element al AT, TO.
65. Temporal adverb NOW, TO-DAY. First * of s a'nl e NOT intended merely to keep up distinct hiatus
between final -5" and initial a-.
[Translation]
The child of Roasting-dead-people died. He and Coyote were
neighbors to each other. Thereupon he said to him, "Lend me a
blanket, for my child has died. Lend me a blanket," said Roasting-
dead-people. " I'll not lend you a blanket, for where are they going
to be, if dead people come back?" said Coyote. And next door
returned Roasting-dead-people, and buried his child that had died.
Then, 'tis said, a long time elapsed. Now Coyote's child became
sick and died. Now next door he went to Roasting-dead-people.
"Lend me a blanket, for my child has died." " What did you say?"
Roasting-dead people said that. "Yesterday indeed when I did say
to you, 4 Lend me a blanket,' you, for your part, did say that to me,
'Where will the people be, if they return?' Now my child is rot-
ting," said Roasting-dead-people. So next door Coyote returned.
"Sga+ 1" he cried. For that reason people do not nowadays return
when they die.
294 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
HOW A TAKELMA HOUSE WAS BUILT
yapla 1 wi'H 12 klem&i. 8 bem 4 p!a-idl e lo' u ky eme' e s'i 8 hono 57
People house they make it. Post they set It down, and. here again
p!a-idll5' u k', he' e me e8 hono' e p!a-idiHo' u k', hagamgama'n 9 p!a-idl e lo' u k'.
they set it down, yonder again they set it down, in four places they set them down.
he' ne 10 hono e hangili'p' 11 gada^k* 12 hagamgama^n, gada'kVi el3
Then also they place (beams) on top thereof in four places, and on top thereof
mu xda'nhi 14 hangiliy. he e ne ya' a s'i el5 wi'li s'idibi' 116 klerael;
just once they place Then and just house its wall they make it;
(beam) across.
5he ff ne gada'kVi* matslaV 17 will* he e laX 18 t'ga'l 19 ga 20 he e la'm
then and on top they put them house boards, sugar-pine those boards
thereof
klemel. gane 21 dak'da't' 22 datlabaV, 23 ha' ya 24 datlabaV. gane
they make And then from on top they finish it, on both sides they finish it. Ana then
them.
dedewill'tfadi's 25 k!emei dak'datVi'* 28 daho'k'wal 27 k!em& kliyi'x 28
door they make it, and from on top holed they make it smoke
gana^u 29 ba-i-gina'xda a . 30 ganes'i 631 ga'klan 32 klemel, xa !sgip!i'-
therein its going out. And then ladder they make it, they notch it in
several
i See note 39 of first text; 86, 2. yapla. is to be understood as sublect of all following finite verb
forms.
86, 2; quantity of final vowe! varies between ~i and **. Directly precedes verb as object.
Third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb WemS e n Type 3 1 MAKE IT; 63; 65.
* 86, 1; object of fallowing verb.
* pia-i- DOWN 37, 13; dV- 36, 10. loW third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb
lo'ugwafn Type 6 1 SET IT; 63; 40, 6.
eme' s HEBE 104; -s'i e enclitic particle 114, 4.
i Modal adverb 113, 4.
8 104.
9 Numeral adverb from gamga'm FOUR 111.
10 Temporal adverb 113, 3.
han- ACEOSS 37, 1. -giWp' third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb -giUba ft n
Types; 63; 40,3.
Postposition with force of independent local adverb 96.
w See note 12; -$-i 114, 4.
HmuWxd&n numeral adverb ONCE 111; -hi enclitic particle 114, 2.
" ya'a post-positive particle JUST 114, 1; -s-i* 114, 4.
i s-idib- (HOUSE) WALL 86, 3; -2'* third personal possessive form of noun-characteristic -i- 89,3;
92 III. HOUSE ITS-WALL is regular periphrasis for HOUSE'S WALL.
if Third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb mats!aga /e n Type 3 1 PUT IT; 63; 40, 3.
is Noun stem heel- with nominal suffix -am dissimilated from -an 87, 6; 21. will* heeWm is com-
pound noun 88.
i 86, 1. Predicate appostive to heWm: THEY MAKE THOSE BOARDS OUT OF SUGAR-PINE.
^Demonstrative pronoun of indifferent number modifying heela^m 104.
*i Temporal or connective adverb compounded of demonstrative ga and element -ni (?=e) of unknown
meaning 113, 2; 114 end.
ss Adverb in -da? from local element dofc 1 - ABOVE 112, 1.
w do- 36, 2 end; -t.'abaW third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb ~t!abaga'*n Type 3
1 FINISH IT; 63; 40,3.
z< Local adverb 113,1.
* dedewitt'tda DOOR, local phrase with pre-positive de~ m FRONT OF and third personal possessive suffix
-da 93 end. -di^s postposition 96 of unclear meaning here.
* See note 22; -s-i* 114, 4.
da- 107, 5; -ho'k'wal adjective with suffix -al 108, 2.
8886,3.
Postposition with kliyl'x ba-igina'xdaa 96.
3 Third personal possessive form in -ddfl, of infinitive ba-igina^x. ba-i- OUT 37, 12; gin- verb stem Type
2 or 11 GO TO 40, 2, 11; -ax infinitive suffix of intransitive verbs of class I 74, 1.
a See note 21; -s-i< 114, 4.
86, 2; suffix -TO, 21; 87, 6.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 295
sgap', 33 gwelt'gau 34 gina'x 35 klemei; will s'i dibits 'i 36 klemei. gane
places, down to the earth going they make house its wall and they make And
ft; it. then
datlabaV haWbu'xt'bixikX 37 gane leples 38 hahuwu' u k'i, 39 gana't' 40
they finish it all cleaned inside. And rush they spread them of that kind
then mats out inside,
gidl 41 alxall 42 yapla"; p!l i43 yoga'* 44 has's'5 u , 45 gas'i 46 alxallyana' 5 47
thereon they sit people; fire its place in the center, so that they being seated
ha' e ya-p!iya\ 48 gana ne'x 49 hop!e' n 50 yap!a a 51 wi'll 1 ; 52 lep'ni'xa 53
on both sides of the In that way long ago people, for their house; in winter
fire. their part,
will'* 52 ganaH 53 . sama'xas'i 554 ana e ne'x 55 alxall, a'ni 56 wi'li gana r u. 57 5
their of that But in summer in this way they sit, not house therein
house kind.
gwa's' 58 will yaxa 59 wit'ge'ye e k'i, 60 gas'i pli 1 yoga' a Idemei
Brush house just they set it around, so that fire its place they make it
habini\ 61 gana nex sama'xa alxall, ani lep'ni'xa nat' 62 wi'li gana r u.
in the middle. In that way in summer they dwell, not in winter like house therein.
33 xd- 36, 7b; -I- instrumental 36, 6; xafl- with s to mark hiatus 6. -sgip.'isgap' third personal sub-
ject, third personal object aorist of verb -sgip!isgibi n Type 13a i CUT IT UP TO PIECES iterative ol
verb -sgl'iWn Type 6; 63; 40,13; 43,1.
"Local phrase with pre-positive gwel DOWN TO 95 and noun-characteristic -u 89, 4; t'gO, 86, 1.
88 See note 30; infinitive used as noun 74 end.
3 See note 16; -*-i 114, 4. vi s is appended to s-idibl'i rather than will, as will Hdibl'i is taken as unit.
> ha- m 36, 11 b; -?- instrumental 36, 6; ha l- 6. -t'buxt'bix-ik'w passive participle with instru-
mental -i- in -ik'w 77 from verb -t'boxot'bax- Type 13a, verb stem -t'boxt'bax-', -t'box- ablauted to-t'biix-
31, 2; -t'bax- umlauted to -t'bix- 8, 3a.
as 86, 3.
39 ha- IN 36, lib. -huw&'rfk'i = -huwu^k.'-hi 19 end; third personal subiect, third personal object
aorist of instrumental verb -huwu'uk!i*n Type 3 1 SPREAD (MAT) OUT 64.
> Compounded of demonstrative ga THAT and naY participle in ~f 76 of verb nagai- Type 4 a DO, BE,
verb stem na-', see Appendix A.
Postposition 96; gi- umlauted from ga- 8, 4.
42 al- 36, 15b, here with uncertain force; -xall third personal subject, third personal object aorist Type
1 in form, though intransitive in meaning 67 footnote.
43 86,1.
Third personal possessive of noun yog- (?) 86, 1 with noun-characteristic -a 92 III. FIRE ITS-PLACE
is regular pariphrasis for FIRE'S PLACE.
45 Local phrase with pre-positive ha- IN; -s-5 86, 1 does not seem otherwise to occur.
46 Connective compounded of demonstrative ga THAT and enclitic particle -s-i s 114,4.
a Subordinate form of alxaU, note 42; 70 (see transitive paradigm).
48 Local phrase with pre-positive ha s ya- ON BOTH SIDES OF and noun-characteristic -a 95; -p/iy-a*- from
p/t FIRE.
49 Modal adverb compounded of demonstrative ga THAT and na ne^x infinitive of verb ntfnagai-, verb
stem na*na- 69; 74, 1; Appendix A.
M Temporal adverb in -n 112, 3.
uyap.'a see note 1; J a deictic post-nominal element 102 (people of long ago contrasted with those of
to-day).
62 wi'lli or will'i third personal pronominal form 92 III of noun wi' li HOUSE see note 2. PEOPLE THEIR-
HOUSE regular periphrasis for PEOPLE'S HOUSE. Observe that predicate verb (third personal aorist of
TO BE) is not expressed in this sentence.
M Temporal adverb in -xa 112, 2.
M sama'xa cf. note 53; -s-i s 114, 4.
65 Modal adverb compounded of demonstrative stem a- THIS 104 and na s ne^x see note 49.
* Negative adverb of aorist 113, 3.
67 Postposition with wi'li 96.
s 8 86, 1. gwa's' will BRUSH HOUSE form compound noun 88.
69 Particle in -xa 112, 2; 114, 9.
M M>i- 37, 8. -t'ge'yefk'i = -t'geyeek!-hi 19 end; third personal subject, third personal object aorist of
instrumental verb -t'ge'yeek!i*n Type 2 1 PUT IT AROUND 64; -kl- petrified suffix 42, 7.
Local adverb with pro-positive ha- IN 95, noun stem -6i- not freely occurring 86, 1, and noun-
characteristic -i 89, 3.
Participle in -t' 76; see note 40.
296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
[Translation]
The people are making a house. A post they set in the ground,
and here again they set one in the ground, yonder again they set one
in the ground, in four places they set them in the ground. Then
also they place beams across on top in four places, and above (these)
they put one across just once. And just then they make the house
wall; and then on top they place the house boards, those they make
out of sugar-pine lumber. Then they finish it on top, on either side
they finish it. Then they make the door, and on top they make a
hole for the going out of the smoke. And then they make a ladder,
they notch out (a pole), for going down to the floor they make it;
and the house wall they make.
Then they finish it, all cleaned inside. Now rush mats they spread
out inside, on such the people sit. The fireplace is in the center, so
that they are seated on either side of the fire. In that way, indeed,
was the house of the people long ago ; in winter their house was such.
But in summer they were sitting like now, 1 not in the house. Just
a brush shelter they placed around, so that the fireplace they made
in the middle. Thus they dwelt in summer, not as in winter in a
house.
i We were sitting out in the open when this text was dictated.
coos
BY
LEO J. FRACHTENBERG
297
CONTENTS
Page
Introduction 303
1. Distribution and history 305
2-14. Phonology 306
2. Vowels 306
3. Consonants 306
4. Sound groupings 307
5. Accent 309
6-14. Phoneticlaws 310
6. Introductory 310
7-11. Vocalic processes 310
7. Vocalic harmony 310
8. Consonantization of i- and u- diphthongs 312
9. Contraction 313
10. Hiatus 314
11. Processes due to change from terminal to medial position 315
12-14. Consonantic processes 316
12. Types of consonantic processes 316
13. Consonantic euphony 316
14. Simplification of doubled consonants 317
15. Grammatical processes 317
16. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes 318
17-95. Morphology 319
17-24. Prefixes 319
17. The articles IE and hz 319
18. The personal pronouns 321
19. Inchoative qa- 322
20. Privative k'/a- r 323
21. Adverbial n- 323
22. Locative x- 323
23. Discriminative x- 324
24. Modal and instrumental x- 325
25-80. Suffixes 326
25. General remarks 326
26-55. Verbal suffixes 328
26-27. Transitive suffixes 328
26. Transitive -t, -is .' 328
27. Causative -lyat 331
28-31. Intransitive suffixes 332
28. Intransitive -aai *-- 332
29. Keciprocal -m<P 332
299
300 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
17-95. Morphology Continued P age
25-80. Suffixes Continued
26-55. Verbal suffixes Continued
28-31. Intransitive suffixes Continued
30. Suffixes denning the subject -gum, -xsm; -u; -Sm 332
31. Neutral -I, -e i 334
32-35. Semi-temporal suffixes 335
32. Inchoative -Iwe 335
33. Frequentatives -e iwa() -6^wa(t) 336
34. Frequentative causative -ae if wat 337
35. Transitionals -lye, -nts, -u 338
36-43. Modal suffixes 340
36. Modal -tc 340
37. Distributives -nei, -m; -am; -ay am; -waq 341
38-42. The passive voice 343
38. Present passive ~u 343
39. Past passive -ayu, -eiyu, -lyu 344
40. Passive -iyeqEm 344
41 . Causative passive -eet, -et; -lyem 345
42. The passive participle -dyav 347
43. The imperative 347
44-45. Verbalizing suffixes 349
44. Auxiliary -e (-a) 349
45. Verbal -en! 349
46-50. Pronominal suffixes 350
46. Transitive subject and object pronouns 350
47. Transitive verbs in -dya 352
48. Subject and object pronouns of verbs in -aya 354
49. Transitive verbs in -a 354
50. Verbs in -anaya with direct and indirect object pronoun . 355
51-54. Plural formations 356
51. General remarks 356
52. Reflexive plural -u .' 357
53. Causative passive plural -lyEm 358
54. Direct plural object -ItEx 358
55. Miscellaneous suffixes 359
56-80. Nominal suffixes 360
56-65. General nominating suffixes 360
56. Nominal -& 360
57. Nouns of quality in -ES, -tss, -ents 361
58. Nouns of location in -Em 362
59. Verbal abstract -dwas, -ne^was 362
60. Verbal nouns in -onis, -si 363
61. Nouns of quantity in -in 364
62. Nouns of agency in -ayawa, -eyawe, -lyawa.. 364
63. Nominalizing suffix indicating place, -is 365
64. Nominalizing suffix indicating locality, -ume 365
65. Terms of relationship in -ate (-ate) 365
66. Suffixes -ex, -iysx,iyetEx 367
67-70. Adverbial suffixes 367
67. Local and modal -eHc, -Uc 367
68. Local suffix, indicating motion, -etc 369
69. Local -ewitc 370
70. Instrumental -Etc .. 370
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES 301
17-95. Morphology Continued Page
25-80. Suffixes Continued
56-80. Nominal suffixes Continued
71. Superlative -eytm 371
72. Distributive -ra 371
73. Interrogative -u 372
74-77. Numeral suffixes 372
74. Ordinal-^? 372
75. Multiplicative -en 373
76. Ordinal-multiplicative -entcts 373
77. Distributive -Una 374
78-79. Plural formations 374
78. Irregular plurals 374
79. Plural of terms of relationship, -iyas 375
80. Minor suffixes 375
81-83. Reduplication 377
81. Introductory 377
82. Initial reduplication 377
83. Final reduplication _ 380
84-85. Phonetic changes 382
' 84. Vocalic changes 382
85. Consonantic changes 1 383
86-95. Syntactic particles 383
86. Introductory 383
87. Temporal particles 383
88. Particles denoting degrees of certainty and knowledge 385
89. Particles denoting connection with previously expressed ideas.. 389
90. Particles denoting emotional states 389
91. Particles denoting the conditional 391
92. Exhortative particles 392
93. Particles denoting emphasis 393
94. Restrictive particles 394
95. The interrogative particle 1 394
96-100. The pronoun 395
96. The independent personal pronouns 395
97-98. The possessive pronouns 396
97. The sign of possession, ti 396
98. The possessive pronouns proper 398
99. The reflexive pronouns 400
100. The demonstrative pronouns 7 400
101-102. The numeral 403
101. The cardinals 403
102. The decimal system 404
103-106. The adverb 404
103. Introductory 404
104. Local adverbs and phrases . f 405
105. Temporal adverbs 405
106. Modal adverbs 406
107-112. Particles 407
107. Introductory 407
108. Pronominal particles 407
109. Numeral particles 409
110. Conjunctions 409
111. Interjections 410
112. Miscellaneous particles 410
302 BUREAIT OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Page
113. Thestem itse'ts 411
114. Verbs as adjectives .. 412
115. Nouns as qualifiers 412
116. Vocabulary 412
117. Structure of sentences 414
118. Idiomatic expressions 415
Texts.. 419
INTRODUCTION
The material on which this account of the Coos language is based
was collected at the Siletz reservation, Oregon, during the summer of
1909. I obtained nineteen complete myths and other texts with inter-
linear translations, and linguistic material consisting chiefly of forms,
phrases, and sentences. 1 have also had at my disposal a number of
texts and grammatical notes collected by Mr. H. H. St. Clair, 2d,
during the summer of 1903, which were of great assistance on many
points.
This material was obtained chiefly from James Buchanan and Frank
Drew, both of whom proved to be intelligent and reliable informants.
To the former especially I am indebted for the complete and rich
collection of myths and texts, while the latter was my chief source of
information on points of grammar and lexicography. Frank Drew's
untiring efforts and almost perfect command of English made him a
very valuable interpreter, in spite of the fact that this advantage was
offset in a great many cases by his knowledge of the Hanis and Miluk
dialects of the Coos, and by his inability to draw a dividing-line
between the two dialects. Hence his information was very often con-
tradictory, and showed many discrepancies; but, on the whole, he
was found trustworthy and reliable.
In conclusion I wish to express my deep gratitude to my teacher,
Professor Franz Boas, for the many valuable suggestions made in
connection with this work, and for the keen and unceasing interest
which he has taken in me during the many years of our acquaintance.
It was at his suggestion that this work was undertaken; and its com-
pletion is due mainly to the efforts and encouragement received from
him. He it was who first imbued me with an enthusiasm for the
primitive languages of the North American continent, and the debt
which I owe him in this and in a great many other respects will be of
everlasting duration.
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY,
Aprtt, 1910.
coos
By LEO J. FRACHTENBERG
1. DISTRIBUTION AND HISTORY
The Kusan stock embraces a number of closely related dialects
that were spoken by the people inhabiting (until 1857) Coos bay and
the region along the Coos river. Their neighbors were Siuslauan, 1
Kalapuyan, and Athapascan tribes. On the north they came in con-
tact with the Umpqua 1 Indians, on the east they bordered on the
Kalapuya, while on the south they were contiguous to the Rogue
river tribes, especially the Coquelle. 2 In 1857, when the Rogue river
war broke out, the United States Government, acting in self-defence,
removed the Coos Indians to Port Umpqua. Four years later they
were again transferred to the Yahatc reservation, where they
remained until 1876. On the 26th day of April, 1876, Yahatc was
thrown open to white settlers, and the Indians of that reservation
were asked to move to Siletz; but the Coos Indians, tired of the
tutelage of the United States Indian agents, refused to conform with
the order, and emigrated in a body to the mouth of the Siuslaw river,
where the majority of them are still living.
Of the two principal dialects, Hanis and Miluk, 3 the latter is now
practically extinct; while the former is still spoken by about thirty
individuals^ whose number is steadily decreasing. As far as can be
judged from the scanty notes on Miluk collected by Mr. St. Clair in
1903, this dialect exhibits only in a most general way the character-
istic traits of the Kusan stock. Otherwise it is vastly different from
Hanis in etymological and even lexicographical respects.
The name "Coos" is of native origin. It is derived from the redu-
plicated stem ku'kwts SOUTH, which appears very often in phrases like
xkukwftsume FROM WHERE SOUTH is, kusEml'tc&tc SOUTHWARDS, etc.
1 Erroneously classified by Powell as part of the Yakonan family. My recent investigations show
Siuslaw to form an independent linguistic group consisting of two distinct dialects, Lower Umpqua
and Siuslaw. A grammatical sketch of the former dialect will be found in this volume.
An Athapascan tribe living on the upper course of the Coquelle river.
3 Spoken on the lower part of the Coquelle river, and commonly called Lower Coquelle.
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 20 305
306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The Coos call their own language ha'nfo L/e'yis THE HANTS TONGUE.
The present work deals with this dialect only, as sufficient material
could not be obtained for the purpose of writing a grammar of the
Miluk dialect.
Texts of myths and tales were collected by Mr. H. H. St. Clair, 2d,
and by the author of the present sketch, and were published by Colum-
bia University. 1 All references accompanying examples refer to page
and line of that publication.
PHONOLOGY ( 2-14)
2. Vowels
The phonetic system of Coos is rich and fully developed. Clusters
of consonants occur very frequently, but are void of difficult compli-
cations. The vowels show a high degree of variability, and occur in
short and long quantities. The obscure vowel E is very frequent,
and seems to be related to short e and a. Resonance vowels occur
very often, and are indicated in this work by superior vowels. The
diphthongs are quite variable. Long e is not a pure vowel, but glides
from e to 1; it can hardly be distinguished from long , to which
it seems to be closely related. In the same manner long o glides
from o to iZ, and was heard often as a long u- vowel.
The following may be said to be the Coos system of vowels and
diphthongs:
Vowels Semi-vowels Diphthongs
E
a e i $ o u d w, y ai, a u , e u
a a e 1 o u e { o u
Short e is pronounced like e in the English word HELMET, while the
umlauted a corresponds to the open e- vowel in German WAHLEN. It
very often occurs as the umlauted form of long a. i represents the
short y- vowel so commonly found in the Slavic languages; while ft
indicates exceedingly short, almost obscure u. o can not occur after
the palatal surd k and fortis k!.
3. Consonants
The consonantic system of Coos is characterized by the prevalence
of the sounds of the k and I series, by the frequent occurrence of
iCoos Texts, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, vol. 1.
S$ 2-3 '--
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 307
aspiration, by the abundance of long (double) consonants I, m, n, and y,
and by the semi-vocalic treatment of the nasals w, n, and of the lateral
sounds (indicated in this sketch by a circle under the consonant).
Surds and sonants were not always pronounced distinctly, especially
in the alveolar series. No aspirated consonants were found besides
the aspirated and Jc. The fortis is pronounced with moderate air-
pressure and glottal and nasal closure.
The system of consonants may be represented as follows:
Sonant Surd Fortis Spirant Nasal
Velar...,. .. (g f) q q! y,x
Palatal . . . g, g(w) k, k(w) &/, k! (w)
Anterior palatal g' k' k'! x'
Alveolar d t, t! s, c n,n
Affricative (dzf), dj ts, tc tsf, to!
Labial l> p p! m,m
Lateral.. L L L! 1,1,1
Glottalstop..
Aspiration xx '
y,y h w
The glottal stop, when not inherent in the stem, may occur inde-
pendently only before Z, ra, n, and w. It always disappears before
velar and palatal sounds. The aspiration is always accompanied by a
stricture corresponding to the quality of the vowel preceding it.
After #,0, and u (and u diphthongs) it is of a guttural character; while
when following e, ^'-vowels, or the ^'-diphthongs, it becomes palatal.
It disappears before a following w or y.
^ha u ' x ts I make it 10.4 '%ha u we i 'wat I have it 18.4
fo scFtUafni we two trade mu-
tually 15.6
i$d ux ta r ya I am watching it lowUl'yeqEm he took care 66.3
26.11
pl' x 'pl he went home 28.2 xplye'etc backwards, homewards
42. T
qai x 'qafydna'ya he became
afraid of it 42.3
4. Sound Groupings
As has been stated before, clusters of consonants are extensive, but
present few complications. Whenever difficulties arise in pronoun-
cing them, there is a strong tendency, inherent in the language, to
4
308 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
simplify them. Thus, combinations of more than two consonants are
rare, except in cases where one of the component elements (fre-
quently the middle consonant) is m, n, or one of the lateral series.
Such combinations are made possible through the semi-vocalic charac-
ter of these consonants. I have also found xpq, xcx\
helq- to arrive fialqtso u 'wat she would bring it
to him 72.8
aflqas fear 66.4 aqalqsitd u 'wat he scared him
92.20
ds'msit prairie 22. 12 dsmste'tc through a prairie 22. 11
In the same manner initial clusters, of which m, w, or I is the first
element, are syllabified by vocalization of the first consonant either
initially or terminally. A similar process takes place in clusters con-
sisting of two consonants that belong to the same group.
The only consonantic combinations that are inadmissible are those
of a t, ts or s + m or n.
Terminal clusters of three consonants are admissible only in cases
where one of the component elements is a consonant easily subject to
vocalization (a lateral, m or n).
I'nq 7.5 qa'mlt 102.16
yfaa'ntc&ts 60.3 tqafriLts 28.1
Terminal clusters of two consonants are confined to the combina-
tions of m + t, m + 8, m + x; n + alveolar or affricative, n + >fc', U + L;
I + alveolar or affricative (excepting I + n), I + m; l-\-t and I + tc. All
other combinations are inadmissible (see 11).
The following examples of terminal sound groupings may be given:
74.19 $U 7.8
hata'yims 20.14 miltf 76.12
yi'xumx 122.22 toils
k'/int 5.2 le ri ldj
xwdndj 6.8 he' wilts 140.14
k/wints 96.11 tc/iltcf 26.26
Ldwe'entc 6.1 tk'dm 136.7 (St. Glair)
denk* 82.9 xalt 10.9
hanL 7.1 qe'ltc 6.4
An exceptional instance of a usually inadmissible sound grouping
was found in xyi'hdq 20.21.
$ 4
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - COOS 309
All inadmissible terminal clusters are avoided through the insertion
of a (weak) vowel between the two final consonants.
dsmst- ds'msit prairie 22.12
Jielq- he'laq he arrived 20.18
LJnnp- Lki'nap he went through 22.11
mtix- mi'lax lunch 28.15
<%- + -s(25) a'lqas fear 66.4
-s (25) wi'nqas mat, spider 58.5
Inadmissible medial clusters are avoided through the insertion of a
weak vowel or vowels:
winq- + -XEWI wina'qaxEm it is spread out 32. 14:
helq- + -xsm helafqaxEm it is the end 44. 14
Inq- + -a ux Ina'qa they two went down
8.4
5. Accent
With the exception of the monosyllabic particles, that are either
enclitic or proclitic, each word in Coos has its stress accent, designated
by the acute mark (') or by the rising tone rendered here by ~. The
former accent is not inseparably associated with any particular sylla-
ble of a word. It may, especially in cases of polysyllabic stems, be
shifted freely from one syllable to another, although it is very possi-
ble that this apparent shifting of accent may be largely due to the
rapidity with which the words in question were pronounced by the
natives. The circumflex accent appears mostly on the last syllable,
and may best be compared with the intonation given to the word so
in the English interrogative sentence Is THAT so ?
The accent very often modifies the syllable on which it falls by
lending a specific coloring to the vowel, or by making it appear with
a long quantity. This is especially the case in syllables with the
obscure vowel, which, under the influence of accent, may be changed
to an a or an e.
A very peculiar use of the accent is found in connection with the
verbal stem helaq. This stem expresses two different ideas, that are
distinguished by means of the two kinds of accent. When occurring
with the stress accent ('), he'laq denotes TO GET, TO ARRIVE; while
kelaq with the rising tone of a expresses the idea TO CLIMB UP.
5
310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Phonetic Laws ( 6-14)
6. Introductory
The phonetic laws are quite complex, and in a number of instances
show such appalling irregularities that they defy all attempts at
systematization. This is especially true of the contraction of two or
more vowels into one, and of the law of hiatus. Broadly speaking,
the phonetic processes may be said to be due to contact phenomena
and, in rare instances, to the effects of accent.
Vocalic Processes (
The processes treated in this division may be classified as follows:
(1) Vocalic Harmony.
(2) Consonantization of i- and u- diphthongs.
(3) Contraction.
(4) Hiatus.
(5) Processes due to change from terminal to medial position.
7. VOCALIC HARMONY
The most important phonetic law in the Coos language is the law of
vocalic harmony. This tendency towards euphony is so strongly
developed in the language, that it may safely be said to be one of its
chief characteristics. Its purpose is to bridge over as much as possi-
ble the difficulties that would arise in trying to pronounce in quick
succession syllables with vowels of widely different qualities. The
process may be of a retrogressive or progressive character; that is to
say, the suffix may change the quality of the stem- vowel, or vice versa.
Only the vowels of the a- and e- series are affected by this phenomenon,
which is not always purely phonetic.
The following suffixes cause a change from a to a, a process called
the ^'-umlaut:
-* neutral 31 -ll pronominal 46 -lye transitional 35
^Jia'wUs I make it grow ha'wl he grew up 64.24
qtsxau'wat I kill him 26.22 ntsxewe'll she kills me 24.14
qM'k/vffite I draw it up U haJc! u fl'ye they were drawn
up 30.1
6-7
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 311
A change of ^-vowels into 0- vowels due to other causes is effected
by the pronominal suffixes -u ( 46), -2ra ( 30), and by the imperative
-* ( 43).
nhafk! u tUs I draw it up ^hafk! u tUsu he draws me up
k/a'wat he pecks at it 20.14 i^k'e'wUu he pecks at me
kwaa'nlya he knows it 26.18 Tcwee'nlylm they know it 24.22
pafyat he shouted 32.1 L pEi'tE you must shout 32.2
tsxa u - to kill tsxe'wE kill him! 68.3
The following suffixes change the e- vowels of the stem into a- vowels:
-ami, -a/is pronominal 46
-ayam distributive 37
-anaya 50
tc&ne'lienl he is thinking 24.13, eFtcinahanafm/l I am thinking
14 of you
he'wes a lie ^hawasanafis you are lying to
me
x'ne'et it is on top 10.1 #artt<ma'y# I am riding (a horse)
Jc/le'es black k/laa'yam blackish (black here
and there)
xa'nis sick 42.18 xa'nana'ya he made him feel
sorry 42.18
pLpa'wis hat 136.14 pLpa' wisanaya he made a hat
out of it
[NOTE. The suffix -anaya is composed of -enl + -ay a. The long a
of -aya affects the e of -em, and the compound suffix changes the
quality of the stem- vowel.]
Here may also belong the qualitative change of yixe*' ONE and yu'xwa
TWO into yixaM'na ONE EACH and ytixwaMna TWO EACH (see p. 374),
and changes like
is we'lanl hanL we two fight will 116.11 (wtt- to fight)
qamelanl'we he commenced to swim around (mtt- to swim)
[Compare also the change of the possessive pronoun la, llye^ into la,
llya, when preceding stems with a- vowels (see 98).]
Progressive assimilation occurs very frequently, and affects almost
all suffixes that have e- vowels. The following suffixes change their
e- vowels under the influence of an a- vowel of the stem:
-e auxiliary 44
-enl verbal 45
-lye transitional 35
-etc adverbial 68
-lyawa nominal 62 7
312 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
nwfltlne with blood it is (wi- la u nkla'ha, they with ropes are
tfin blood) 20.6 (k/a, rope) 46.9
H ntc/wa'le they with fire are nmtflaqa with an arrow he is (mt r -
(to!wa'lfic*) 42.12 laq arrow) 20.18
hatct/em'yeqEm the story is U qanatcanl'waq they began to
being told (ha'tc&t! story) make fun (qa'natc joke) 50.12
44.14, 15
to hewese'nl you two are lying $ kwa'axtLcvn/i they are making
28.13, 14 (hefwes lie) bows (kwa'xaL a bow)
qaMml'ye morning it got 20.4 nhainahafya I active became (hai r -
(qcMm- morning) na active)
afyu vx'lfye surely a canoe it ndowayahafya I happened to want
was ($%' canoe) 126.10 it (dowa- to desire)
dsmste'tc LM'nap through a tFk/wVl xa' a patc he dove into the
prairie he went 22.11 (dE r m- water (xaf a p water) 26.27
s$t prairie)
yixa'wExetc la into the house L! to! ate tsxawl'yat on the ground
he went (yixafwEx house) he put it down (L/ta earth,
28.10, 11 ground) 36.20, 21
The same progressive assimilation may have taken place in the
change of the transitive suffix -tfwat into -o u wat (see p. 337) whenever
suffixed to stems ending in ?^-diphthongs.
t E kwlLe if wal he is following tytsxau' wat I kill him (tsxa u - to kill)
him 22.2 26.22
tytcvntctne*' 'wat I am thinking ^w^td u 'wat you are looking for it
(of him) (wU- to look for something) 54.3
Another assimilatory process of this type is the change of the par-
ticle U into el (hel) after a preceding n or L (see p. 388).
Idyl U good, indeed 5.3 In hel not so! 42.23
Is'yl yu' Lei good it would be
indeed 70.5
In spite of this great tendency towards euphony, numerous instances
will be found showing an absolute lack of vocalic harmony. Whether
these cases are the result of imperfect perception, due to the rapid
flow of speech or to other causes, cannot be ascertained with any
degree of certainty.
8. CONSONANTIZATION OF I- AND U- DIPHTHONGS
The i and u of diphthongs are always changed into the semi-vocalic
consonants y and w when they are followed by another vowel.
8
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 313
The only exception to this rule occurs in cases where the diphthong
is contracted with the following vowel (see 9).
pEnLd'wai whale 30.10 psnLd'wayEtc a whale with 88.30
ux tUa'qai they two are living he'laq IE ma ttla'qayetc he came
24. 1 to the people (who) lived (there)
36.12, 13
t/ E ct'ta u flint point nt/ E ct'ta u we IE mVlaq flint points
have the arrows 62.27
LO U - to eat Lowa'was food 22.14
xwVlux u head 30.14 XL Its xwVluxwltc she hit him over
the head 66. 5, 6
k u perhaps + $s we two Jcwfe let us two 26.15
9. CONTRACTION
In Coos the contraction of two vowels immediately following each
other is so uncertain that it is difficult to formulate any rule that
would cover all irregularities. The main difficulty lies in the fact
that contraction of vowels, and hiatus, seem constantly to interfere
with each other. The following rules may be said to apply in all
cases:
(1) Two vowels belonging to the w-series are contracted into a long u.
xtclfteu + uL xtcl'tcuL how would (it be) 5.2
ytku + uL yl'kuL perhaps it would (be) 17.7
(2) Two long - vowels are contracted into a long 1.
ha ! k! u fi + -lye U ha'k! u tl'ye they were drawn up
30.1
Jienl -\--1ye Tie'rwye a while 42.17 (Jie'n^hen
many times 88.1)
(3) Long e or 1 are contracted with a following a into long a or e.
-em -\--ay a -anaya (see 50)
pLpafynsenl he is making a pLpawisa'naya he is making a hat
hat out of it
-n^ + 'dwas -netwas (see 59)
(4) Vowels of very short quantities are usually contracted with the
following vowels of longer quantities, regardless of quality. The
quality of the longer vowel predominates in such amalgamations. In
the process of contraction, an h preceding the second vowel disappears.
c E + ?ianL canL a particle denoting certain
expectation (see 90)
tsi + hanL tsanL only then shall . . . 78.15
9
314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULI* 40
An exception to this rule is found in the case of the w-vowels, which
change a following h into a w.
yu + he yuwe' whenever 16.6
tso then tsowe* as soon as 52.14
An interesting case of contraction is presented by the amalgamation
of the personal pronouns and the negative particle m.
n I + m NOT is contracted into m.
THOU + In NOT is contracted into en.
xwm WE TWO -f- In NOT is contracted into xwttn.
ttn WE + m NOT is contracted into Wn.
c&n YOU + In NOT is contracted into c&n.
nl tcitc la u tsxau'wat not I how that one (to) kill it 62.21
en hanL diH you not will (be) something 10.5
xwi*n kwaafnlya we two not know it 120.23
Wn canL xtcltc sqats we (can) not seize her 56.18
c&n k'eUe ir wat you not forget it 40.18
Following are examples of uncontracted negative forms:
ux In kwaafnlya they two (did) not know it 22. 9, 10
& In k'Uo'vnt they (did) not see it 32.3
10. HIATUS
The same uncertainty that exists in the case of contraction of vowels
is found in the law of hiatus. Broadly speaking, it may be said that
the coming-together of two vowels of like quantities and qualities is
avoided by means of infixing a weak h between them. Two vowels of
dissimilar quantities and qualities are kept apart by means of the
accent.
Examples of insertion of h:
kwaa'riiya+-aya kwaa'riiyahafya (they) came to
know it 102.29
n'ne 4- -lye nnehl'ye I came to be (the one)
siL'ne i + -lye s^L'nehl'ye joined together it be-
came 13.4
ts!xa + -a nts/xa'ha IE Jcwa'xaL (covered)
with skin is the bow 62.27, 28
hu u mafk'e-\--e Ux nhu u ma!k'ehe they two with
wives are 42. 15
helml +-$s helmlfh/is next day 6.7
10
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 315
Examples of division by means of accent:
IE+-UC xle'ttc L/dts with it he spoke 16.2
L/td + -atc L/td'atc leml'yat into the ground
he stuck it 64.1
11. PROCESSES DUE TO CHANGE FROM TERMINAL TO MEDIAL
POSITION
Terminal consonantic clusters are avoided by inserting a weak vowel
between two consonants standing in final position (see 4). But as
soon as a suffix is added to a stem thus expanded, changing the cluster
from a terminal to medial position, the inserted vowel is dropped, and
the consonants are combined into a cluster.
mflax lunch 28.15 mMxafnEm lunch make me 114.5
dtfmsU prairie 22.12 dsmste'tc LM'nqp to the prairie
he came 22.11
LhVnap he went through 22. 11 ux Lhlnpi'ye they two came
through 112.1
a'lqas fear 66.4 ux alqsa'ya they two are afraid of
it 7.5
hd'tcU! story 20. 2 hdtct!enl f yeqEm a story is being
told 44.14, 15
td'lats he was astonished td'lts E XEm he was astonished 128.
22.28 15
kwd'xaL bow 60.14 ux nkwd'xLa they two have bows
12.9
rm'lat he swam 30.7 mi'lt E qEm he swam (out) 100.16
On the whole, Coos shows a marked tendency toward clustering of
consonants in medial position. Thus, when a suffix beginning with a
long vowel is added to a stem that has already been amplified by
means of a suffix whose initial vowel is weak, the vowel of the first
suffix is dropped, and its consonants are combined with the final con-
sonants of the stem into a cluster.
hd'Ltitc elder brother 72.27 hdLtcnfyas elder brothers
e'~k u Latc father 20. 25 ek u Ltcl'yas fathers
lamias mud 52.10 x^Lsa'stc with mud 52.13
nhu u 'mtsUs I marry her hu u mfetsd u ' wat he married 26.14
This change from a terminal to a medial position effects sometimes
the dropping of a whole syllable.
miL^m' 'yatc younger brother U m%Lkim' tcfinl they are younger
72.1 brothers (mutually) 84.20
11
316 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ituwe' x tds heart 5.3 ttu'tdsltc lo'q u tats in his heart she
was boiling 108.27
pwfyat he took him home xwtn tPpntafmi hanL we two thee
30.13 take home will 126.19, 20
Another effect due to this law is the weakening of the vowel of the
syllable immediately preceding the suffix. This change takes place
regularly when two or more suffixes have been added to one and the
same stem.
Lhinptso u ' wat he takes him tyLhmptso'witu he takes me
through through
hu u rmstsd u ' wat he is marrying e s liu u rrmtsdimtaf'mJi hanL I marry
them 26.14 thee will 184.6
Consonantic Processes ( 12-14)
12. TYPES OF CONSONANTIC PROCESSES
Consonantic changes are few in number, and due to contact phe-
nomena. The following are the processes affecting consonants :
(1) Consonantic euphony.
(2) Simplification of doubled consonants.
13. CONSONANTIC EUPHONY
This law affects the palatal sounds only, and results from a strong
tendency, inherent in the language, to assimilate, whenever possible,
the consonants of the ^-series to the character of the preceding or
following vowels. As a consequence of this tendency, ^-vowels are
invariably followed or preceded by the anterior palatals, while u~
vowels change a following palatal into a &-sound with a ^-tinge (a
labialized k).
river 14.6 tsa'yux u small 20.5
s food 14.7 maflulc u paint 10.2
' quiver 66.26 xwi'lux u head 30.14
x'nek' hair 50.3 mela'lcuk^ salmon heart 34.25
g'tmg't'mfe rain go u s all 9.3
Instances are not lacking where actual palatalization has taken
place, or where an anterior ~k' has been changed into a palatal Jc so as
to conform to the character of the vowel following it.
kla'lat he shouted 36.7 qak'elem'we fymen they began to
shout 24.22
If,! a! wat he pecks at it 20.9 lc m te'wUlm some one is pecking
12-13
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 317
ha'kat he crawled 32.12 xha'k'Uc crawlingly 32.10
tka'lmUs he sinks it t s k'e'lndxEm (a) deep place 84.24
k/xafye'es he is talking k'/xe'Em ye'es talk to me
to him 30.23
pkak' grandfather 28.19 pka'katc grandfather 30.6
taha'Uk' quiver G6.26 taha'Ukatc into the quiver 116.19
ax'lf axatc uncle axa'x' uncle 34.9
k u ma'x' horn 86.25 nk u ma'xa it has a horn 88.7
The only cases of consonantic assimilation that occur in Coos are
the changes of sonants into surds, under the influence of a following
surd.
ya'bas maggots 40.12 xya f bos yapti'tsa la . . . maggots
ate up his ... (literally, mag-
goted his . . . ) 40.6
bisk'e'tcyi'xumx he had it (the p E sVk* aftsem a cup give me 68.17
water) in a cup 128.25
14. SIMPLIFICATION OF DOUBLED CONSONANTS
Doubled consonants are simplified in consequence of the tendency
to avoid the clustering of too many consonants. The process consists
in the simplification of a long (doubled) consonant, when followed by
another consonant. Owing to the fact that only , m, n, and y appear
in doubled (long) quantities, they are the only consonants that are
affected by this law.
rnfiLat he swam 30.7 mi'lt E gEm he swam (out) 100.16
tc&'lats he was astonished tcVlts E XEm he was astonished 128.
22.28 15
LM'nap he went through 22. 11 LMnptso u 'wat he took him through
nma'henet it is (crowded) with xma'hentitc like a person 30.22, 23
people 20.1
15. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
All grammatical categories and syntactic relations in Coos are
expressed by means of one of the five following processes:
(1) Prefixation.
(2) Suffixation.
(3) Reduplication.
(4) Syntactic particles.
(5) Phonetic changes.
S 14-15
318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The number of prefixes is very small, and by far the majority of
grammatical ideas are expressed by means of suffixes and syntactic
particles. Reduplication, although frequently resorted to, is used to
express only a limited number of categories; while the phonetic
changes are very rare, and exhibit a decidedly petrified character.
16. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
All stems seem to be neutral, and their nominal or verbal character
depends chiefly upon the suffixes with which they are used. Conse-
quently two different suffixes one of a verbal and the other of a
nominal character may be added to the same stem, nominalizing or
verbalizing it, according to the requirements of the occasion. In the
following pages a distinction is made between verbal and nominal
stems, which is based solely upon the sense in which the stem is used.
All prefixes express ideas of an adverbial character.
By far the majority of verbal suffixes indicate ideas of action and
such concepts as involve a change of the subject or object of the
verb. Hence ideas indicating causation, reciprocity, reflexive action,
the passive voice, the imperative, etc. , are expressed by means of suf-
fixes. The pronouns denoting both subject and object of an action
are indicated by suffixes. Only semi-temporal ideas, such as the
inchoative, frequentative, and transitional stages, are expressed by
means of suffixes; while the true temporal concepts are indicated
by syntactic particles. Instrumentality and agency are also indicated
by suffixes.
All local relations are expressed by nominal suffixes. Abstract
concepts are formed by means of suffixes.
Ideas of plurality are very little developed, and, with the exception
of a few suffixes, are expressed by different verbal and nominal stems.
Distributive plurality occurs very often, especially in the verb, and
is indicated by suffixes or by reduplication. Reduplication expresses,
furthermore, continuation, duration, and repetition of action.
A great variety of concepts are expressed by syntactic particles,
especially ideas relating to emotional states and to degrees of certainty.
In the pronoun, three persons, and a singular, dual, and plural, are
distinguished. Grammatical gender does not exist. The first person
dual has two distinct forms, one indicating the inclusive (I AND THOU)
and the other the exclusive (I AND HE).
16
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 319
The demonstrative pronoun shows a variety of forms, but does not
distinguish sharply between nearness or remoteness in relation to the
three pronominal persons.
The numeral is very well developed, exhibiting special forms for the
ordinal, multiplicative, and the distributive, which are indicated by
means of suffixes.
The syntactic structure of the Coos sentence is very simple, and is
characterized by the facility with which the different parts of speech
may shift their position without changing in the least the meaning of
the sentence. Incorporation and compound words are entirely absent,
and the various parts of speech are easily recognizable through their
suffixes.
MORPHOLOGY ( 17-95)
Prefixes (> 17-24)
The number of prefixes is small. Three of the six prefixes found
in this language namely, the local, discriminative, and modal x- -
must have originally expressed one general idea incorporating these
three concepts, because the phonetic resemblance between these suf-
fixes is too perfect to be a mere coincidence. In addition to these
prefixes, the article and the personal pronouns may be treated in this
chapter, as they are loosely prefixed to the nominal (or verbal) stems,
and in a great many cases form a phonetic unit with the words that
follow them.
17. The Articles IE and hE
The article IE, or A, is used in the singular and plural alike, and
may denote a definite or indefinite object. The definite article
indicates an object that actually exists or that is intimately known
to the speaker. No fixed rules can be given for the occurrence of
the two different forms IE and A#, but the following general prin-
ciple may be said to hold good: hs tends to occur at the beginning of
a sentence and after words ending in vowels, dentals, and sibilants;
while IE occurs in all other cases.
hs hatafyims (1) mias'sd'wef (%) kfafwat (3) /IE to'qmas (4) the wood-
pecker (4) is pecking at (3) the lucky (2) money (1) 20.15
hli'nl sto u q IE dl'lol there stood the young man 22.27
wdndj tcbne'heni hs d/i'lM thus was thinking the young man
24.13, 14
' IE i/ta, sticking out was the earth 6.7 17
320 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The article very often performs the function of the personal pro-
noun of the third person singular, and in such cases is to be rendered
by HE, SHE, or IT.
IE he'laq IE wflnqas u temflsnatc (in order) to gamble he
arrived, the spider's grandson 66.20, 21
JIE tsu'tsu he was killed 96.14
The article has a general nominal izing function, and when prefixed
to adverbs, adjectives, etc., gives them the force of nouns.
JIE go u s dtfl k'yEai's tsxawlfyat everything separately he put down
48.18, 19
go u s d/ffl lai' x 'tset JIEX kwVna u tc (of) everything was started the
appearance (i. e., everything began to have its present appear-
ance) 12.7
TIE qa'LtEs the length
ma U IE ehe'ntc ma ya'lanl surely, (whatever) the far-off people
were talking 66.13
la w he'tt Tcwi'leL IE e?k'%Ld u ts that (was) their sweat-house, which
you found 62. 25
ty'ne Its IE e t dowayExta!is qa u 'wa I am the one whom you wanted
last night 50.25, 26
In some instances the article is prefixed to the personal pronoun of
the third person singular for the sake of emphasis.
ta Is'xa la u qats VriiEx and he, he was just alone 68.2
to, IE Vlxa la u psnLd'wai U Ldwet'wat and they, they whale are
eating 130.13
It is also prefixed for the same purpose to the demonstrative pro-
noun la u .
lsla u qaL/axex'l'we these began to flop around 17.6
qantc lsla u laa'yam wherever these went 22.17, 18
In certain local phrases the article prefixed to the whole and fol-
lowed by the local term very often expresses local relation.
JIE ds'msU ntcetne'nis ha u til E qtsu at the edge (of) the prairie they
sat down 22.15
TIE tskwa' x iAs nhaL/ sto'waq at the lower part (of) the fir-tree he
stood up 26.17
(For the article as a possessive prefix, see 98.) ... il.^
.17
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS
18. The Personal I*>*onouns
The following are the personal pronouns in Coos:
321
1st person
n-
2d person .
e s -
3d person
Inclusive
is-
Exclusive
xwin-
Dual
2d person
ic-
3d person . . . . ,
dx-
1st person
Un-
2d person
cin-
3d person
il-
There is no special form for the third person singular, which is
expressed by the mere stem or by the article.
he' mis dtfl nk'ilo'wit big something I saw 62.21
tsi e^qa'qal merely you are sleeping 68.19
a'yu to' hits indeed! he hit it 13.3
is ali' caul hanL we (two) will play 38.11
ma xwin wutxalfyat a man we (two) brought home 128.8
tso ic Idyl now you two (are) well 120.20
afyu ux L E an surely they two went down into the water 54.16
linplf x 'pi hanL we will go home 120.21
cin sqats hanL tE tdwdl } 7 ou will seize that fire 40.18, 19
aso 1 tcl il wu'txe again here the} 7 returned 30.5
The second persons dual and plural for the imperative form of
intransitive verbs are ice 6 and cine 3 respectively, instead of ic and cin.
ice 5 sto u q you two stand up! 120.15
tsi'x'tl ice* djl here you two come! 82.13
cine 5 Ld u q you get up! 30.19
But compare
tc heml'yE you two lay him bare! 24.10
te* ic qlmi'tsE this you two eat! 120.16
tci cin L/elfys ten Jc'e'la there you put this my hand! 80.19
The pronoun of the third person plural (il) very often precedes
the article or the possessive pronoun of the third person singular in
order to emphasize the idea of plurality.
go u s (Ml la u tc!le if wat, il IE melafku'k u , il IE ptsa, il IE mi'l u xas
everything he is drying, the salmon hearts, the gills, the tails
34.25, 26
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 2 12 21 18
322 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
xle'Uc Mpllfyap Id a, U la k'e'la, U la Tcxla with it she painted their
faces, their hands, their feet 122.7
The numerical particle iflc'l BOTH very often precedes the dual pro-
nouns in order to emphasize the idea of duality.
tso I'k'l qaxa'ntc ux x'i'ntset now both (of them) got on top 14.1
In the same way the particle go u s ALL is placed before the plural
forms in order to bring out the idea of plurality. .
la u go u s wdndj $, L/d'xEm these all that way are talking 50.9, 10
As has been remarked before, the pronouns are loosely prefixed
enclitics. They form no integral part of the word, although with a
few exceptions they precede immediately the noun or verb to which
they belong. They are always placed before the prefixes enumerated
in 19-24.
I'lc'l ux nkwafxLa both of these have bows (literally, both they
two [are] with bows) 12.9
tso tyqaLdwl'we now I commence to eat
ic xqantcu'wis you two from what place (are)? 126.14
$ Jc'!a,x(i' a p they have no water (literally, they [are] without
water) 38.2
The personal pronouns are contracted with the negative particle In
into nl i NOT, en THOU NOT, etc. (see 9). The prefixed personal pro-
nouns are also used in the formation of transitive subject and object
pronouns (see 46).
19. inchoative qa-
This prefix denotes the commencement of an action. The verb to
which it is prefixed takes, with a few exceptions, the suffixes -Iwe or
-lye (see 32, 35).
a'yu qaLdwl'we indeed (she) commenced to eat 24.11
qatdnehenl'we (he) began to think 20.7
ux qawelanl'we they two commenced to fight
tso ux qayuwatlfye now they two commenced to travel 12.6
qambU'ye (he) commenced to swim 30.3
When prefixed to an impersonal verb or to a noun with a verbal
force, the suffix is omitted.
Id L! aha,' was la u qa'xto w her garments (these) commenced to get
stiff 110.3
qayixumata'is (he) commenced to travel around (literally, [he] com-
menced the traveling) 32.10
19
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 323
20. Privative k*!a-
It has the same function as the English suffix -LESS. With the
possessive pronoun, it expresses ABSENCE (p. 399).
U k'/dtdwd'l they (have) no fire 38.1
k'Id'tetcrrifclat (she) swam around naked (lit., without clothes) 86.1
fc/dhuwd'was mUslHtl'ye suddenly she became pregnant (literally,
without delay she became pregnant) 10.7
21. Adverbial n-
This prefix may be rendered by IN, AT, TO, ON, WITH. When pre-
ceded by the article or those pronouns that end in a vowel, it is suf-
fixed to them, and the unit thus obtained is loosely prefixed to the
noun. The same rule applies to the discriminative and modal x-.
ai'wit IE ma nL/tafyas he killed (all) the people in the village
112.9, 10
afyu yu'kwe Idn yixd'wsx surely he came ashore at his house (and
not Id nyixd'wEx) 36. 6
Lowi'tat TIE dl'lol Idl nrm'k'e ran the young man to that basket
28.27
nxalaJwls la u he'laq with heat she arrived 24. 9
n- in the sense of WITH very often exercises the function of our
auxiliary verb TO HAVE, TO BE. In such cases the noun to which it is
prefixed takes the verbal suffix -e or -a (see 44).
nwi'tme Id k u hd'yeq his excrements are bloody (literally, with
blood [are] his excrements) 20. 6, 7
is nhumd'k'ehe we two have wives (literally, we two with wives
are) 10.9
nd a nt ma la u tc!pd'ya u nk/d'ha many people have braided ropes
(literally, many people those braided with ropes are) 46.8, 9
ntda'Jia <Ml animals (lit., with "walkers" something [that is]) 46.1
22. Locative x-
The prefix x- signifies FROM.
xqantc la u sl' x 't E tsa from where that one scented it 22.24
xqal tqanLts from below he strikes it 28.1
When prefixed to nouns, the nouns usually take the adverbial suffix
-e l tc IN (see 67).
xkwile' LeHc ndjl I came from the sweat-house (literally, from in
the sweat-house I came)
20-22
324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
In some cases the nouns take, instead of the suffix -eHc, the adver-
bial prefix n- (see 21).
ha'lkwU TIE k!a hax nk/wtfnts he took the rope off his neck 98.23
(literally, he took off the rope his from on neck)
23. Discriminative x-
The prefix x- occurs very often with the subject of transitive verbs,
and denotes the performer of the action. (For x- preceded by the
article or pronoun, see 21.)
ka a s to'Mts TIEX dl'lol almost hit it the young man 20.20, 21
JcwVla u ha u ' x ts lExmUciftsinatc ice made the father-in-law 26.27,28
xyi'xe 1 da'mtt la u haflqait one man to him came 15.5
In kwaafmya IEX wftnqas hu uf m%k' not knew it the Spider-Old-
Woman 58.9, 10
x- is always prefixed to the subject of the sentence when the
sentence contains both subject and object, or when the person
spoken to may be in doubt as to which noun is the subject of the
sentence.
hu u rrdstsd uf wat IEX dl'lol lEyu'xwii Jiu u inafk'e married the young
man the two women 26.14
TIE wix'l'lis IEX hu u 'mis saw the food the woman 64.16, 17
IEX da! mil IE xci'nis saw the husband the sick (man)
128.11, 12
sqa'ts hal Jiu^'rmk" IEX swal seized that old woman grizzly bear
102.21, 22
x- is never omitted as a prefix when the subject of the sentence
is an animal, an inanimate object, or any part of speech other than a
noun.
iik'ttd'witu the bear saw me (but cx'Qml nk'fto'wU I saw
the bear)
xyafbas yapttftsa la ptfttk'is maggots ate up his anus 40.6, 7
aJca'nak' he'Hta JIEX x'dwaf yas sticking out is (the) tongue the snake
42.1, 2
xqaine'Es ka a s tsxau'wat cold (weather) nearly killed him 32.7
xunt nto'Mtsu some one hit me
nl kwaa'mya xynt I don't know who (it is)
xi'mEx x'L/o'wit Ldpi'tetc alone (they) got into (the) basket
34.19, 20
xlala u lo ux tafya that is the one (who) watched it 94.6
23
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 325
In IE'Y% xkwi'na u tc it does not look good (literally, not good [the
manner of] looking 34.18
xna a nt la u Ld ux Lo u 'wax many (persons) her were clubbing 80.4, 5
x- is always prefixed to the vocative cases of nouns when they
are used with the possessive pronouns. This is due to the desire on
the part of the speaker to avoid ambiguity or obscurity of meaning.
ta'% HEX hu u 'mis halloo, my wife ! 54.2
e?djl HEX da' mil you come, my husband! 70.16
e?ld ux tlyExtafis hanL HEX el'tla, you shall take care of me, oh, my
pet! 86.20.21
e djl HEX temd'mis you come, my grandsons 82. 12, 13
^Ld u k u HEX kfo'la sit down, my father
While the vocative cases (especially for nouns expressing terms of
relationship) have special forms, the omission of the discriminative
prefix could nevertheless obscure the meaning of the sentence, as the
possessive pronoun coincides with the form for the personal pronoun.
Thus, if in the sentence e s Ld u k u HEX k!o'la, the HEX k!o'la were
deprived of its discriminative prefix, it might mean YOU SIT DOWN. I
(AM THE) FATHER. Since, however, the action is to be performed by
the person addressed (in this particular instance, "the father"), it is
discriminated by the prefix x-. Such an ambiguity can not occur in
sentences where the vocative is used without the possessive pronoun,
where the prefix is consequently omitted.
e*Ld u ~k u pM'Jc' you sit down, grandfather ! 108.14
mMxafnEm L u'ma make me (necessarily) lunch, grandmother !
114.5
24:. Modal and Instrumental x-
This prefix may be best translated by IN THE MANNER OF. Its
function is the same as that of our English suffix -LY. There is an
etymological relation between this suffix and the discriminative and
locative a?-, although I was unable to ascertain its exact nature. The
suffix -to is frequently added to steins preceded by the modal prefix
-x (see 36).
xLdwe'entc JcfwVnts entirely Ldwe'entc Lowtftat all (seals) ran
he swallowed her 102.23 (into the water) 56.9, 10
xtci'tcu ^xaflal how are you? tclftcu ye* $luwe' x tc%s what do you
(literally, in what way you think? (literally, what your
do?) 36.13 heart?) 6.9; 7.1
xqa'lyeqeHc U Jc,w%na'e i wat as salmon they look upon it (literally,
in the manner of salmon they see it [qa'lyeq salmon]) 130.14
24
326 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
xpiye'etc qalnuwdnlfwe backwards she commenced to pull them
(literally, in the manner of going home [pi tyf pl he goes home])
80.8, 9
in xa'yuwltc a'tsa a small amount she gave her (literally, not in
the manner of enough \afyu sure enough]) 64.21
iiafwtts TIEX t! E ai!tc I finished shoving (literally, I finished in the
manner of . . .)
This prefix is used frequently to express the idea of instrumen-
tality. The noun is then usually followed by the adverbial suffix
-Etc (see TO). The idea of instrumentality is here so closely inter-
woven with that of modality, that the instrumental use of a modal
prefix is very natural.
Jc!w%nt xmi'laqEtc he shot at him with an arrow (literally, he shot
at him in the manner of an arrow) 22.16
paa'hlt TIE Ld'pit xqaflyeqEtci\A\ (was) the basket with salmon 36.1
IEX tsnna'hstc L/a'ts with the thunder language he spoke 18.9
xrmk'e'Etc towMni'ye by means of a basket he was dropped down
28.9,10
Suffixes (25-80)
25. General HemarTts
The number of suffixes in Coos is quite small when contrasted with
the numerous suffixes found in some of the neighboring languages.
This number appears even smaller when we take into consideration
the compound suffixes that consist of two, and in some cases of three,
independent suffixes. A still more sweeping reduction may be obtained
through an etymological comparison between the different suffixes.
There can be little doubt that if the language, in its present status,
would lend itself to an etymological analysis, many suffixes, appar-
ently different in character and even in form, could be shown to
be derived from one common base. Thus it is safe to say that the
suffix -t primarily had a general verbal character, and that all the
other suffixes ending in -t are derived from this original form. This
assertion is substantiated by the fact that the present transitive suffix
-ts is added to a number of stems that have already been verbalized by
the general verbal -t suffix, and that the causative passive suffix -et is
always preceded by the transitive -t or -ts (see 26).
In the same manner it may be said that -s was the general suffix
indicating nouns, and that all nominal suffixes ending in -s eventually
go back to this nominal suffix.
25
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - COOS 327
This theory of a close etymological connection between the different
suffixes is practically proven by a comparison of the various adverbial
suffixes ending in -tc. Such a comparison will show that all these suf-
fixes must have been derived from one universal form, which may be
reconstructed as *tc. Furthermore, all the suffixes expressing distri-
bution have the element n- in common, which consequently may be
regarded as the original suffix conveying the idea of distributive plu-
rality; the more so, as in the following instances n- actually denotes
distribution.
hand 48.17 k'e'lnatc lto u 'x'its he rubbed her
in his hands (literally, with each
of his hands he rubbed her)
108.20, 21
djl it came 52.8 lEdjVnlt they came (singly) 52.17
k'tsas ashes k'Usfi! snstc lepVtit tet with ashes
he marked himself [all over]
28.16
<nne ti'k'E you stand! 122.10 tsEL'ne 1 ux tVJdne side by side they
two were standing 62.22
There also seems to be an etymological connection between the suf-
fix denoting neutral verbs and the suffixes expressing the passive
voice, although in this case the relation is not as transparent as in the
instances mentioned above; and there ma}' have also existed an original
relation between the verbal suffixes that end in -u.
The following list will serve to illustrate better the theory set
forth in the preceding pages. The forms marked with an asterisk (*)
represent the reconstructed original suffixes, while the other forms
indicate the suffixes as they appear to-day.
VERBAL SUFFIXES
*-t general verbal -ne l , -nl distributive
*-t transitive -am distributive
-ts transitive -im distributive
-eet causative passive -Mna distributive
-et causative passive *. u modal (?)
4, e l neutral -u transitional
-ayu, -~e l yu, -lyu passive -u present passive
-aya u passive participle -u transitive subject and object
-lyawa (?) agency pronoun
*-n general distributive -u reflexive plural
25
328 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
NOMINAL SUFFIXES
*-8 general nominal *-tc general adverbial
-is nominal -to modal verbal
-ES, -tss abstract -ate (?) suffix of relationship
-ems abstract -etc local
-a/was abstract -eHc, -lie local and modal nominal
-nefwas abstract -ewttc local
-o u nis verbal noun -Etc instrumental
-* verbal noun
4s local
-4s ordinal
All suffixes may be classified into two large groups as verbal and
nominal suffixes; that is to say, as suffixes that either verbalize or
nomirialize a given neutral stem. I have included adverbial suffixes
in the latter group, on account of the intimate relation between nom-
inal and adverbial forms.
Verbal Suffixes ( 26-55)
TRANSITIVE SUFFIXES ( 26-27)
26. Transitive -t, -ts
-t. This suffix may have been originally the verbal suffix par
excellence. It points out not only the active, transitive idea, but also
presence of the object of a transitive action. It has frequently a
causative meaning. It transforms impersonal or passive verbs into
transitives, and verbalizes any other part of speech. It is usually
suffixed to the bare verbal stems whenever these end in a vowel, nasal
(m, n), or lateral; in all other cases it is preceded by a or i, making the
suffix -at or 4t. No phonetic rule has been discovered that will show
when -at or -tt ought to be used. It may, however, be suggested that
-at denotes transitive actions not yet completed, while -U designates
a finished, transitive action. These connectives disappear when other
suffixes are added to the transitive -t.
I blow it away p E cl KE dl'lol blew away the young
man 26.21
1 lose it Jc!u x wl! le'ux da'mil got lost their
(dual) husband 22.9
I burned it x'pi it burned down 58.12
I slacken it xqeHtc slowly 17.7
tci L/lcwU ldlhu u mi'lc'ca there L/kwi blanket 84.8
covered (them) that old wo-
man (with blankets) 82.14
26
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS
329
xa' a patc Lowa'hait into the
water she runs 56.8
eflo'kwU hanLawe you will
make lightning 18.7
la u qano'tca I'nuwU IE a'la
that one outside (it) pulled,
the child 11.1, 2
U nya'alt I am talking about
them
Lowa'hai IE d^'lol ran the young
man 78.27
lo'wak u lightning 18.5
I'nuwl very much 98.28
wdndj yaflanl thus they are talk-
ing 56.18
qamlt he bit her 100.16
ytfxen L/x'lfnt once she examined it 86.18
k!wa, a nt he heard it 24.8
nL/no u t IIE tctt'ls I opened the door 74.9
qai'citc ha u U yu'wttt into small pieces that thing they divided it
130.26
tyha'mLt I float it
mu'wwtt la Jcxla she felt for iimu'xwat 1 am feeling it
her foot 80.21
Trite /pit I braided a rope tytdpat I am braiding a rope
I am looking (around)
wtfluwU /IE tsEtse'kwin he
looked for the cane 28.18
a u 'qat /IE k Ma' was he took off the shirt 78.11, 12
There are a few stems denoting intransitive ideas that occur with
this suffix.
pfnat IE we'hel shaking was the stomach 58.24
kwUat (the bow) was bent 64.3
-ts. This suffix has the same function as the previously discussed
-t. Not the slightest difference could be detected in the use of these
two phonetically different suffixes.
-ts is either suffixed directly to stems ending in a vowel, nasal (m, w),
or a lateral, or it is connected with the stem by means of a or t. The
only phonetic law that I was able to observe in reference to the two
connecting vowels, is that 2 can never serve as a connective between
the suffix -ts and a verbal stem ending in the velar surd q.
tsowe' x L grease 122.6
nqai'na I am cold
xa/Ula, she became heated 108.26
7}tso u ' x Lts I greased it
''nts I cool it
1 made him warm
tyha'ivtts IE tcfoi'mU I grew
the spruce-tree
L/k'its she poured it 102.12
'%pd u 'lcwtts I made him a slave
ha'w^ JIE tdlcl'mil (it) grew up, the
spruce-tree
it spilled 172.14
slave
26
330
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
nhu u 'mi,sUs I marry (her)
tdwa'letc tsl'x'Us in the fire
he held him down 106.5
m Vlxats not he looked at it
40.17
ux la'ats IE hu u ma f k'e they
two went over (the water)
the women 128.4
np/i'xats I scatter it
pokwVlrie 1 ti'lqats opposite
one another he set them
down 112.12
nlta'ts I am painting it
hu u 'mts woman 70.3
here 106.8
tso efttx now you look 17.3
la he went (intransitive) 22.18
go u s qantc la u p.^'ysx everywhere
it is scattered 46.16
$1 tUa'qai they were living (liter-
ally, sitting) 84.20
I painted it
There are a few stems that, in spite of this transitive suffix, are
sometimes translated as intransitive verbs.
m Ldwa'Jcats she was not home (literally, not she was sitting)
(Lo u Jc u - to sit [down]) 58.7
kat*E f mis qa'lyeq la'ats Ian Ld'plt five salmon got into his basket
34.23 (but k!a hanL ye n k/ityi'nts nla'ats a rope I'll put around
thy neck 94.12)
pa a ts ts q E ma'tis full (is) that fish-basket 36.7 (butpa a ts IE yixa'wEx
IEX tc!lafya u qa'lyeqstc he filled the house with dried salmon
36.3,4)
go u s mi'latc he qa'ya u ts he always becomes afraid (of it) 126.1
That the transitive -t was originally a general verbal suffix, may best
be demonstrated by the circumstance that in a number of instances
neutral stems are verbalized by means of the suffix -ts, after they had
previously been changed into verbs by means of the -t suffix. This
double verbalization may be explained as due to the fact that the verbal
function of the -t suffix was so conventionalized that it had become
entirely forgotten.
mu'xunt she felt for it 80.21
tyyu'xwit I rub it
ux In ni'x'item those two no
one touched 122.25
nha'ldwat I draw it up
1%'cat JIE L/ta shaking is the
earth 16.2
26
e*muxtitsa' mi han I want to feel of
you 108.18
%l yu'xtits he'fttet they rub them-
selves 52.13
m'x'ttis he touched him 106.20
nha'k! u tits I draw it up
nli'ctits I shake it
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 331
27. Causative -4yat
This suffix is always added to the bare stem of intransitive or neutral
verbs. Stems ending in the palatal surd Jc or palatal spirant x pala-
talize these final consonants (see 13).
afyuywfyat hot to'rmL indeed, ftl'X'pi he went home 56.11
he took home that old man
30.13
L! to! ate tsxawl'yat on the tsxu he lies 20.12
ground he laid (them) down
36.20,21
iikwUl f yat tE Jdwa'&s I roll kwU E ld'm IE ~baltl r m%s continually
that ball rolling is the ocean 6.2
a'yu L/td'yat JIE a' la surely L/eHc he went out 20.4
he took out the child 12.1
dlHqlafi'yat something I start la he went 22.18
linhelaqal'yat we took him up helaq he climbed up 13.10
There is practically no difference between this causative suffix and
the transitive -fe, except for the fact that -ts seems to be regularly
suffixed to stems ending in velar or palatal consonants. There is only
one verbal stem ending in a velar surd (g) that takes the causative
suffix -lyat; namely, the stem helaq- TO CLIMB. This stem infixes an
a between its final consonant and the causative suffix, as shown by the
last example above.
The reason why the causative -iyat is suffixed to this stem, and not
the transitive -is, may lie in the fact that there are two stems helaq-
differentiated by accent only (see 5);. namely, he'laq TO ARRIVE,
and helaq TO CLIMB UP.
Since the transitive -ts has been suffixed to he'laq TO ARRIVE (com-
pare hatayims halqtso u 'wat SHE BROUGHT THE MONEY 78.13, 14), the
causative -Iyat may have been suffixed to helaq TO CLIMB because
confusion is thus avoided.
When followed by the pronominal suffixes, -Iyat is contracted with
them into -Itafrrd^ -ita'is, -I'tu, and I'ta (see 9, 11).
xwm e?puta'm$ hanL we two will take you home 126.19, 20
tftsxawlta'^s you laid me down
tu he took me up
27
332 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
INTRANSITIVE SUFFIXES (28-31)
28. Intransitive -aai
This suffix signifies that a verb usually transitive is without an
object. It is consequently employed in the formation of intransitive
verbs. With the exception of one or two sporadic instances, it is
always suffixed to the reduplicated form of the verbal stem, thus
denoting a repetitive action.
Lqafai lot to'mlL he believes that, old man 28.16
I'nta (Ml hexwinne'Uc yoyo s waai bad something with us is
stopping 24.3
yuwe' yi'mat ha u go u s mt'latc ldk u ld'kwaai whenever he twinkles
(his eyes), there always is lightning 16.6, 7 (lo'walc u lightning)
go u s mi'latc tsssLof qaai le'tt SLaqafewat she bathed him 60.6
kwe'neL alwa3 T s bathing
was their sister 84.21, 22
ak/a'laai IE hu u 'm$s shout- k! aflat he shouted 36.7
ing is the woman 56.5
sUsafataai he lot hu u m/i f k'ca safat murder-dance
she was usually dancing the
murder - dance, that old
woman 116.26, 27
inl'naai (it is) nothing 122.27 In not 10.8
Teu&tJcwa'taai he was dream- kw a a r t^s dream 98.7
ing 98.6
29. Reciprocal me u
-me u is usually preceded by the transitive suffix -t or -ts. Owing
to the fact that the consonantic combination of t or ts + m is not per-
missible, this suffix appears as -Eme u (see 4).
U sqa'tsEme u they seize one another
ob'yu ux haltiftEme u surely they two gambled together 38.23
U tsl'xtsEme u IE no uf sJc'$li hata'yims they divided among them-
selves the Giant- Woman's money 80.29; 82.1
U 1'nlye kween^yExtEme u they no longer know one another 46.9
ux w%'lEme u they two fight (together) 48.16
30. Suffixes Denning the Subject: qEm, -MEm; u; -em
-qEm (-xEm). This suffix serves a double purpose. The stem
to which this suffix is added must have a singular subject. There is
another suffix, -u, which expresses the same idea for plural subjects.
This suffix will be treated in 52 (p. 357).
28-30
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 333
(1) When preceded by the transitive suffix -t or -fo, it assumes a
reflexive character, indicating that the subject of the action is at the
same time its object.
han k'e'la lafatsxEm IE x'owafyas into her hand came the snake
(literally, put herself in) 86.4
Compare mlfce'etc nla'ats IE x'dwafyas into the basket I put
the snake
yuwe hV'me aMcanl'waq la u tdi he e if k't E xEm whenever children
played, she there would go among them (literally, put herself
among them) 70.19, 20
tqa'liSEtcpanafqtsxEm in the sun he is warming himself 32.8
tsxa'yat Ld u 'qtsxEm in the morning he got up (literally, got him-
self up) 34.22
T^tc!o u 'tsxE7n hanL I will go to bed (literally, I lay myself down
will)
Compare td U tc!o u there they went to bed 50.12
dl' IdtytsqEin hal to'miL is making himself young that old man 22.7
yiqantce' ivitc tctd'tsqEm back she drew (herself) 64.29, 30
tso Ihe'tqsm now it rested 88.16
tsoLlha'tsqEin IE hu uf m%s then dressed (herself) the woman 86.6
Compare ULlha'ts IE of la I dress the child
hi'nl t E k'e'lrmtsqEm there it let itself down 90.6
(2) When suffixed to the bare verbal stem, especially to intransitive
stems or to stems expressing motion, it conveys the idea TO BE IN A
POSITION, TO BE IN A CONDITION, TO BE IN THE ACT OF. For this last-
named purpose the suffix -XEIH is mostly used.
wafndj LlafxEm that way he a'yu Lldts indeed he spoke 16.2
is talking 15.8,9
ai'wa in Jcwl'l E XEm still not JcwVlt he bends it 62.29
bent (it is) 62.29
tseml'x'EXEm JclwVnts IE Jc!af- td he tsim%x'to ut wat IE ix' there
hat the neck is fastened with (they) fastened the canoes 46. 6, 7
a rope (literally, fastened
condition, neck, with a rope)
92.4
hi'nlk u e if k'EXEm there he may be among them 94.28
hats Icwa u'yu 1a u w%na'q a xEm just like a rainbow (it is) spread
out 32.14
tso be'ltcFxEm now he is warming his back 32.18
m tdle'xEm tE la'nik' not in a dry condition is that river 14.6
(to Ills dry 166.2)
30
334 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
tso le'tix' he'lkwEXEm now from there she came out 108.28 (ha'l-
TffuM she took it out 60.1)
hats he'nlhen ti'iwxEm i la u tsxu just many times it coiled up
as it lay 88.1
In some instances the suffix -xEm is used to express the place of a
certain action. This use of the suffix is in perfect accordance with
its general function of indicating the condition, or position of an
occurrence.
qantc IE tdwe'xEm where the Utc!o u they went to bed 50.12
bed was (literally, sleeping-
place or place of lying
down) 86.7
hi'nl t E Jc'e'lrmxEm there was In t E k'elm it did not sink 136.7
a deep place (literally, the
place of sinking something
into the water) 84.24
tf'yHcxEm a circle (literally, iic^Hcto^wat I surround it
it is clear around [it])
(See also 40.)
-em. This suffix indicates that an indefinite person, unknown to
the speaker, is the subject of an action. It is always added to stems
expressing transitive ideas, or to stems that have already been verbal-
ized by means of the transitive suffixes -t or -ts (see 26). The
pronominal objects of actions performed by an indefinite subject are
expressed by prefixing the personal pronouns (see 18) to the verb.
Tcwaa'nlya he knows it 26.19 ux kwee'nlyem those two some-
body knows 19.10
nlxt- touch ux In ni'x'item those two not
somebody touched 122.25
latsa'ya he goes after it 94.7 latsotem somebody went after it
92.13
ha'k! u t- to draw up ha'k/witem somebody draws him
up 92.9
31. Neutral -1,-ff
-i, (-e l ) is employed in the formation of neutral verbs. It changes
the #- vowels of the stem to e (see 7).
yo'qe IE ka'wil it split, the bas- ux yo'qat they two split it 7. 9
ket 8.1
M a s fcwa tdhe 1 almost as if it to! hats he put it out 128.26
went out (the light) 128.19
Lowe'entc x'tl the whole thing nx'tit I slide it down
(wholly) slid down 26.19
31
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 335
kwa kwi'ms p E d IE dl'lol like i rip E ei t t I blow it away
(a) feather blew away the
young man 26.21
go u s dlH Jialwl everything nha'ivits I grow it
grew up 9.3, 4
x'pi IE yixa'wEx it burned x'pi'tsl debris 58.19
down, the house 58.12, 13
wUcwehe' x tel la a'la it took wahaf x tcas sickness
sick, his child 42.17
e s pVctei hanL you will get p%' ctchts tet\& warmed himself 32.8
warm 100.27
In a few instances verbs having this suffix were rendered by the
passive voice, which may have been due to the fact that my informant
could not express in English the intransitive neutral idea implied in
the suffix.
a'yu hd'Jc! u tl xqa'wax indeed, nha'Jc! u tits I draw it up
he was drawn up from
above 98.2
ma wu xa'hl u xwi'lux u was mau'xat he chewed him up 68.10
chewed up his head 124.3
Jc!u' x wl IE hvP'mis was lost Jc!u' x wit he lost it
the woman 54. 19
SEMI-TEMPORAL SUFFIXES ( 32-35)
32. Inchoative -live
-Iwe indicates the commencement of an action, and is suffixed to
verbal stems expressing active or transitive ideas. If the stem to
which it is to be suffixed does not express such an idea, it is preceded
by the verbal -em ( 45), but never by -t or -ts. It may also be pre-
ceded by the distributive -am (see 37). The verbal stem must always
be preceded by the prefix qa (see 19).
a'yu qaLowl'we indeed (she) begins to eat 24.11
tso hanL qac E alctl r we now (he) will begin to work 26.18
qalm'we (he) commenced to hunt 106.16
U qaskweyam'we they begin to talk (among themselves) 66.21
qatc&neherii'we (he) began to think 20.7
qax'intetanl' we (he) began to jump about 102.15
qak'elam'we ft, mln began to shout at each other, the people
(literally, mutually) 24.22
qamelam'we (he) began to swim around 176.16
32
336 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
33. Frequentatives -&wa(t), -o^wa(t)
-e l wa(t) indicates repetition, frequency or duration of action. The
verbal stem to which it is suffixed is very often reduplicated, thus
bringing out more clearly the frequentative idea. It is added to stems
regardless of whether they express real transitive actions or not.
ikwlLe i 'wat ts to'qmas he is < %i E 'kvnLts I followed him
following that woodpecker
22.2
aso' llne^'wat again he is set- glints I set the basket
ting the basket 34.23
xqa'wax la u kwinafetwat from qe'ltc ux JcwVnait down they two
above these are looking at looked 6.4
it 6.4
go u s dl { l aiwe if wat everything ai'wU he killed (them all) 112.9
he is killing 68. 23
afyuxwandjha u we if wat surely yixafwEx ha ux ts a house he built
that way he has been doing 32.18
it 92.8
tcl U Jc'ix'Lfowel'wat IE hi 1 ' me Qx'L/cPt I put it in
there they are putting in
the children 52.9
Lehe u 'ne i la u hit hltowet'wat side la u hi'td u ts she put them down
by side she put them down 60.4
60.4
fa link* !faw v wa& JIE paL/ofye ux Jc'!%nt they two try it 7.4
he was trying the weight
78.18
This suffix appears sometimes as -Iwat. For an explanation of this
seeming irregularity, see 2.
fax Jcwislcwi'wat they two are fyflcwVwat hanL I will inform
informing him 20.25 him 74.4
iixLU'wat I am hitting him xL/ts he hit her with a club
with a club 64.28
Instead of an initial reduplication, the verbal stem very often
appears with a reduplication of the final consonant, denoting continuity
and distribution of action (see 83).
T^t! E ddl f wat I am shoving it t/cits he shoved it 32.24
(back and forth)
Upbctcatcl'wat they are warm- pi'ctdts tet he warmed himself
ing (themselves singly) 32.8
33
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 337
t<& tsix'ix'l' wat there he was holding him (for a long time)
104.15, 16 (tdx* here 24.4)
-o u wa(t) exercises the same function as -etwat. The only differ-
ence between the two suffixes is, that -o u wat is added to the verbs
already amplified by the transitive suffixes -t or -&, while -etwat can
be suffixed only to the stem.
tso ux tkynLtso u f wat now they two tkwlL&'wat he follows him 22. 2
follow him 9. 9
tc/e'etc hlt! E tsd u 'wat JIE pEn- hl'yet! he came ashore 32.5
Lo'wai ashore it brought a whale
88.22, 23
tcl halqtsd u 'wat there she is bring- he'laq he arrived 22.22
ing it to him 72.8
aqalqsitd u 'wat he is frightening a'lqas fear 66.4
him frequently 100.24
In a few cases -o u wat is suffixed to the verbal stem.
ltisld u 'wat IE tel L/ta he recognizes this (here) land 30.28
k!werii'ya u tywUo u 'wat food I am looking for 54.4
Qtsxau'wat hanL I will kill him 26.22
The suffixation of -o u wat instead of -e l wat in these instances may
have been caused by the law of euphony, as these stems end in a
^-diphthong. Thus, the stem of tsxau'wat is tsxa u -, as shown by the
form tsxawl'yat (36.21) HE LAID HIM DOWN, consisting of the stem
tsxa u - and the causative suffix -iyat.
Whenever the pronouns expressing both subject and object are
suffixed to verbs ending in -o u wat, this suffix changes to -o u wU
(see 11).
e hu u mists(hoita'mi hanL I will marry you 184.6
f %halqtso u ' witu he brought me frequently
34. Frequentative Causative -a&wat
There can be little doubt that the -e l wat in -ae i wat is identical with
the frequentative suffix -e l wat, discussed on p. 336. Owing to the
fact that a number of verbal stems ending in a take the suffix -etwat,
there is a good deal of confusion between these two suffixes.
xa a p la u laafetwat water car- la he went 22.18
ried them away 46.16, 17
3045 Bull. 40, pt 2 12 22 34
338 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
to SLjna!e i wat you two are hid- ux sLnl'yat they two hide him
ing him 24.11 24.9
la u tcttdla'&wat he (on) that tc/i'ctt mat 7.3
(they) are sitting usually
(literally, they caused it to
be a mat) 38.3
Compare, on the other hand,
xqafwax ux kwmafe i wat from fcwina- to look
above they two are looking
at it 6.9
35. Transitionals -lye, -nts, -w
-lye indicates a transitional stage, a change from one state into
another, that has already taken place. It is suffixed mostly to nouns
and particles, although frequently it is found added to verbs. It
may best be rendered by IT BECAME, IT GOT, IT TURNED OUT TO BE,
or by the passive voice. Stems ending in a vowel other than i insert
an k between the final vowel and the suffix (see 10), while stems
ending in -i contract this vowel with the following -i of the suffix
into a long I (see 9) . When suffixed to a stem that has an a- vowel,
it changes into -aya (see 7).
dEmste'tc hx Lhmpl'ye they two came through a prairie (liter-
ally, through a prairie they two went through, it got) 112.1
(L hi' flap he went through 22.11)
~kwina f e i watl'ye he began to look at him
lin kwme' wei/i' ye we became poor 28.21
tsliml'ye <F it got summer, indeed (tslim summer 162.20) 30.20
afyu i'x'lye surely it was a canoe (ix' canoe 44.20) 126.10
yixe'n qcMrrwfye one morning (literally, once morning it got) 20.4
U he'tlye they became rich 84.17
tihai'nahafya I became active (tyhai'na I am active)
qa u wahafya in the evening (literally, whenever evening it got)
(qa u 'wa evening 50.26) 82.7
slLnethlfye le'&x mi'laq joined le'&x mi'laq slL'ne 1 their (dual)
together became their two ar- arrows joined together are
rows 13.4 13.7
U hafk! u tl'ye they were drawn ilhafk! u fi they are (being) drawn
up 30.1 up
ted dl xwdndjl'ye now surely it was that way (literally, that way
it turned out to be) 8.2
tynehl'ye la u Id I became the owner of that thing (literally, me it
became [to whom] that belongs)
35
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 339
go u slfye la u tsxau'wat all (of them) he killed 68.9
a'yu (til In dtfllfye surely, indeed, nothing it turned out to be
tso la u U kwaa'myahafya now they came to know it 92.14
When suffixed to the negative particle m, or to the contracted forms
of m + the personal pronouns (see 9), it forms new particles, ifniye,
ni'ye, eniye, etc., which were always rendered by NO LONGER, i NO
LONGER, THOU NO LONGER, etc.
il I'niye kwaafmya they no longer know it 50.18, 19
m'ye tyxafms I am no longer sick
emye hanL dtfl you will no longer (be) something 104.1
It appears as a suffix to the stem he f nl-^ forming a compound
he'nlye A WHILE, LONG TIME.
he'riihen ti'wixEm many times it coiled 88.1 (-en multiplicative
suffix [see 75]).
he'riiye ux vie'larii a long time they two fought (together) 132.8
m he'niye xafms la of la not very long sick (was) his child 42.17, 18
It takes the place of the inchoative suffix -Iwe (see 32) in verbs not
expressing a transitive, active idea, or not transitivized by the transi-
tive suffix -e'ni. (See also 19.)
qamiU'ye (he) commenced to swim 30.3
ux qayuwatl'ye they two commenced to travel 12.6
-nts conveys an active transitional idea. The difference between
this suffix and -lye lies in the fact that the change indicated by the
latter came about without any apparent active cause; while -Qts
expresses a change from one state into another, that presupposes a
subject of the action. It is hence best rendered by TO CHANGE ONE
INTO.
nto'mfants nte't I into an old to'rmL old man 22.7
man change myself
dl'lotytsgEm Idl to'miL he is dl'lol a young man 22. 11
making himself young that
old man 22.7
IE hl if me u la'mak,' tsi la u y%xa r - yixe'ntce together, one by one
ntcfyts (of) the children the 64.8, 9
bones only she gathered up
(literally, she changed into
one) 60.3
35
340 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
-u indicates a change from one state into another, that has not yet
been completed. It is often preceded by the transitive -t.
he'mistu IE ybxa'wEX getting big- heWi'is big 14.5
ger is the house 34. 14
na' a ntu IE ma multiplying are na a nt many 44.18
the people 12.4
w tElta'mUtu hanL you two will da' mil (strong) man 14.7
get strong 120.17, 18
qai'cu it is getting small qaic small, a chunk 128.29
MODAL SUFFIXES ( 36-43)
36. Modal -tc
This suffix appears in four different forms, as 4tc, -utc, -tc, and
-eetc. 1
-itc is added to verbal stems ending in a consonant, except m, n,
and any of the laterals; -utc is suffixed to stems ending in vowels; -tc
is suffixed to stems ending in laterals; and -eetc, to stems ending in
in or n. This suffix is always added to the bare stem. There can be
little doubt that this suffix is identical with the adverbial suffix -tc
(see 25); the more so, as it implies, to a great extent, an adverbially
modal idea. The Coos expresses by its means our participial ideas.
The verb taking this suffix is usually preceded by the discriminative
and modal prefix x- (see 23, 24).
qawUal'we xha'k'itc (he) commences to look around crawling
(literally, in the manner of crawling; Jiak- to crawl) 32.10
nlal'yat JIEX ni'x'itc I commenced to touch it (literally, I com-
menced in the manner of touching)
ts*xa u 'tc U dowa'ya to kill they want him 66.22
m Is'yl xkwi'na u tc it does not look good (literally, not good as to
the manner of looking) 34.18
na'wits JIEX tci'cLtc I finished splitting (ntcicLe ir wat I am split-
ting it)
tyafimts JIEX heme'etc I stopped bringing it out (fyhami'yat I
brought it out)
qai'nis wine' etc L E an into the water wading out she goes (literally,
she goes down into the water in the manner of wading; nwi'nat
I am wading out) 58.2
36
1 [This is obviously the adverbial -tc, and might have been discussed with
67-70. ED.]
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS
341
This suffix is often used in certain phrases to express abstract ideas.
Thus, for instance, the Coos will express our sentence i AM GET-
TING HUNGRY by I AM GOING INTO HUNGER. (See 118.)
Iqatc ^la I am getting hungry (nlqa I am hungry)
pL/itc iila I am getting heavy
37. Distributives -n& 9 ~nl; -anl; -ay am; -waq
-ne l , -wi, indicate distribution of an intransitive action. They are
suffixed to intransitive verbs. Related to this suffix is the distributive
-4m ( 72).
tkwlL -to follow
tkwlL'rie, 1 IE dji'nlt
five (winds) following each
other (they) keep on com-
ing (singly) 52.17
tsEL'ne 1 ux ti'Jc'ine side by side
they two were standing
62. 22
le'ux mi'laq slifrie, 1 their (dual)
arrows are joined together
(literally, one after the
other) 13.7
Jda'yem Jie'ux xwi'lux u ux
L !e! x ' stint against each other
with their two heads resting
they two go to bed 72. 14
pokwi'lne 1 LowaJca'e i wat op-
posite one another (they)
were sitting 120.4, 5
hitcd'riihl'ye u m2n were as-
sembled people, came to-
gether people 46.1
to join together
pukul- across
hltc- (?)
-dnl is suffixed to stems expressing transitive ideas. It is often
accompanied by duplication of the final stem- consonant (see 83).
il tsa'k'ind'nl they help one
another (mutually)
U L/x'lna'nl they examine
one another
il tsak u kwafnl they continually
spear one another
U tqanLLafnl they mutually
strike one another
tsak'in- to help
L/x'tfn- to examine
QtskvAts I speared him
tqa'nLts he struck it 28.1
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342 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
$l~k!wanx u xa'ri ; i they mutually k/wa'nxat he cut his hair
cut one another's hair
This suffix often changes the quality of the vowel of the stem
to which it is suffixed (see 7).
a'yu $1 qaheyam'we surely ha'yat he gambled 66.15
they began to gamble 66.25
$ tsxewa'nl they kill one tsxau'wat he killed (them) 68.9
another
ux we^larii they two fight wU- to fight
106.13
When suffixed to intransitive verbs or to verbs expressing motion,
it denotes an idea that may best be rendered by BACK AND FORTH,
TO AND FRO, UP AND DOWN, etc. It is hardly necessary to dwell
upon the close relationship that exists between the idea of mutu-
ality and the idea expressed by these phrases.
tso'rio Jcwtt E la' m IE 'baltl'rms JcwU- to roll
both ways is rolling the
ocean 6.2
qai'nts la u yaq E qa'rii away yeq he runs away 182.27
from the shore they run con-
tinually 36.18, 19
hVm sqaiLLa'nl 1 E wa'wa sqaiLe ir was the space between
there is going back and two fingers
forth (through his fingers)
the little girl 108.21
fyLj&fa&tca'm I keep on going L/e*tc he went out 20.4
out and coming in
tystowaqEqa'nl I keep on rising sto'waq he stood up 20.7
and sitting down
tlyeta'nl IE wVnqas hu^'mik* continually looking for some supply
was the Spider-Old-Woman 60.12
-ay am, is suffixed to intransitive verbs and to adjectives only. Its
exact f unction is obscure. With verbs, it invariably denotes an action
performed by more than one subject; while when suffixed to adjectives, it
seems to convey the idea of the English suffix -ISH. Most likely it has
a distributive character, which the informant, not well versed in the
English language, could not bring out.
yu'xwa hu u mafJc'e djinafyam k'llo'wit two women coming (towards
him) he saw 126.13, 14
afyu kwl'yal U laafyam surely now they were walking (singly) 32.7
37
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 343
tso u t x'Lima'yam xa a 'pEtc he washed it with lake-warm water
120.9, 10
xqaafyam whitish, gray (literally, white here and there; xqafs white)
-waq. 1 am not quite sure whether this suffix really expresses dis-
tribution. All attempts to explain it have proved unsuccessful. It is
suffixed to verbal stems, and may be preceded by the suffix -em
(see 45). The best explanation that may be offered is that it implies
a continual action performed by more than one subject, although
instances have been found where the action was performed by a single
subject.
tso U qanatcanl'waq now they make fun (of one another) (qafnatc
joke) 50. 12
yuwe' hl ir me alicanl'waq whenever children played (together?)
70.19
dma'ewaq IE ci'tla, dragging (them singly?) was the pet 88.7
Compare also the nouns
sLtsafwaq a whale (?)28.7
qaleta'waq feriy-men 140.15
The Passive Voice ( 38-42)
38. Present Passive -u
This suffix expresses the present tense of the passive voice. It is
suffixed directly to the verbal stem with initial reduplication (see 82).
aso' tci tEtl'k/u IE tdi'ls again tl'kfwlts he shut (the door) 74.6
there is shut the door 74.27
go u s qantc la u qEqai'cu la wi r - qaic a piece 128.29
tin in all directions that is
being clubbed his blood
10.5, 6
x'i'x'mtu IE tcfwal is being x'mtl'yat he runs with it 42.5
taken away quickly the fire
42.5_
CECU'LU le'U yixafwEx fire is CUL- to burn
being set to their house
58.11, 12
By adding to this suffix the transitional -lye (see 35), the past pas-
sive is obtained. The initial I of -lye is contracted with the -u into a
long u (see 9).
qsqaicu'ye la iluwe' x tcis it was beaten to pieces, her heart 76.8
e the person was torn to pieces 48. 16 (ptts- to crush)
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344 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
39. Past Passive -ayu, -eiyu, -lyu
These suffixes are added directly to the verbal stem, which is inva-
riably reduplicated. Stems ending in 10, Z, m, and n, immediately pre-
ceding these suffixes, appear with a glottal stop, no matter whether the
stop is inherent in the stem or not (see 81-82).
ma qssqa'yu the person was sqafts he seized it 68.8
seized 10.4
U aiai s 'wayu they were killed aivfit he killed them all 68.11
58.8
qaxL/l'yu he was struck 96.14 , XL Its he hit her 64.29
tsdJc'ix'tl'yulEntix'so'weia'lEc Qx'ti'ts I slide it down
now was slid down the lucky
stake 94. 3
' leyu IE hata'yims iikw%l%'yat I roll it down
was rolled down the
money stake 92.11
afyu kwfaJcwaf yu surely it was nLkwa'at I cut it off
cut off 76.15
ysxyixentce^e^yu it was gath- yixa'ntcfyts she gathered up 60. 3
ered up 84.16
hemhe s me i 'yu it was brought heml'yal she took it out 62.23
out
4O. Passive -lyeqEm
This suffix is composed of the transitional -lye (see 35) and the
generic -qsm (see 30). It serves a triple purpose, according to the
manner in which it is suffixed to the verbal stem.
(1) When suffixed to the bare stem, it expresses a verbal conception
of a continued character, which may best be rendered by the passive
voice. This rendering is due largely to the fact that the -%0-element
of the suffix predominates in these cases.
lo ux t- to watch IdwUl'yeqEm he is watched 40.26
hwina- to see lin Icwina'yeqEm hanL we shall be
seen 30.23, 24
vAl- to look for go u s qantc wUl'yeqsm everywhere
she is looked for 56.1, 2
tqanLts he strikes it 28.1 t s qanLl'yeqEm xwa'lwalyEtc she is
continually struck with a knife
80.5
39-40
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 345
The verbal stem is often reduplicated in order to bring out more
clearly the passive idea and the idea of continuation (see 82).
LO U - to buy i la u LO u Ld u wi'yeqEm le'tt iwx'l'lis
when that was being bought
their food 88.13, 14
mintc- to ask mUcmintd' yegEm xtd'tcu yeF ttu-
we' x tds he is being asked con-
tinually, "What do you think
about it? "70. 9
LO U X- to club m'k'inEtc Ld u XLd u xwl'yeqEm with
sticks she is being struck con-
tinually 80.6
(2) When preceded by the transitive suffix -t (see 26), it denotes
an intransitive action, of which the person spoken of is the object.
Hence it was sometimes rendered by the reflexive.
% ux Lldjltl'yeqEm when they two are fighting 122.25
tso sountl' yeqsm HE qa'yis now it is changing, the weather
tso lowltlf yeqEm now he took care of himself 66.3
(3) When preceded by the verbal suffix -enl (see 45), it denotes
a continued action, the subject of which is not intimately known to
the speaker.
ha'tcbt! story 20.1 wdndj hatct ! enlf yeqEm that way
they are telling the story 44. 14, 15
skw- to inform, to tell la u skweyerii'yeqEm IE tdwdl
they are talking about the fire
38.5, 6
41. Causative Passive -eet, -et; -XyEm
-eet expresses the passive voice of causative concepts. It is suf-
fixed to the verbal stem. The object that is caused to perform the
action is always in the singular. The suffix -lysm is used for plural
objects (see 53). This suffix may best be rendered by TO BE CAUSED
TO. When suffixed to stems with a- vowels, it changes to -aat (see 7).
qafwax L/e'et le'dx e'k u Ldtc high up was their (dual) father (literally,
was caused to be high up; L/a- to be in an upright position)
22.1
k'ele'Llsitc sLne'et TIE dlflol in a corner hidden was the young man
(literally, was caused to be hidden; SLU- to hide) 24.12
qafyisEtc ts E ne'et IE k!a to the sky was stretched out the rope
(tsn- to stretch) 28. 2Q
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346 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
La Jc 'ild'wU tana' at old dog-salmon only he saw washed
ashore (psnLd'wai ta'ntan whale came ashore) 130.3
a'yu tdUe'et ts tdwal surely it was burning, that fire (literally,
was caused to burn; tytdtti'yat I kindle the tire) 38.8
L/nowa'at i$k'%Ld u ts IE tcffils open I found the door (literally,
caused to be open I found the door; L!UO U - to open)
x'ne'et he is on top (rix'im'yat I put it on top) 10.1
ifia'at I was carried away (literally, caused to go; i$cb I go)
In certain instances this passive causative idea is not so apparent,
owing, perhaps, to the fact that the verbal stem can not be analyzed.
afyu L/le'et surely he kept his eyes shut 17.3
wandj Ldwe'et tdlnne'itc that way it is eaten among us 130.11
hewe'et Ldwa'Jcats alone it was supposed she lived 60.10,11
-et. This suffix is always preceded by the transitive -t or -ts.
Under the influence of the a- vowels of the stem, it changes to -at
(see 7).
go u s (Ml lai' x 'tset everything was started (literally, caused to go
[start]; <$a I go) 12.7
map hrfmtset water was laid bare 42.8
yuwe' q E to u 'tset he'lakwetc whenever it got caught on a limb (lit-
erally, was caused to hang on a limb) 46.24
tsa'yuwuntc pVlstat to pieces (the tree) was smashed (literally, was
caused to smash to pieces) 124.14
heP-hats L!no u 'tat IE tc/i'ls suddenly came open a door (literally,
was caused to open [itself]) 62.5
tde'etc sto u 'qtset hot to'mlL ashore was put that old man (literally,
caused to stand [up] on the shore) 32.4, 5
In certain cases the passive idea is hardly recognizable.
g'Vmtset it commenced to rain 42.9
e ha'k u tat you were left 62.20
qa'lyeq ha'ltsat salmon came into the river 34.13
Lay Eta' t he became hungry 32.9
Lowi'tat she ran (literally, was Lowa'hai IE dlflol was running
caused to run [?]) 56.9 the young man 78.27
la u hanL ux c E a'lctet these two xwandj c E a'lc&t IEX Uoxqai'n
shall work 68.26 that way doctors him the
medicine-man (literally,
works on him) 128.16, 17
41
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 347
42. The Past Participle -ayau
The past participle is formed by means of the suffix -aya u added
directly to the transitive or intransitive stems.
tc!pa'ya u k!a braided ropes ntdpat 1 braid it
44,22
ltafya u a a painted face 10.3 nlti'ts I paipt it 1
q!e'le tdcLa'ya u Jc! u h^U(^iih) qtcVcLt I split it
split pitch-wood she lighted
them 84.1
xa' a pEtc L E anlEtc!lafya u into tc!1fo dry 166.2
the water go down the dried
(salmon) 36. 18
hem/isafya u enlarged he' mis big 50.17
43. The Imperative
The imperative of transitive verbs is expressed by means of suffixes
added directly to the verbal stem, or, more frequently, following the
transitive suffixes. Intransitive verbs, with the exception of a few
stems indicating motion or ideas like TO HEAR, TO LISTEN, have no
special suffixes. The imperative of such verbs is brought out by the
(prefixed) pronouns of the second persons singular, dual or plural.
xle'itc e L/ats with it speak! 16.5
eH E qa wake up! 68.18
dne Lo u q you (pi.) get up ! 30.19
tfaM'canl you play ! 60.21
The following are the imperative suffixes in Coos :
-E. It follows the transitive suffixes -, -&, and expresses, beside
the imperative idea, the presence of the object of the verb. The
causative verbs in -lyat, and f requentatives in -e l wat and -o u wat,
lose their final (transitive) -t when followed by the imperative
suffix. It very often changes the broad a- vowels of the stem
into e- vowels (see 7).
kfwVntE shoot it 13.3
(An sitstf'ntE IE wifnqas hu u 'm%k' you go and see the Old- Spider-
Woman ! 64.12, 13
te* w qfmi'tsE this you two eat! 120.16
ic hemlfys you two bring him out! (literally, cause him to come
out!) 24.10
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348 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
tqallfyE JQM wake up ! tqa'lis sun 24.4
122.4
tei cin L/el'yE teq, k'e'la there L/al'yat she put it 72.11
you put this my hand ! 80. 19
kyyinLetsxe'wE let us quickly Qtsxcvu'wat I kill him 26.22
kill him! 68.3
sqaiLto u 'wE stick it in a crack! tysqaiLto u 'wat I stick it into
a crack
te l L LO U 'WE this you must eat ! Ldwet'wat she is eating it
24.5, 6
LO ni'citc xa a p ha u 'wE in it a tc ha u we if wat you two have
little water have! 68.17, 18 him 128.9
-^n expresses, besides the imperative, the absence of the object of
the action.
toMtsen you must hit !
Ldwen eat! 28.26
g'l'kwa qai'nas %c tfatltsan a little closer to the fire you two
dance! 82.19
-Ex, -Eq, suffixed to a few stems, expressing MOTION, or ideas like TO
HEAR, TO CLOSE ONE'S EYES, etc.
temftsl listen, O grandson! 114.7
'L tc!o u 'wEx here you must lie down! 126.20, 21
L/IE'X L shut your eyes! 16.9
dn la' EX you (pi.) go! 30.23
hamlL Ihe'tsq (you) may take a rest!
-xt suffixed to verbs that are transitivized by means of the transitive
suffix -ay a (see 47).
la't&it eFpkak' go and get your $a? tatsa'ya they two went to
grandfather! 28.19 get him 20.14, 15
lo u ' x tlt ye*tet watch yourself! lo ux ta'ya he watches it 92.3
74.3
In dowa'lt don't desire it! dowafya he wants it 92.12
-Em expresses, besides the direct object, the indirect object of the
first person. It is hence suffixed to verbal stems expressing
ideas like TO GIVE, TO MAKE. It is highly probable that this
suffix may be an abbreviated form of the pronominal -ami
(see 46).
43
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 349
p E si'k' aftssm a cup give me! 68.17
tsa'yux u kwafxaL f?ha u ' x tsEm a small bow make me! 60.14, 15
mttxa'nEm L u'ma lunch make me, you must, O grandmother!
-Ets. This suffix expresses a command involving the second person
as the actor, and the first person as the object of the action.
From a purely morphological standpoint, it is a modified
form of the pronominal suffix -ais (see 46) .
teq, nqatqai'L yixuxwrfis by this my belt you hold me! 54.12
tel ICLE'IS teka' x tsl there take me, O granddaughter! 80.14
Compare eftsak'mta'is hanL you shall help me 80.16
In addition to these suffixes, the Coos language very often empha-
sizes the imperative idea by means of the particle L (see 92) .
VERBALIZING SUFFIXES ( 44-45)
44. Auxiliary -e (-a)
This suffix exercises the function of our auxiliary verb TO BE. The
noun to which it is suffixed invariably takes the adverbial prefix
n- WITH (see 21). The phrase thus obtained expresses the idea TO
HAVE. This suffix is always changed to -a whenever added to a stem
having an a- vowel (see 7).
nt/ E ci'ta u we IE mi'laq flint points have the arrows (literally, with
flint points [are] the arrows; t! E <A'ta u flint point) 62.27
nvn'tine I'd k u hafyeq bloody are his excrements (wi'tin blood) 20.6, 7
nk u mafxa IE d't/a horns had the pet (literally, with horns was the
pet; k u ma'x- horn) 88.7, 8
na a nt ma tc!pofya u nklafha many people have braided ropes (liter-
ally, braided with ropes [are]; Ma rope) 46.8, 9
It very often transforms nouns into intransitive verbs without the
aid of the prefix n-. In such cases the -a form of this suffix is mostly
used.
xba'Mdj la u ~k!wwVsa from the west it blew (klwafsis wind) 52.4. 5
i^kwaati'sa I dream (Jcwaa'tis a dream)
x&'ytteitc la u xll'sa clear around him (he put) slime (xlls slime)
128.18
45. Verbal -enl
This suffix expresses the idea TO DO, TO MAKE SOMETHING. It is
usually suffixed to nouns and to verbal stems that do not imply an
44-45
350 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
active, transitive action. This suffix is changed to -anl whenever
added to stems having an #-vowel (see 7).
I am making a hat (pLpa'wis hat)
I am making a house (yixa'wEx house)
! xaLarii I am making a bow (kwafxaL bow)
an/i you tell a story (lEqa u wiya f tas story) 38.13, 14
I tell a story (ha'tcit! story)
wandj tcinehe'nl that way he is thinking (tein\e\- to think) 40.14, 15
tsi Jc u w Jiewese'nl merely perhaps you two are lying (he'wes a lie)
28.13, 14
U ali'canl they play (a'lEc toy) 30.25
qawemse'nl I'nuwl he got mad very much 98.28
U yaflam they were saying 76.17; ts ha'nis ya'la ma, those
(who) talk Coos (literally, those ha'nis [Coos] talker-people)
50.3
xwandje'nl that way she was doing it (mmndj that way [modal])
164.6
PRONOMINAL SUPFIXES ( 46-50)
46. Transitive Subject and Object Pronouns
The Coos pronouns expressing both subject and object of a transi-
tive verb are, morphologically speaking, suffixes added to verbal
stems, or to stems that have been verbalized by means of some transi-
tive suffix. The transitive suffixes may, however, be omitted, as the
mere addition of these pronominal suffixes is sufficient to transform an
intransitive stem into a transitive verb. These suffixes occur in four
different forms, expressing the first, second, and third person as
subject, and the first and second persons as object, of the action,
regardless of number.
First person subject second person object (sing. , dual, plural) -arm,
Second person subject first person object (sing., dual, plural) -a&s
Third person subject -tZ, -*Z
Third person object first, second, third person subject, no suffix.
Since these suffixes are frequently preceded by the emphatic or
abbreviated forms of the personal pronouns (see 18, 96), the pho-
netic unit expressing the combined pronouns may be said to consist of
the following elements:
(1) Personal pronoun for the subject.
(2) Personal pronoun for the object.
46
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS
351
(3) Verbal stem.
(4) Suffixed form of the combined pronoun.
The following peculiarities in the manner of expressing the transi-
tive subject and object pronouns are noteworthy:
(1) The forms having the third persons as object indicate the
subject by the pronouns # for the first persons, ^ for the second (see
18), regardless of number.
(2) The form expressing the second singular subject and the first
singular object uses for its pronominal prefix the second singular ef.
(3) All other forms indicate the object by prefixing the personal
pronouns according to number.
(4) The pronominal prefixes expressing the subject occur in singular
form regardless of the actual number that is to be indicated (see 96).
The following is a complete table showing the formation of the
combined pronouns for the different persons:
I, We Two,
We
Thou, Ye
Two, Ye
He, They Two, They
Me
Thee
Him
<*-ats
n-u
S -U
f-.fl
<-
&- -ami
y
Us (Incl) (Dual)
Us (Excl) (Dual)
You (Dual)
Them (Dual)
*S-tt
xwin-u
to-ft
tix- -
is-u
xwin-tt
ic-ll
te-
xwin-dts
ic- - ami
fixri
tixe?---
Us
You
Them
ctn-ami
tin--.
UtirdlS
lin^i
cin -u
a
Itn-tt
cin -11
U -
il<*--
The personal pronouns are usually omitted for singular subjects.
They always occur, however, when the subject is dual or plural.
nE'xkan wdndj effiltafmi I that way told you 17.2
e?mu%tUsa'mi I (want to) feel of you 72.10
eflaa'mi I take you along
qtd'hits I hit it 64. 5
e to'?tits you hit it 20.19
to'JiUs he hit him (or it) 20.19
Qto'Mtou me he hit
e to'hUsu thee he hit
c&n kwina'll you he sees
xwin efplltafmi hanL we two thee will take home 126.19, 20
lin ^sitstfnta'mi we thee (came to) see 130.19, 20
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352 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The personal pronouns for the objective third persons dual and
plural always precede the subjective pronouns.
dx tytd'h&ta them two I hit il e*to'Mts them you hit
The suffixes for the combined pronouns are added either directly to
the bare verbal stem or to the verb amplified by the transitive -t and
-ts. This double system of adding the suffixes for the combined pro-
nouns to the verb serves as a means of differentiating the duration of
the action indicated by the verb. The bare verbal stem amplified by
the pronominal suffixes denotes an action that has been performed
more than once, or that has not yet been completed; while the verbs
to which the pronominal suffixes are added after the transitive suffixes
indicate actions that have been performed only once, or that are com-
pleted. The same purpose is served by the double forms of the com-
bined pronoun having the third person as its subject. The suffix -ll is
always added to the verbal stem; while -u is suffixed to the stem, in
addition to the transitive suffixes. It must be understood, however,
that this interpretation of the double system of adding the combined
pronominal suffixes does not apply to each individual case. Verbs
with the pronominal suffixes added to the bare stem are frequently
employed to denote past, completed actions, and vice versa.
ns'xkan tfuntii'rm I am look- &w$MW%tiifmi I have looked
ing for you for you
tfunwlnafmi I am cheating ^w^ntsaJmi I have cheated
you you
#Jc!winafis you were shooting e s k!winta'is you took a shot
at me at me
tfsqafis you were seizing me eFsqatsafis you seized me
fyk/wi'ml he was shooting at nJdwifntu he shot at me
me
The imperative transitive pronouns have been described in 43.
They are -Em TO ME, -E&S ME.
47. Transitive Verbs in -ay a
Language in general has a number of verbal ideas, which, strictly
speaking, do not imply any actions on the part of the subject; or de-
note actions, that, while intransitive, may be performed for the benefit of
or in connection with a certain given object. Verbs like TO KNOW, TO
UNDERSTAND, TO DESIRE, TO BELIEVE, TO WATCH, TO BE AFRAID, etc.,
47
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS
353
express ideas that are not real actions, but which may be used as such
in connection with some object. Thus, I may KNOW HIM, UNDERSTAND
THEM, DESIRE IT, BELIEVE HER, WATCH MYSELF, etc. On the other
hand, verbs like TO GO, TO RUN AWAY, etc., express intransitive
actions that may be performed in connection with a given object.
Thus it is possible TO GO TO HIM, TO RUN AWAY FROM ME, etc.
Coos treats the stems expressing such ideas as intransitive verbs,
which do not take any of the transitive suffixes; but since these
intransitive verbs may, without the aid of any additional grammatical
device, become transitive, and imply the existence of an object (which
is usually that of the third person), there is a special suffix -aya which
indicates the (mental) process described above. This suffix, always
added to the bare verbal stem, denotes an intransitive action that has
become transitive by being used in connection with the third person
object. It may therefore be called the "pronominal suffix," ex-
pressing, besides the subject, the third person object of an intransi-
tive verb.
ux alqsafya they two are afraid
of it 7. 5
I want her TO. 6
nsqa/ya he ran away from it
42.4
rj,x'na a ta'ya I am riding (a
horse)
Lqafya IEX swal believed it the
grizzly bear 94.25
mitshsl'ya she knows it 60. 1
In kwaa'niya (they) did not
know it 86.12
latsa'ya he went after it 94. 7
lo ux tafya he watched it 94.6
U Ld u kwa,'ya TIE L/ta they
occupy the country 44.21
a'lqas fear 66.4
tsix'tl' do'wa wu'txe tl'ye
pu'yatc here wants to come
back thy uncle 122.15
nsq he ran away 100.16
x'ne'et he is on top 10.1
Lq- to believe
mi'tsis wise 132.6
kwaan- to know
la he went 22.18
lo ux t- to watch
e Ld u k u you sit down! 38.22
The plurality of the object is expressed by the affixed numerical
particle hsma ALL ( 109), or by the separate suffix -Itsx ( 54).
nlo ux ta'ya hs'ma I watch them all
The imperative of this form has the suffix -It (see 43).
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 23 47
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
48. Subject and Object Pronouns of Verbs in -aya
The corresponding suffixes for the above discussed verbs, express-
ing, besides the object, also the subject of the first, second, or third
person, are etymologically related to the suffixes treated on p. 351.
They appear, however, in such changed form, that they require
separate discussion. These forms are
I, We Two, We
Thou, Ye Two, Ye
He, They Two,
They
Me
Thee
tf-yExtami
e e -yExtdis
n-yExtu
e s -ysxtu
Him
-
tffitJQ
etc.
They are suffixed directly to the verbal stem.
/i thee I want
e?lo x tlyExtafmi of thee I take care
e ld x tlyExta'is you take care of me 86.20
nkwee' nlyExtu me he knows
e*dowafyExtu thee he wants
i'Vi '* . Si -
The etymology of the first element in these suffixes (-yExt-) is quite
obscure. It may be suggested that -IJEX- is the adjectival suffix (see
66), and -t the transitive (see 26), although we are no longer able
to understand the ps}^chological principles underlying this peculiar
formation.
49. Transitive Verbs in -a
This suffix is preceded by the transitive suffixes. Its function is
varied. It may have expressed originally the indirect object; but
verbal ideas requiring both a direct and an indirect object are very few
in number in the Coos language, and the functional scope of this
suffix is much wider now, permitting its use for other purposes.
Thus it is very frequently suffixed to transitive verbs where the
object of the action is actually expressed, and not merely understood;
and it is often, but not as a rule, used as a suffix denoting pluralit}^ of
the object. The most plausible suggestion that can be offered in
explanation of this suffix is that it may denote an action performed
upon an object that possesses another object. At any rate, there can
be no doubt that the predominating function of this suffix is that
of a special characterization of the pronominal object.
48-49
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 355
nmttxa'na I made lunch for nti'lax lunch 28.15
him
aftsa he gave it to him 28.7 (its- to give
tetc c E alctaftExa clothes he made for (his child) 108.5
kwina'was sl' x 't E tsa smoke he scented 22.23
Jcwa'xaL ha u ' x tsa IE tetm'sndtc a bow she made for her grandson
112.25, 26
afyu L/ha'tsa Id tetc surely (he) put on his clothes 28.23
ka a s yi f xe 1 pE f nLta IE tsVyEn nearly he tore off one handle 30.4
jm'ta IE ma ai'wit he took to his house the people (pi.) whom he
killed 112.11
e s wutxal'ta ll'ye u'mac ux wutxalfyat Id pka'katc he
pkak' you (should) take brought home his grand-
home, thy grandmother father 70.2
them two (and) grandfather
68.26
U r$l E xtsa at them I looked tytflxats I looked at him
tysqa'tsa IE quwai's I seized tysqats IE quwai's I seized the
the boards board
lk!wa ybxu'xwa fern roots she hi'nl yixuxive 1 ' wat there he
had 64.14, 15 was holding it 64.3, 4
Compare, on the other hand,
tdwd'letc tfctftsa into the fire tdwa'letc tfcits into the fire
he shoved it (no object is he shoved it 32.24
actually expressed here)
32.26
or
yu'xwd wutxal'yat JIE tco'xtcox two he brought home the rabbits
pokwi'lnet tt'lqats opposite each other he set (them) down 112.12
50. Verbs in -anaya with Direct and Indirect Object Pronoun
This suffix is composed of two suffixes, -enl (see 45) and -ay a
(see 47). The broad #-vowel of the second suffix effects the retro-
gressive assimilation of the -eni into -am, and the final vowel of -erii
coalesces with the initial of -ay a into a long a (see 7). It may best
be rendered by TO DO, TO MAKE SOMETHING OUT OF SOMETHING.
nkwaxaLana! ya I am making a bow out of it (kwd'xaL bow)
nyixdwExana'ya I build houses out of it (yixd'wEx house)
la u kfwemyawana'ya IE qa'lyeq he is making a supply out of the
salmon (k!we'mya u supply) 34. 2^
50
356 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
yanLawe dlfl f?qa u wenisa r ndya whenever something you will get
mad at (qa u werme f rii he got mad) 16.4
la u hanL efl'nuwana'ya at that thing you shall pull (I'nuwi very)
72.2
U wa'lwalana'ya they (would) make knives out of it (wa'lwal knife)
136.14, 15 "
The <2-vowels of this suffix very often change the <?-vowels of the
stem to which they are suffixed into an a (see 7).
xafnanafya he made him feel sorry for it (xa'ms sick) 42.18
I made a hat out of it (pLpafwis hat)
Whenever suffixed to reduplicated stems, this suffix is changed to
-onaya.
aqa'lqsonaf ya la of la he became afraid of his child (a'lgas fear)
28.24, 25
mitsma'tsonafya IEX dlflol he became acquainted with him, the
young man (mi'tsis wise) 116.1
qai x 'qa'ydna'ya he became afraid of it (nqa'ya u ts I am frightened
[I fear]) 42.3
PLURAL FORMATIONS ( 51-54)
51. General Remarks
The question of plurality, as exhibited in the verbs, is, compara-
tively speaking, a complicated matter. The chief difficulty arises
from the fact that Coos accords a different treatment to transitive and
intransitive verbs, and that the phenomena connected with plural
formation are by no means of a uniform character. As in most other
American languages, the Coos intransitive verbs express plurality
of subject, while stems expressing transitive concepts distinguish
between actions relating to a singular object and those relating to
plural objects.
As a rule, plurality of the subject of verbal ideas is not indicated.
One and the same stem is used in the singular and plural alike. There
are, however, a few verbal concepts that express such a plurality
by means of different stems. While this question ought to be more
properly treated under the heading "Vocabulary," it m&y neverthe-
less be found useful to give here a few examples of such different
stems.
51
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 357
Singular Plural
Itslm 26.20 nJffi 74.1 to do
yixu'me 10.3 yuwi'tit, yuwat- 12.6 to travel
tsxu 28.12 ha'yati 58.19, 20 to lie
qa'qal 40.2 tsi'msimt 74.1 to sleep
xneP't- 74.30 xwailt- 22.17 to fly, to jump
lEqa u 'ws 42.18 e'qe 84.14 to die
L/a-, 14.6 yafla- 50.3 to speak
Ldwa'kats, 38.10 tila'qai 36.11, te%?'^ 50.7 to sit, to live
On the other hand, there are a few steins that seem to express
singularity or plurality of subject by means of a grammatical process
the history of which is not clear. This process may be said to consist
in the change of the vowel connecting the suffix with the stem.
Singular Plural
Jtda'at you walk 120.18 U tcfaflt they walk
tyxa'yat I am whittling U xafylt they are whittling
ntfa'lats I dance we? tfa'llt JOM two dance 82.18
nwifnat 1 wade out $1 vn'nlt they wade out
This process is the more puzzling, as it also seems to be used for
the purpose of distinguishing between duration of action (see 26).
It is quite conceivable that there may be an etymological relation
between these two phenomena, and that the phonetic similarity exhib-
ited by them is more than accidental.
52. Reflexive Plural -u
In a number of cases intransitive verbs indicate plurality of subject
by means of a suffix which is phonetically different from the suffix
expressing the corresponding singular idea. This is especially true
in the case of the suffix -qsm, -xsm (see 30). This suffix is applied
to singular subjects only, while the same idea for plural subjects is
expressed by means of the suffix -u, which is always preceded by the
transitive -t or -ts.
Singular Plural
Ihe'tqsm it is resting 88.16 U Ihe'tu they are resting
I went to bed we? we'lextu you two go to bed
82.13
I sat down ti'l E qtsu (they) sat down 22.15
' et E tsxEm I settled down Ukwe'et E tsu they settled down 48. 5
I hide myself U sLn'tu they hide themselves
52
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53. Causative Passive Plural -lyEm
The same principle is applied to intransitive verbs expressing pas-
sive causative ideas. Singular subjects are expressed by means of the
suffix -eet (see p. 345), while plurality of the subject is indicated by
the suffix -lysm. The most perplexing problem connected with this
suffix is the fact that its initial v disappears before ^-diphthongs with-
out changing the u of the diphthong into a consonantic w (see 8).
SLH-
4a? SLnl'yat they two
hide him (caus.)
24.9
x'sn-
qx'inl'yat I put it
on top
Ism-
ux leml'yat they two
set it up 8.10
q E to u -
i^q E towl r yat I hang
it up
(x)no'we, right 44.9
L/a- to be on something
U L/alyat they put it
on 80.20
Singular
sLne'et 24.12
x'ne'et 10.1
Isme'et 90. 18
q E towe'et 46.27
nowe'et
L/e'et 22.1
Plural
sLnl'ysm
x'nl'yEm,
leml'yvm
q E to ut yEm. 84.15
no u 'yEm 44.22
L/el'yEm 144.4
54. Direct Plural Object -
The idea of plurality of objects in transitive verbs is not clearly
developed. The treatment accorded to the different stems is so irregu-
lar that no definite rules can be formulated. The majority of stems
make no distinction between singular and plural objects, and occur in
one form only. Other stems have different forms for the singular
and plural; e. g., tsxa u - TO KILL ONE, aiw- TO KILL MANY, la- TO
PUT IN ONE, X'L!O U - TO PUT IN MANY, etc.; while a number of stems
seem to express plurality of object by means of the affixed numeral
particle hsma (see 109), or by means of the suffix -Itsx.
This suffix expresses the plural third person object, and may be add-
ed directly to the verbal stem, or after the transitive suffixes -, -ts.
wun'tsxut dmafltEx (many) deer he pulled 88.12
afyu U Lana'ltsx surely they headed them off 56.16
hats Ldwe'entc la u laal'tsx just all (wholly) she dragged them 80.9
53-54
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 359
65. MISCELLANEOUS SUFFIXES J ' '
While the functions of the verbal suffixes discussed in the preced-
ing pages are clear, and could be described fairly accurately, there
are a few others that appear only now and then, and express ideas
of a varying character. It is possible that these suffixes may repre-
sent the petrified remnants of grammatical formations that have
become obliterated in the course of time. The following is a list of
these suffixes:
-a. This suffix seems to express in a number of instances our infini-
tive idea.
Inet'wat xwVtsxut he is habit- In'ta e'lie IE da'mU hunting (had)
ually hunting deer gone the man 108.9
helml'ftis aso' la In'ta next day again
he went hunting 110.10
SLaqafetwat she is bathing yixe'n SLa'qa la once bathing she
him (caus.) 60.6 went (literally, to bathe) 84.24
In a few cases it has been found suffixed to neutral stems, and seems
to denote impersonal actions.
loq u - to boil loqu'qwa IE s^aL/ was boiling the
pitch 102.11
kwina'was smoke 22.23 In JcwVna not it smokes 110.14
It is possible that this suffix may have the identical function with the
-a (or -e) suffixed to the modal adverbs (see 106), and it may
consequently be related to the auxiliary -e (see 44).
e. I am at a loss to detect the exact nature of this suffix and its
etymological connection with any of the other suffixes. In the few
instances in which it occurs, it was rendered by the passive, or else
as an abstract verbal noun.
she saw him 54.2 o!yu k'ilo'we i la u djl surely it was
seen as it was coming 52.7, 8
he found it 32.10 la ix' Jc* ir Le her canoe was found
54.19
ha'wl he grew up 64.12 la u ha u 'we it grew up (literally,
goes its growth) 20.16
k/a'lat he shouted (at it) 36.7 a'wl fyk'e'le I quit shouting (lit-
erally, the shouts)
mi'lat he swam 30.7 a'wl efnti'le stop swimming (liter-
ally, finish your swimming)
55
360 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
-anu. This suffix occurs in two instances only, and expresses in
both of them the infinitive. It seems to be related to the verbal
suffix -enl (see 45).
yu'weL a pack 70.22 la u yu wi Le'nu he (went out in or-
der) to pack (enu > anu [see 7])
162.25
a'lsc toy 92.10 ma he'laq tel ali'canu people came
there (in order) to play 90.26
-am occurs very rarely, and seems to denote the absence of the
object of an action.
q/mits he eats it 32.9 hats hanL e*q!a'mtsam just will
you eat 42.23, 24
LO U - to eat 17.2 la u tsix' he Ld'vnyam she usually
here eats 24.4, 5
Nominal Suffixes ( 56-80}
GENERAL NOMINALIZING SUFFIXES ( 56-65)
56. Nominal -is
This suffix may be said to have a general nominalizing function. It
is found suffixed to a great number of stems, and expresses general
nominal ideas, including many of our adjectival terms. For a discus-
sion of its etymological nature, see General Remarks, 25.
hafwl he grew up 64.12 ha'uns ready 5.4
sto u q he stood 20.4 stowa'qwis wall 90.18.
L/ats he spoke 16.2 L/e'yis language 16.1
Uuwe /x tds heart 5.3 k'ele'Lis corner 58. 13
vAx'l'tis food 14.7 k'ina'wis laziness 34.17
hele'yis salmon-roe 34.27 (k'l'nwls lazy)
hu u 'mis woman 24. 6 kwaye'is ridge, mountain 22. 13
laltl'mis ocean 6.2 kwa'sis ball 38.19
pi'tik'is anus 40.7 kwi'nfo feather 26.21
po u 'kww slave Ic/wafsfo wind 22.11
pLpafwis hat 136.14 qa'yis day, sky, world 6.1
tama'lis custom, fashion 19.8 qai'nis mouth of river 58.1
tqa'Us sun 24.2 q E ma'tis fish-basket 36.7
M'e'x-Hs shield 28.7 xala'wis heat 24.9
tskwa' x Lis fir-tree 9.2 la' x L%s mud 52.10
tctfne'nis edge 22.15 Itce'is ocean beach 7.11
g'ilo'mis breakers 8.1 Lva'tis sand beach 58.1
56
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS
361
he' mis large 14.5
ku'wis poor 42. 5
pL/is heavy
mi'tda wise 132.6
t E qa ir Lis solid 7.6
tcttci'Us sweet 32.27
tdlis dry 166.2
k'Vnwis lazy
five 5.4
deep
xa'luns hot 24.6
Le'mis raw 32.23
57. Nouns of Quality in -ES, -tm; -enls
-Es, -tJEs. This suffix changes adjectives (or adverbs) into abstract
nouns. No explanation can be given for the phonetic difference be-
tween the two suffixes.
he' mis big 14.5
na a nt much, many 50.13
nqai'na I am cold
he'nlye a while 38.15
hethe'te rich 26.2
paa- to fill 15.7
e'hentc far 26.23
qaL long
k/le'es black 162.13
qat below 36.11
hats kwa x'nek' hemi'stES /IE
x'dwa'yas the snake was just as
big as a hair (literally, just like
a hair [is] the size [of] the snake)
86.2
In kwee'nlyem Itse'ts he'tt na a 'ntES
no one knew how many they
were (literally, not knew they
how [was] their quantity) 78.2
xqaine'ss ka a s tsxwufwat cold
nearly killed him 32.7
ta u henl'yeES lyyixitme (for) such
length of time I travel 26.9
hethe'tess wealth
la ft paa' WES hs xa a p the water
reached its full mark (literally,
goes its fullness [of] the water)
44.19
ehe'ntcss distance 52.16
qa'Ltss length
Ic/le'estES black color
qa'tss, the lower part, half 16.10
-ents transforms adjectives expressing sensations and emotions
into abstract nouns.
ctn Iqa you are hungry 70.12
qa u 'net he got angry 32. 25
fe l xwin a'ya laqe'ms these we two
died from hunger (literally,
these we two [are] hunger-dead)
36.13, 14
qa u we'nis anger, wrath 16.4
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58. Nouns of Location in -
This suffix expresses the abstract conception of a local idea. It is
suffixed to adverbs only, and is (with one exception) preceded by the
adverbial suffix -to. It may best be rendered by THE PART OF, THE
SIDE OF.
lexa'tca kwi'nait
looked 62.6
inside he
I' la before, first 56.9
gat below 36.11
lexaftcEm hanL tyqa'qal in the inside
(part of my eye) will I sleep
40.2
?IE ykxd'wEx lExa'tcEm of the house
the inside (part)
y%qantce' wUc backwards 32.13 psnLo'wai yiqa'ntcEm djl a whale
behind it was coming 88.22
U Jc'ilo'wit lla'hatcEm djl they
saw it in front coming 88.5
le'wi u lla'hatcEm dowd'ya Id e -
ndtc he liked his mother best
(literally, it is [as] his first[-ness]
he likes his mother) 120.19, 20
xwdndj yd'lanl IE md qa'tsm
tila'qai that way are talking
the people (who on the) lower
part (of the river) live 66.12
*
59. Verbal Abstract -fiwas, -n&was
-awas changes the verb into a noun. It expresses the abstract
concept of a verbal idea. If the verb expresses an active, transi-
tive idea, it is suffixed to the bare stem, while in intransitive verbs it
is preceded by the intransitive suffix -enl (see p. 349) . In such cases
the final vowel of the transitive suffix disappears, and the a- vowel of
-awas effects the retrogressive assimilation of the stem-vowels and
suffix-vowels (see 7).
$ la u d'wl c E alctd'was when he quit
(the) work 34.6, 7
d'wi $ Lowd'was she finished (her)
food 24.13
I put it on Id L! aha' was her clothes 110.3
ts aWcanl we two play 38,11 alwand'was l%n ha ux ts a game we
(should) arrange 90.14
dqe dead 42.19 aqand'was funeral
ha'yat he gambled 66.15 hay and' was Indian game
58-59
e is working 22.26
Lowet'wat she is eating 24. 5, 6
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 363
In one instance this suffix has been changed to -awaL.
qa'ya u ts he is scared 126.1 In yu <Ml qayawa'waL hardly any-
thing can scare him (literally,
not very something scaring [to
him] 40.24; qayawafwaL a thing
that scares)
-nelwas. Composed of the distributive -rie 1 (see 37) and the
nominal -awas. Hence it expresses an abstract concept that has a
distributive character.
haqtsa' nlaxanet'was Ldwa f katsshe> was sitting between his teeth (lit-
erally, his teeth in the [mutual] between[-ness]) 102. 18
sowe'l laxanet'was between the fingers 108.21
sqaiLne? was the space between the fingers, a crack (sqai'L E xEm it
was sticking in a crack 62. 8)
60. Verbal Nouns in -onts, -si
-onts. This suffix indicates that something has become the object
of a certain action. It may best be rendered by WHAT BECAME THE
OBJECT OF. Either it is suffixed to the verbal stem directly, or it is
preceded by the transitive suffixes -, -ts (see 26).
U ya'lanl they are talking 90. 1 6 la u U yaalto'nis they begin to talk
about it (literally, this they
[have as their] object of speech)
76.22
tyk'l'tits I cut it k'ititso'ms laJcxla she commenced
to cut her foot (literally, object
of cutting her foot [became]
80.21)
LO U - to eat 17.2 la u Ldu'ms i ha'k'Uc la u yixu'me
this became his food while he
walked crawling (literally, that
object of eating [it became]
while crawling that one trav-
eled) 32.11
a'tsa he gave it to him 34.10 atso'nfo gift 188.26
-si is used in the formation of nouns from verbal stems. The best
rendering that can be given for this suffix is THE RUINS, THE REM-
NANTS OF.
60
364 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ai'wit he killed them 68.11 is ai'witsi UE we two (are the) rem-
nants of the slaughter 62.18
x'pl it burned down 58.12 qawilal'we IE yixafwEx nx'pVtsl
she commenced to look around
(of) the house the de" bris 58.18, 19
It is very likely that the following example may belong here:
k'fanmafmis half JIE k'Usi'misi ai'iwt half of them
32.11 he killed (literally, the remain-
ing h.alf he killed) 112.10
61. Nouns of Quantity
This suffix occurs in a few instances only. It is added to stems
expressing adjectival ideas, and may be translated by PIECE, PORTION.
tca'yux u small 42.6 I'k'l tcafyuxwin a'tsa (to) both a
small portion he gave 120.17
qaic small 128.29 qaicVnis ux yu' wi yu in a small
place they two are stopping 6.3
e'hentc far 26.23 na'yim ehentcssi' r n&tc dfi'nlt be-
cause quite far apart it keeps
coming (literally, because dis-
tance-portion-modality, [they]
are coming [singly]) 52.18
62. Nouns of Agency in -ayawa, -eytiwe, -wyawa
These suffixes indicate the performer of an action. The -eydwe form
is added to stems with e- vowels (see 7). Since the informant was
frequently at a loss how to express in English the idea conveyed by
this suffix, he invariably translated it by TO GO AND (perform the
action in question).
t'aflats he dances tfallya'wa a dancer
L/x'Vnt he examined it 32.23 L/x'lnlyafwa examiner
ni'k'in wood 102.2 ml'Lan tymk'ineya! we permit me
to get some wood (literally, let
me wood-getter be) 102. 1
rm'laq arrow 12.10 is rrtilaqaya! we we two go and get
arrows (literally, [we two are]
arrow-makers) 160.6, 7
LO U - to eat 17.2 tyLdwlyafwa I am an eater
tyte'xtits L&unya*wa I go in and
eat 168.2, 3
61-62
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 365
63. Nominalizing Suffix Indicating Place, -is
It is never suffixed to verbal stems.
ga'ntcu where? 94.25 ic xqantcu'wis from where are you
two? (literally, your two selves'
whence place) 126.14
le'lEx medicine xwin l E lxeytiwe' w%s we two have
been after medicine (literally,
our two selves' medicine-makers
place) 126.15
tsa'yux u small 20. 5 tsayuxwi'ms enl'Jc'exEm IE L/td
on a small place is sticking out
the land 44.26
qaic small 128.29 qaici'nis fax yu' wi yu on (some) small
place they two are stopping 6.3
64. Nominalizing Suffix Indicating Locality, -ume
It signifies WHERE THE ... is. It is added to nominal (or
adverbial) stems only.
Jcu u s south xkukwi'sumehl'yet! he came ashore
on the south side (literally,
from where south is, he came
ashore)
tse'tix' over here tseti'x'ume LO he^he* ha u 'wE here
on this side make a knot! (liter-
ally, where this is, on it, a knot
make) 92.7, 8
xw%'lux u head 30.14 xwiluxu'me where the head is
146.26
65. Terms of Relationship in -fltc (-ate)
Terms of relationship appear with the suffix -cite or -ate (see 7),
except in the vocative case, where the stem alone is used. A few
nouns exhibit in the vocative case an entirely different stem, while
others occur in the vocative form only.
The phenomenon so characteristic of many American and other
languages, whereby the different sexes use separate terms for the
purpose of denoting corresponding degrees of relationship, is not
found in Coos. This may in part be due to the fact that the language
does not differentiate in any respect whatsoever between the two sexes,
and that grammatical gender is a concept entirely unknown to the
Coos mind. On the other hand, Coos has one trait in common
5 63-65
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with some of the languages of the neighboring tribes, namely, in so
far as two different stems are used to denote the same degree of
relationship by marriage. One is employed as long as the inter-
mediary person is living, while the second is used after the death of
that person.
The following table shows the nouns expressing the different
degrees of relationship:
1 Alsea ma^tun.
English
Coos
Vocsitive case
Father
e'kuLdtc
klo'la!
Mother
ffnatc
nl'k!a!
Son
(?)
Lowa!
Daughter
kwaya'cltc
kwa'ya!
Older brother
Jia'Ldtc
haiV
Younger brother
miLkwl'yatc
ma'Lik!
Older sister .,'./?
henl'kunatc
he'nlkwl!
Younger sister
kwlya'xitc
kwe'ei!
Grandfather }., .
pkd'katc
pka'k:'
Grandmother
umd'catc, u'mdc
u'md!
Grandson
teml'snatc, temi'sin
temi'sl! (sing.)
tema'mis! (pi.)
Granddaughter
tek- Itsi'natc
teka'xtsi!
Paternal uncle
piL'yatc, pl*s
pl'si!
Maternal uncle
ax-l'axatc
axa'x-!
Paternal aunt
d'tatc
a'at!
Maternal aunt
xukwi'natc
kwa'kwl!
Father-in-law
mitcL'tsinatc
ya'k:' (?)
Mother-in-law
qali'ksatc
kwa'lik!
Son-in-law
mi'nkatc
(?)
Daughter-in-law
mEluSndtc
(?)
Brother-in-law
ha'llk!
hal!
Sister-in-law
kwl'hatc
kun'hai!
Relative, by marriage, after
xa'yusL&tc
(?)
death of person whose mar-
riage established the relation-
ship.
Nephew (son of sister)
tewi'tiitc
te*l
Nephew (son of brother)
(?)
kiolne'wiL! (?)
nexleu! (?)
Niece (daughter of sister)
upxana'catc
(?)
Niece (daughter of brother)
(?)
pEkwl'nLl!
Besides the above-enumerated terms of kinship, there are two stems
that are used as such, although they do not, strictly speaking, denote
any degree of relationship. One of these is the term sla'atc (vocative
sla), employed by the Coos in addressing a male member of the tribe,
and even a stranger; and the other is xwll, used in the same way in
addressing females.
65
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS
367
In one instance the term kwe'riiL is employed to denote SISTER,
without mentioning the rank of her birth. All attempts to obtain
the corresponding term for BROTHER have proved unsuccessful.
66. SUFFIXES -em, -
These three suffixes, occurring in a few instances only, seem to
express the idea PERTAINING TO. They are suffixed to nominal and to
adverbial stems.
~bdldj north
yVqantc behind
L/an-
qa'lu winter (?) 162.20
qafxan- up 14.1
qa'yis sky 6.1
IE la'mak' lala u ts Ittdji'yEx the
bones those (are) the Umpqua
Indians (literally, the Northern
Indians) 50.5,
yiqa' ntc&mex ma, the last genera-
tion 9.6
L/afnex qa'lyeq new salmon 36.25
qa'lex old 38.18
qaxam'yetEX ma from above the
people 150.5
(jayisafyEx ma the sky-people
. ADVERBIAL SUFFIXES ( 67-70)
67. Local and Modal -&tc, -Itc
This suffix indicates rest, and was rendered by IN, AT, ON, UNDER.
It is added to nouns and (very rarely) to verbs. For the parallel
occurrence of -eHc and -Itc, see 2. (See note to 36.)
yixafwEx house 22.25
Llia country 30.28
he'wUts road 138.17
q u wai's board 52.14
xa a p water 6.9
& canoe 44.20
?L sweat-house 62.25
yixa'wExeHc Lowa'lcats in the house
he is sitting
yEai' Llta'ltc tyltse'ts in another
country I stay 26.8, 9
hewi'ltsltc sto u q on the road he
stood 36.16
i la u quwai'sltc tdldle'et while she
under the board was 58.25
xa a 'pltc djl u mi'le in the water it
was swimming 88.21
asi'L Vx'ltc ux tdowl'yat in the
middle (of the) canoe they two
laid him down 126.23
Jcwile'LeHc tsxu lot to'm/lL in the
sweat-house lay that old man
28.11, 12
66-67
368 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
tila'qai (many) live 36.11 hi'nl Ldwa'kats IE til IE ma xqat
tila'qayltc there lived the kins-
men (among) the people (who)
below lived 60.11
By prefixing to the noun the local prefix x- (see 22), and by
suffixing to it the suffix -ettc* -Itc^ the idea FROM is expressed.
qa'yis sky 6.1 xqa'yisltc he'laq from the sky he
came
L/ta country 30.28 uysai' L/t&'itc from another coun-
try 26.6
pqai' back 82.13 xyu'xwa ma L!o x k'ine ir wat xpqai'-
hltc two men were supporting
him from the back 40.9
When preceded by the discriminative x- (see 23), this suffix
assumes a modal significance, exercising the same function as the
English adverbial suffix -LY or the word LIKE.
nmti'henet it is populated 12.4 hats Jcwa xmahe'ntltc sto'waq just
like a person he stood up 114.23,
24
xmahe'ntltc Jc'ilo'wit IE ma like
persons she saw the beings (look)
54.18
a'yu sure enough 7.4 go u s dl l l In xa'yuwltc tsxau'wat he
killed a little of everything
(literally, [of] everything not
enough-ly he killed) 64.19, 20
qa'lyeq salmon 34.14 xqa'lyeqeHc il kwina'e i wat as
salmon they look upon it 130.14
xta'nuxwltc LOwa'kats sideways he
was sitting 38.10
yixe ir one 5.5 xyVxettc da! mil xyVx&tc he'll
hu u ma'k'e each man has one
wife (literally, one [modal] man,
one [modal] their wives) 48.5
The prefix may sometimes be omitted, as shown by the following
examples:
qantc where 8.8 yi'JcwanL qantd'tc ten la perhaps
shall which way this I go 100.18
qaic small 128.29 qai'titc ha u il yu'wilt into small
pieces they divided it 130.26
tsa'yux u small 20.5 isa'yuxwltcpi'lstat to pieces it was
smashed 124.14
67
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - COOS 369
Owing to its modal significance, this suffix expresses the idea of
our collective numerals IN TWOS, IN THREES, when added to the cardi-
nal numerals.
go u s qa'ntdtc xyuxwa' Ji&tc U la everywhere in pairs they went 48.8
' ?ie i tc in threes (yVpssn three)
68. Local Suffix, Indicating Motion, -etc
The suffix -etc indicates motion, action, and may be rendered by AT,
IN, THROUGH, ON, INTO.
tcid'mil spruce-tree 20.5 Llal'yat IE tsafyux u twcl'mttetc he
put it on the small spruce-tree
20.8
ds'msit prairie 22.12 Is'yi dsmste'tc LM'nap a good
prairie through he goes 22.11
y%xa!wEx house 22.25 yixafwExetc la into the house he
went 28.10, 11
yixa'wExetc djl to the house he
came
tdwdl fire 38.8 tdwa'letc tldts into the fire he
shoved it 32.24
a face 10.3 Tcw%na'e i wat afhetc he is looking at
(his) face
When suffixed to a stem with an a- vowel, the suffix is changed to
-ate (see 7).
xa a p water 6.9 t E khnl xa a 'patc into the water he
dove 26. 27
Lltaf ground 6.Y L! to! ate leml'yat on the ground he
put it 64.1
In some cases it may be suffixed to verbs.
tila'qai (many) live 36.11 tti he'laq IE ma tila'qayetc there
he arrived, where the people
were living 36.12, 13
sto u q he stands 20.4 tso IE ma qal sto u 'qetc he'laq now
to the person (that) below stood
he came 92, 4, 5
ati'canl (they) play 94. 8 he'laq IE ma alicanl' waqatc he came
to the people (that) were playing
98, 14, 15
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 - 24 68
370 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
69. Local -ewitc
The local suffix -eimtc is rendered by TOWARDS.
north Mldje'witc qai'cU to the north he
scattered 48.24
e'qatce aside 26.20 eqatce'witc lcwilkwe?le i 'yii to one
side he was rolled 94.19,20
yi'qantc behind ylqantce'vntc ttx backwards he
looked 32.13
gaits inside 140.24 qai'tsowitc U te' x t%ts (inside) they
entered 22.29
yixa'wEX house 22.25 yixawExe' witc iila towards the
house I am going fl "
70. Instrumental -Etc
It expresses our ideas WITH, AGAINST. When suffixed to a stem
with an #-vowel, it is pronounced more like -ate; while, if suffixed to
a stem with an e- vowel, it invariably sounded like -etc. When the
instrumental idea WITH is to be expressed, the stem to which this
suffix is added is very often preceded by the prefix x- (see 24) .
ma'luJc u paint ma'lukwEtc ltafya u la a red paint
with was painted his face 10.2, 3
ix' canoe 44.20 ma xix'E'tc yixu'me people in
canoes travel (literally, with ca-
noes) 90.3
tcttltc! hammer 26.26 tqanLts tcft'ltc/Etc IE kwi'la u he
struck with a hammer the ice
28.1,2
mix' so' we* lucky 20.14 hatafyims mix'so'wEtc all' cam d
mZn lucky money with they are
playing 94.27
qle'le pitch 82.23 qlde'yEtc la u pa a ts with pitch it
was full 74.25
ml'k'e basket 28.27 xmlk'e'stc towi'tinlye in a basket
he was dropped down (literally,
with a basket) 28.9,10
qa'yis sky 6.1 qa'yisEtc tskwl against the sky it
struck 22.4
tqa'tis sun 24.2 tqa'tisEtc pana'qtsxEm in the sun
he is warming himself 32.8
tcJi'ls door 62.5 x'ne' x 'tits tdile'TiEtc she jumped
against the door 76.2
69-70
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 371
In the following instance the suffix is changed, without any apparent
cause, to -yEtc.
wa'lwal knife 78.11 t E qanL%'yeqEm xwa'lwalyEtc they
hit her with a knife 80.5
In another instance it occurs as -a u tc.
go u s dl l l tsaya 'neha u tc nL/pdne dlH with all kinds of small birds 46.2
When suffixed to the article or to the personal pronouns, this suffix
is changed to -itc.
IE it 5.1 xle'itc Hx k'ttnt with it they two
try it 7.4
ty'ne I 50.25 tyne'itc he'laq with (or to) me he
came
<fne thou 15.7 ytfne'Uc with, to thee 18.11
xa he 15.10 hexa'itc with, to her 86.3
xwin we two hexwmne'itc with, to us two 24.3
71. SUPERLATIVE -eytm
This suffix indicates great quantity or quality. It corresponds to
our superlative.
tsa'yux u small 20.5 JIE tsayuxwe'ywn a'la the smallest
child
he' mis big 14.5 /IE JieWiise'yim yixafwEx the big-
gest house
It is added mostly to terms of relationship that denote either a
younger or an elder member of the family. In such cases it implies
that the member spoken of is the younger (or elder) in a family con-
sisting of more than two members of the same degree of kinship.
hem'k u natc elder sister wandj L/dts TIE hemkuntce'yim
(out of two) 50.8 that way spoke the eldest sister
126.16
72. DISTRIBUTIVE -Ini
-tw/i is suffixed to nouns of relationship onty, and expresses a degree
of mutual kinship. It is etymologically related to the verbal dis-
tributives -ne*, -anl (see 25, 37).
sla'atc cousin 42.21 fix sla'tcinl they two were mutual
cousins 42.15
ha'Ltitc elder brother 72.27 lin hdLtd'nl we are brothers mu-
tually
miLkwl'yatc younger brother katfs'mis U rmLkwi' tchnl five they
72.1 (are) brothers (mutually) 90.8
$3 71-72
372 BUKEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
73. INTERROGATIVE -u
It is added only to the particles tdtc, qaritc, mi' late, dtfl, wit, lie, to
the adverb ni'citc, and to the stem Itse'ts (see pp. 406, 407, 408, 411).
tci'tcu xaflal u mln what are they doing? 92.18
xtd'tcu tsn xa'ms how is it that I am sick ?
la u qa'ntcu, la that one where did he go? 94.25
mi'ldtcu hanL efwu'txe when will you return? 28.3,4
dl if lu he ts ^wilo^wat what usually are you looking for? 54.3
dtfltce'tuu hanL tsis k'fint with what shall we two try it? 7.1, 2
(dffitce'tea=dffi + -tc + -Etc-\--u (see 108, 25, 70, 11)
xivi'tu tstfx'tl'yat who did it?
I'tcu eFdowa'ya e'xkan which one do you want? 50.17
U ni'ctcu how many are they? (literally, [are] they a few?)
Itse'tsu hemi'stEs tlfye yixa'iuEX how big is your house? (literally,
how [the] largeness [size] of your house?)
NUMERAL SUFFIXES ( 74-77)
74. Ordinal -is
The ordinal numerals are formed by adding to the cardinals (see 101)
the suffix -is. The first two numerals are irregular, especially the
ordinal for ONE. The adverbial stem lla AHEAD, the temporal adverb
yuwint BEFORE, or the same adverb with the adjectival ending -lysx^
are used in lieu of the missing regular ordinal numeral for ONE.
The ordinal for TWO is formed by adding the suffix -is to the adverb
OSO AGAIN.
i'la, yuwi'nt, yuwi'nfiyEx first
aso'wls second
y%pSE f nis third
JiecL il i/is fourth
fifth
he* xa 1'la Lowiftat she first ran (literally, ahead) 56.9
len yuwVnt hu^m^s my first wife (literally, my wife [whom 1 had]
before)
left aso'wis hu u 'm$s my second wife
Compare also helml'his next day (ke'lml to-morrow 162.9) 6.7
Of an obscure composition is the indefinite ordinal tsi'wfe THE LAST.
Its first component can not be explained, while the ending is plainly
the ordinal suffix -fo.
tso cJcu tsl'wfe now (this) must (have been) the last one 120.1
&$ 73-74
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 373
75. Multiplicative -en
The multiplicative numerals are formed by adding to the cardinals
the suffix -en TIMES.
1. yixe'n 6. ylxe 1 ' wieqen
2. tso^xe'n 7. ytixwa' wleqen
3. yipSE'nen 8. ytxe*' ahalen
4. hecL if Len 9. yuxwa'ahalen
5. kat'E'ntisen 10. Lepfqafnien
The numeral for TWICE is irregular. It seems to be composed of
the conjunction tso NOW, of the inclusive personal pronoun fix, and
of the multiplicative suffix -en.
yixe'n sLafqa la once bathing she went 84.24
tso u xe'n hanL nwu'txe in two days will I return (literally, twice)
28.4
Jcat'Eimisen qafxcvntc x'nef x 'ttts five times upwards (they) jumped
76.4
tso k u kwa nictcefn qatiml'ye then, perhaps, in a few days . . .
(literally, now, perhaps, it seems, a few times, morning it got)
56.21
To this group belongs also the indefinite western so MANY TIMES,
formed from the stem wes so MANY.
his weste'n tsix' ta Ms western yEai' L/tafltc iiltse'ts I stay here
just as long as in the other country (literally, also so many
times here, and also so many times in another country, I stay)
26.8, 9
76. Ordinal-Multiplicative -entcis
The ordinal-multiplicative numerals, expressed in English by AT
THE FIRST TIME, AT THE SECOND TIME, are formed by means of the
compound suffix -entds. This suffix consists of the multiplicative -en
(see above), of the modal -to (see 36), and of the ordinal suffix -is
(see 74).
xylxe if wieqe'ntds L/eHc Id Uuwe fx tds at the sixth time went out
her heart 76. 6, 7
xkat" E' wise' ntchs at the fifth time
The ordinal suffix -is may be omitted, as shown in the following
example :
1 ' Lento qalimifye la u laatafya lei slafatc on the fourth day he
went to his cousin (literally, four times [at] morning it got . . . )
42.20, 21
75-76
374 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
77. Distributive -Mna
Distributive numerals in the sense of ONE EACH, ONE APIECE, are
formed by adding to the cardinal numerals the suffix -Mna (see General
Remarks, pp. 326, 327). The first two numerals, yixe 1 and yuxwa,
change their final vowels into a before adding the suffix. This change
may be due to purely phonetic causes (see 7). The numeral for
THREE, yi'pssn, drops its final n before taking the suffix.
yfaahi'na one each
y&xwahVna two each
yipssM'na three each
hec^Lhi'na four each
hat* EmisM'na five each
go u s ykxahVna U nhu u ma'k'e IE ivi'nqas u hi*' me all of the Spider's
children have wives each (literally, all, one apiece, they with
wives [are], the Spider's children) 58.9
yixahi'na he' is rmflaq we two have one arrow apiece
PLURAL FORMATIONS ( 78-70)
78. Irregular Plurals
The majority of nominal stems have the same forms in singular and
plural. There are, however, a number of nouns and adjectives that
show in the plural a formation which is distinct from the singular
form. This formation is based upon two grammatical processes,
suffixation and phonetic change, and may be said to be of a petrified
character. It is impossible to describe, or even suggest, the pro-
cesses that may have taken place in this formation; hence no attempt
will be made to discuss them in detail.
The following is a list of nominal stems that occur in two distinct
forms, one for the singular, and the other for the plural:
Singular Plural
a'la 10.8 hl if me 20.3 child
hu u 'mis 24.6 hu u ma'k'e 20.3 woman
to'miL 20.2 tsma' 'Le 24.1 old man
da' mil 14. 7 ti'mttl 56. 18 man
ma 10.1 men 24.22 human being
Jc'nes k'ene'yese 30.16 hunchback
t8a'yux u 20.5 tsaya'ne 48.7 small
tee* wet tce'mxet 46.19 short
qaL IcaLE'mka 134.25 tall
aLi'mag 112.27 aLVmaqa 44.20 big
afc?10.9 titca'ne 46.3 kind, manner
77-78
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGESCOOS 375
This distinction is not consistently carried out. Cases where the
singular form is applied to denote plural concepts are quite numerous.
This phenomenon is very natural, since in place of the idea of plurality
we find rather the idea of distribution developed in Coos.
79. Plural of Terms of Relationship, -iyas
The only substantives that form a plural by means of a specific
plural suffix are the terms of relationship. The suffix employed for
this purpose (-Iyas) may be added directly to the -stem, or may be
preceded by the suffix of relationship, -ate (-ate) (see pp. 365, 366).
msanl'yas parents 86.12
kwlya' x Ltc younger sister 50.14 IcivlLtcl'yas younger sisters 82.14
ha' Late older brother 72.27 haLtcl'yas, hdLl'yas older brothers
130.23
e r k u Latc father 20.13 ek u Ltcl'yas, eJc u Ll'yas fathers
equate mother 68.16 e e ntcl'yas mothers
This suffix may be present in the stem L/ta'yas VILLAGE, derived
from L/ta EARTH, GROUND, COUNTRY. The initial of the suffix would
amalgamate with the final a of the stem into a (see 9), and the noun
would express a collective plural.
80. MINOR SUFFIXES
Besides the suffixes discussed .in the preceding pages, Coos has a few
suffixes of obscure function, that occur sporadically only, and that are
confined to certain given stems. These suffixes are as follows:
-i occurs in one or two instances, and is rendered by AND ALL.
imflaq arrow 12. 10 ; nmi'laqa Jieml'yat IE ma u Jcwa'xaL nmVlaqai
with arrow he is 20.18 she took out a person's bow and
arrow and all 62.23
la'mak' bones 40.12 nte*t ta nla'mak'i with flesh and
bones and all
-ca is suffixed to the noun hu u 'm%k' OLD WOMAN. It was explained to
me as having an endearing character, but instances are not
lacking where the suffix is used in a derogatory sense.
wdndj L/afxEm IE hu u mi'k'ea thus talking is the (dear) old woman
82.19, 20
Lxant tdwale'tc IE hu u mifk'ca (she) threw it into the fire, the (bad)
old woman (the Giant- Woman)
$$ 79-80
376 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
occurs in three instances, and seems to have a nominalizing
character. :>t .' L ' f
tcf hats he put it out (the light) k'/atc/kafyims la u tdtte'et it (the
128. 16 fire) is burning continually (lit-
erally, without [being] put out
it is caused to burn) 40. 25, 26
ice titc! you two come in! titca'yims ndowafya to come in I
82.14 (should) like
hethe'te rich 26.2 hata'ywns money 20.15
-ayalj, are suffixed to a few verbal stems, and seem to
denote the performer of an action.
In- to hunt 24.26 Inl'yaL ma a hunter
all' cam he plays alicam'yaL a player
LO U - to eat Ldwl'yaL a person that eats
qacqayafyaL a shadow ( ?) 104. 9
-l^ye, -dye. This suffix is added to a number of stems expressing
adjectival ideas. It is idiomatically employed in the formation
of comparison (see p. 417), and in some instances it is used to
indicate plurality of adjectival concepts. When used for the
purpose of expressing comparison, it seems to have a nominal-
izing function.
pL/fe heavy yu kwa pdL/afye xkwVna u tc they
(pi.) look very heavy (literally,
much as if weight [according to]
appearance) 64.8
x'Vlwis deep asi'L la u x'iluwi'ye IEX ya'bas the
maggots go halfway deep (liter-
ally, middle, goes its depth [of]
the maggots) 40. 12
xu'us light his xa ta he'ux xwafwiye IE e s ne
they two are as light as you
(literally, also he and their two
light weight [as] yours)
Singular Plural
!a'ye heavy
mi'tsis 128.20 mdtsa'ye wise
xu'us wwawl'ye light
is suffixed in one or two instances to local adverbs, giving them
an adjectival coloring, as it were.
80
BOAS} HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 377
hi' nl there 5.2 hml'yiya ma dlfl la u mi'tsfo from
there the people something
know 128.19, 20
tsi he'll tama'lis hlnlfyiya ma just
their fashion (of the) people from
there 130.8, 9
The function of this suffix may best be compared to that of
the German suffix -ige in phrases like
der heutige Tag this day
die dorligen EinvwJmw the inhabitants from there
-1 has been found suffixed to the article only. It seems to express
the idea of instrumentality, although this idea .may be due to
the prefixed instrumental n~.
IE it, he, the 5.1 nle'la la with it he went 42:8
nle'hl wu'txe with it she returned
70.23
The infixed h is due to hiatus ( 10).
Reduplication ( 81-83)
81. Introductory
Reduplication as a means of forming grammatical processes is
resorted to frequently in Coos. The reduplication may be either
initial or final. Initial reduplication affects the consonant, vowel, or
whole syllable. It consists in the repetition of the weakened vowel
or consonant of the stem, or in the duplication of the first stem-
syllable. The connecting vowel between two reduplicated consonants
is the obscure E-vowel; but, owing to the great tendency of Coos
towards euphony, this obscure vowel is frequently affected by the
stem-vowel (see 7). Final duplication is always consonantic, and
consists in the repetition of the final consonant by means of a con-
necting obscure vowel, which very often changes its quality in accord-
ance with the stem- vowel preceding it, or with the vowel of the suffix
that follows it (see 7).
The grammatical use of reduplication is confined chiefly to the verb.
82. Initial Reduplication
Initial reduplication expresses, in connection with the proper verbal
suffixes, intensity of action, repetition, duration, and customary
action. It is employed, furthermore, in the formation of the passive
81-82
378
Btr&EAtr OF AMERICA^ ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
voice. Syllabic reduplication is used very often in addition to a pho-
netic device (see 84) for the purpose of forming a number of verbs
expressing transitive ideas of continuous duration. These verbs do
not then require any of the transitive suffixes. This latter application
may be of a later, secondary origin.
Examples of reduplication of initial sound, or of initial consonant and
following vowel:
wtfn- to cheat
qaio small 128.29
aitvAt (he) killed them 124.. 4
pUs- to tear up
tl w - to coil
LO U - to buy
Examples of syllabic duplication:
tdne'henl he is thinking 24. 13,
14
dm- to attract
he recognized it
they two put it
Itislo^wat
30.28
ux Jn'to u ts
down 7.4
Te l p- to paint
LO U X- to hit
po u 'Jcwis slave
weL- to twist
sl'x'its he shook it off 42.3
e wiwlna'mi I am cheating you
qsqai'cu Id wi'tin clubbed (into
pieces) is his blood 10.6
U aiai wafyu they were killed 58.8
psjMsu'ye he was torn up 48.16
iititlwe 1 ' wat I am coiling it
LO u LO u w1 f ye<]Em it is being bought
88.13, 14 '
en hanL tdntcina'is you sha'n't
think of me 88.29
chmcfima t e, i w(i([ it was attracting by
means of its breath 88.25
Ul'tisi'lu (she) is being recognized
56.5
la u TntKltowe 1 ' wat these he is put-
ting down 34.8
xle'itc lipll'yap Id d with it she
painted their faces 122.6
xna a nt la u LO U WLO U 'wax many that
one were hitting 80.4, 5
md pd u Tcpo uf wdk u people she was
enslaving 70.15
xqe'Htc wiLwe if yaL slowly she is
twisting him 60.7
nsix'sl'yax' I am shaking it off
Owing to the fact that reduplication and duplication are based upon
the principle of consonantic or stem weakening, the repeated element
occurs very often in a changed form. The following rules have been
observed in this respect:
(1) The semi-vocalic y reduplicates into a long I.
yixe'ntce together 64.8 lyixantcu'ye it was gathered up
yate v wat he is coaxing him wdndj U I'yatu thus they were
coaxed 98.4, 5
82
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS
379
(2) The spirant x' in consonantic combinations, when reduplicated,
becomes k\ In the same manner alveolar s becomes the affricative ts.
is x'L/o u t we two put it in il k'%x'L!dwe ir wat they are putting
26.25 them in frequently 52.9
x'tl it slid down 26.19 Ic'ix'tl'yu it was slid down 94.5
yixe'n SLafqala once to bathe tsisLaf qaai she was bathing 84.21
she went 84.24
sto u q he stood 20.4 tsEstoge if yu he was made to stand
on his feet
(3) The reduplication of the fortis palatal Jc! consists in the mere
amplification of the consonant by means of a prefixed -vowel.
Icla'lat he shouted 36.7 akla'laai IE ku u 'mis shouting is the
woman 56.5
(4) Combinations of two or more consonants, of which a velar, a
palatal, a nasal (m, n), an h or Z, form the second element, reduplicate
the second consonant. The lateral (I) is in such cases preceded by a
vowel, since initial combinations of 1 + velar axe impossible.
skwl'wat he informed him wdndj kwiskwl' wat that way he is
informing her 60.19
XEtexawet'wat he is putting it
down
kwfakwafyu it was cut off 76.14
ma qssqa'yu the person was
seized 10.4
xa,L/xane if wat he is throwing it
frequently
aqa'lqsona'ya he became afraid
of him 28.24, 25
haLlha'yu it was put on
xmenl'yat he tipped it over mExmene ir wat he is tipping it over
46.26
q/rmts she ate it 24.16 msq/mVyu it is eaten 142.6
x E all'yat he hugged him 116.4 elxe le if yu he was hugged
Compare also
lai'xwfo she jabbed him 112.17 ttsxu'ye he was jabbed
L!no u t he opens (the door) noLlndwe ir wat he is constantly
opening (the door)
(5) Syllables ending in an m,n,l + consonant omit the ?;i, ??, and I in
the repeated syllable.
kwilt- to roar IciMhuA'ltaai it is roaring 114.6
qals- to cut qasqa'lsaai be is cutting
82
164.22
tsxaim 'yat he put it down
36.21
Lkwa'at he cut it off
sqats he seized it 36.20
L/xant he threw it 42.10
a'lqas fear 66.4
Llha'tsa he put on 28.23
380 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
x'ne' x 'tits he jumped 32.4 x'itx'i'ntaai he is jumping
mVntdts she asked him 62. 15 mitcmi'ntei'yeqEm he is asked
70.9
ha u mx- to dress hides ux ha u 'xha u ma^x they two are
|H dressing hides 68.27, 28
dd'mU man 14.7 w tEltafmiltu you two (will) get
strong 120.17, 18
k!wanx u - to cut (the hair) ~k!wa' xklwanax he is cutting his
hair
tsttk* to tie a knot tsi'k'tsUak' he is tying a knot
silp- to comb (hair) si'psilap he is combing (his hair)
A number of stems occur in parallel forms showing both conso-
nantic reduplication and syllabic duplication.
yixe'ntce together 64.8 lyixantce^ne 1 ' yu it was gathered
&yu it was gathered
up 84. 16
x'ne'et he is on top 10.1 x'inx'ine ir wat he is putting it on
top
x'i'x'witu it is being put on top
mfoitc- to ask mitcmfi'natc she is asking 8.0.12
mEmintcu'ye he was asked
cuLts he set afire ciLcu'Laai it is burning
CECU'LU fire was set to 58.11
83. Final Reduplication
Final reduplication is used for the purpose of expressing distribu-
tion, mutuality, and, in intransitive verbs, an action that is performed
now and then (see 37). It is also employed as a means of forming
neutral verbs that indicate actions of long incessant duration.
ysq he went away qai'nis la u yaq E qofnl from the
shore they are running away (one
after the other, singly) 36.18,19
so ux t- to trade fo so ux titafnl hanL we two will
trade (mutually) 16.7, 8
Jiu u 'rms woman 26.7 mlExa'na la u hu^msisd'nl them-
selves they marry 12.5
sto u 'waq he stood 20.7 stowa'qsqanl he is continually
standing up and sitting down
kwtti'yat he rolls it 'kyn^la'nl IE baltl'mis rolling is
the ocean 6.2
kw a a'tis dream 98.7 la u kwa a t E s%sa'm he is constantly
dreaming (literally, now and
then) 72.1
$ 83
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS
381
Ik/wl tE xa a p runs down the
water 16.9
x'pl IE yixafwEx it burned
down, the house 58.12, 13
wu'txe he caine back 28.9
k. fux wl' IE hu u 'm%s the woman
was lost 54. 19
nsq he ran away 100.16
lk!wa'k u ts xa a p is continually run-
ning down the water 17.4
x'pa'ap IE yixa'wsx burning
(down) is the house
wutxa'xa te'is hV'me came back
(one by one) our (dual) children
44.7
hetypLpa'wiskfu'wax" 1 my hat got
lost (impersonal)
il nsqafqa they ran away (sever-
ally)
There are a number of stems expressing verbal, nominal, and adjec-
tival ideas, that appear invariably in reduplicated or doubled form.
Some of these expressions are onomatopoetic in character; others
may have been borrowed from the neighboring languages; while still
others may be new formations, necessitated by the introduction of
new ideas and concepts through the contact of the Coos with the
white people. (See also 116.)
The following is a partial list of such stems:
e'qeq killing spot 80.14
(compare e'qe- to die)
yi'myim eyelash (compare
yim- to twinkle)
wa'lwal knife 78. 11
li'plip white man's paint (com-
pare l&p- to paint)
tco'xtcox rabbit 60.23
Jia'x'hax* wagon
kafx'- to drag)
hethe'te rich 26.2
he uf he u knot 92.8
pu'spus 1 cat
pu^xpux a spout 30.25
ta u 'ta u basket 112.4
tsEtse'kwm cane 28.18
' mtsElim button
g'img'i'mis rain (compare g'i'mlt
it rains)
(compare k'i'nk'in stick
k'isk'a'slL fish-hawk
ku'kum raven
qatqai'L belt 28.7 (compare tqatL-
to put a belt on)
qa'lqal digging-stick 26.17
x'i'nx'in saddle (compare
x'ne'et it is on top)
xa'Lxat ax (compare Lxat- to chop)
xwa'lxwal eye 40.1
xwi'tsxut deer 64.19
ta'ntan to come ashore (whale) 128.28
pi' x 'jn to go home 28.3
yu'yu to stop (while traveling) 5.2
i Chinook jargon.
83
382 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Phonetic Changes ( 84-85)
Grammatical processes by means of phonetic changes are few in
number, and not clearly developed. The phonetic change may be of
a vocalic or consonantic character.
84. Vocalic Changes
Vocalic change is confined to the verb, and consists in the amplifi-
cation of the stem by means of a vowel (usually the a- vowel), or in
the modification of the vowel connecting a suffix with a stem. Stem
amplification is employed for the purpose of forming active or transi-
tive verbs from verbal stems, and of denoting duration of action.
The latter application occurs in verbs that have already been transi-
tivized by means of some transitive suffix. The stem is frequently
duplicated before amplification is applied to it (see 82, 83). For
another explanation of this phenomenon see 4, 11.
tJcwlL- to follow In taitc ikwl'yaL (they) can not fol-
low him
tdnL- to reach yixd'wExetc tch'naL la Jc u ma'x.
to (the roof of) the house reached
its horn 86.25, 26
sto u q he stood 20.4 nhai,! sto'waq at the foot of the
tree he stood 26.17
ux yu'yu they two stopped ux yu' wi yu they two stopped (for
(for a moment) 5.2 a long time) 5.5
h!a u - to peck k'ttd'wit Tda'wal he saw him (in
the act of) pecking at it 20.9
silp- to comb one's hair si'psilap he is combing his hair
mintc- to ask wdndj rmtcrnft natc that way she is
asking 80.12
WIL- to twist xqe'ltc wiLwel'yaL slowly she is
twisting him 60.7
Modification of a connecting vowel, whenever it occurs, is employed
for the purpose of indicating duration of action. As this phenomenon
has been discussed more fully in connection with the transitive suffixes
-t and -ts, the reader is referred to the chapters dealing with those
suffixes (see 26 and also p. 357), in order to avoid repetition.
uxti'dt they two shake it 13.8 ti'cat hs L/ta (he) is shaking the
earth continually 16.2
qmu'xwU I felt it tymu'xwat I am feeling it
ifitits I painted it ^tats I am painting it
84
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - COOS 383
85. Consonantic Changes
The application of consonantic changes as a means of forming gram-
matical processes is a very peculiar phenomenon, characteristic of
the Coos language. Its use is confined to a very few instances; and
the process, while to all appearances consisting in the hardening
of the final consonant, is of such a petrified nature that it is no longer
possible to analyze it. It occurs only in a few nouns of relationship,
and its significance may be said to be endearing and diminutive. The
following examples of consonantic change have been found:
a young woman 86.1 kwe'ik' a young girl 12.2
liu u 'tms woman 24.6 hu u 'mik' old woman (used in the
same sense as we use our phrase
MY DEAR OLD WIFE) 58.5
da' mil man 14.7 to'miL old man 20.2
dl'lol young man 22.6 dl'ldL young boy 60.2
Syntactic Particles ( 86-95)
86. Introductory
By syntactic particles is meant here the great number of enclitic
and proclitic expletives that are employed in Coos as a means of
expressing grammatical categories and syntactic relations. They
cover a wide range of ideas, and refer more properly to the whole
sentence than to any specific part of it. With the exception of two
particles, none of them are capable of composition; that is to say,'
they can not be used with any suffix or prefix, although two or even
three particles may be combined into one. Such combined particles
usually retain the functions of each of the component elements. All
syntactic particles are freely movable, and may be shifted from one
position to another without affecting the sense of the sentence.
87. Temporal Particles
1. han ABOUT TO. It denotes actions that will take place in the im-
mediate future. Its position is freely movable, and it may be
placed before or after the verb.
tso han kwtflt hs k'Usimd'mis now he was about to bend the half
62.29
x E all'yat han hs dl'lol he is about to hug the young man 114.26.
SS 85-87
384 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
2. hanL SHALL, WILL. It is regularly used to denote a future action,
and it is the sign of the future. It either precedes or follows
the verb.
nen pka'katc hanL nfc'ttd'ivit I will see my grandfather
go u s dl l l hanL ha'wl everything will grow 9.3
dn sqats hanL tE tdwdl you shall seize that yonder fire 40.18, 19
is ali'cam hanL we two will play 38.11
In Is'yl hanL not good will (it be)
3. JStt INTEND, ABOUT TO. It gives the sentence the force of a peri-
phrastic future. It either precedes or follows the verb.
i gantc Eit e*la when anywhere you intend to go 15.3
% dtfl il Ldwe if wat E%t when something they intend to eat 38.2
qaik u ux wutxa'xa sU te'is hl if me I thought that they two should
come back, those our (dual) children 44.7
4. nlJcfwa USED TO (BE). It denotes an action that took place long
ago. It is often used as a sign of the past tense. In such cases
it is always preceded by the particle he USUALLY (see below),
and it follows the verb which is used in its repetitive form.
te* nlklwa ye ne u nafhin this used (to be) your shinny club 38.16
xa a p nlu'qvnt nlk!wa water I used to boil
tywiwl'naai he nlklwa I used to cheat
nsi' psfclap he nx'ne'k' nlk!wa I used to comb my hair
By suffixing to nlk/wa the obsolete suffix -Zi, the temporal adverb
mkfwa'll YESTERDAY is obtained.
nlk!wa'll nqa'la yesterday I crossed (the river)
hu^mis he'laq IE nlktwa'll a woman arrived yesterday 142.10
5. he USUALLY, FREQUENTLY, HABITUALLY, denotes an action that is
performed very frequently. The particle either precedes or
follows the verb. The verb is very often used in the repetitive
form, whenever possible.
go u s mi'ldtc he L/a'xEm always usually he is talking 15.4
tEmd'Le ma la u tcttcfcla'&wat lie old people on that sit habitually
38.3
When following the future particle hanL, or its potential form yanL
(see p. 391), he coalesces with them into hanLawe and yanLawe
respectively.
yanLawe dVl e^qa u wenisa f naya^ hanLawe xle'itc I'nuwi e L!a'xEm
whenever you will get mad at something, you will talk with it
87
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 385
loud (literally, if shall usually something you get angry at it
shall usually with it hard you be talking) 16.3, 4
yanLawe xqantc ma hu'yam, lsla u hanLawe tfJcwa'nana'ya when-
ever a person gets ready to come from somewhere, this you
shall usually tell (literally, if shall usually from where a person
get ready [to come] this shall usually you tell it) 19.3, 4
The particle he amalgamates with the adverb yu VEKY into a tem-
poral adverb, yuwe WHENEVER.
xa'lwls he yuwe la u yixu'me warm usually (it is) whenever that
one travels 24.6
yuwe yi'mat ha u go u s mVlatc ldJc u lo r kwaai whenever he twinkles
(his eyes), it is always lightning 16.6, 7
The same process may have taken place in the rare adverb towe
WHEN. The first component may be a stem, to-, while the second
element is the particle he. The example given below will sub-
stantiate this assertion. We have here a complex of two sen-
tences stating a fact of frequent occurrence. In the first sen-
tence the repetitive particle occurs clearly, while it seems to be
missing in the subordinate sentence. And since, according to
the examples given above, all the components of a complex of
sentences must show the particle he^ it is safe to assume that the
frequentative particle is one of the two elements in towe. The
example follows :
xyEai' L/tafltc he ux yixu'me towe hvP'mis hlkfa'mtlye from
another country usually they two travel when(ever) a woman
gets her monthly courses 26. 6, 7
88. Particles Denoting Degrees of Certainty and
Knowledge
6. Jcwa IT SEEMS, AS IF, LIKE, KIND OF, denotes an object or an action
the quantity or quality of which is not intimately known to the
speaker.
hats Jcwa to' hits just as if he hit it
ka a s kwa Wcat JIE L/td almost as if he shook the earth 16.2
hats kwa u'yu wina'qaxEm lot LOwePwat just like a rainbow is
spread out that (which) he was eating 32.14
hats Jcwa tyto'miL just like an old man I (am)
7. y$ku, ~k u MAYBE, PERHAPS, i GUESS. Both forms appear without
any apparent distinction. This particle may apply to any part of
speech in a sentence, and its position is freely movable. It has a
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 25 88
386 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
dubitative character. It expresses the possibility of a certain
action taking or having taken place, and at the same time doubts
the certainty of its occurrence.
hi'nl ~k u e'k'EXEm ll'ye ha'Latc there perhaps amongst (them) is
your elder brother 94.28
tst k u ic hewese'nl merely perhaps you two are lying 28.13, 14
Lafystat k u (she) may get hungry 64.15
e xa'ms Jc u maybe (that) you are sick
This particle is very often followed by the negation In NOT.
yiku In xa'ms he is probably sick (literally, maybe [or maybe]
not he is sick)
When followed by the future particle hanL, it amalgamates with it
into yikwanL or IcwanL (see 8, 9), and it is translated by
(l) WONDER WHETHER, (l) SUPPOSE IF.
nl IcwanL afya nqafya won't I loose my breath? (literally, not I
perhaps will [be] gone my breath) 54.13, 14
la u nxL/ts IcwanL suppose I hit that one with a club (literally,
that one I hit it with a club perhaps shall) 124.16
yikwanL di'lte 1 nLdwet'wat I wonder what I shall eat (literally,
maybe will that there I eat it) 32.19, 20
It is contracted with the following UL into yikuL, JCUL (see 9 and
p. 391).
yilcuL In Idyl perhaps that will be good (literally, perhaps would
[be] that not good)
yikuL xtcitc yuL mm nha ux ts I wonder how it would be if I
should make a dam (literally, perhaps would [be] how, if should
a dam I make) 34.16
In JCUL qaic ha u 'pit ten xnd'nkatc could not my son-in-law cut off
a chunk ? (literally, not perhaps would a chunk cut off this my
son-in-law) 128.29
When followed by the particle U SURELY (see p. 388), it is contracted
with it into y%kwU or Jcwil (see 8), and lends to a statement a
high degree of probability.
qafwax Jcwil ll'ye ha'Latc above may (be) surely your elder brother
96.4, 5
The particle yiku, Jc u , appears sometimes as yikwa, yikwe, or kwe.
The reason for this phonetic change could not be found.
ytkwa qantc la where may it have gone? (literally, perhaps some-
where it went?) 88.3
88
BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 387
yikwe dl*l ts nk'ilo'wit what may it be that I see? (literally, per-
haps something this I see it) 108.11
kwa kwe yu In afyu L slat (I) wonder if it is not so, cousin? (liter-
ally, as if perhaps very not surely [it] must be, O cousin!) 38.21
8. hafcwal, Jcwal* A compound particle having the same signifi-
cance as kwa. It consists of the unexplained prefix ha- (which
seems to occur also in hamlL, see p. 392), the particle kwa, and
the abbreviated form of dtfl (see p. 407).
hakwal x'iafyam IE IVkwit kind of reddish (were) the feathers 20.10
k!wa a nt hakwal qa'l u xtat he heard some kind of a noise (literally,
he heard as if a noise were made) 60. 29
9. qen denotes suspicion. It is very difficult to render it in English
otherwise than by a whole sentence.
kwa qen dl l l L/i'msq she suspected some scent (literally, as if,
suspicion, something [a] smell) 24.10
kwa qen ma w SLna'eiwat it seems as if you two are hiding a per-
son (literally, as if, suspicion, a person you two are hiding) 24.11
10. qaiku expresses a supposition on the part of the speaker. It
was invariably rendered by i THOUGHT. Its first component
can not be analyzed, while the second is clearly the particle k u .
qaiku ux wutxa'xa Eit te'%s hV'me I thought they two were going
to come back, these our two children 44.7
qaiku In U ye ne u ' Id I thought not surely (this was) your property
112.7
11. qainl. Neither of the two elements of this particle can be
analyzed. It indicates that a certain fact came suddenly into
one's recollection, and may best be translated by OH, i RECOL-
LECT, i REMEMBER. It is usually amplified by the particle L
(see p. 392), which either follows it immediately or else is placed
at the very end of the sentence.
qainl L nwa'waLa u qayis he recollected that this was a spider
(literally, recollection, must be, with [its] spider, world) 30.3
qainl k u nlo'we u qafyis L he came to remember that there was
such a thing (literally, recollection, perhaps, with such a thing,
the world, must [be]) 32.9
12. natsl. It is used by the speaker for the purpose of expressing
doubt. It was rendered by i DOUBT.
88
388 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
natsi xdtfl la u Ldwet'wat I doubt (whether) some one (will) eat it
36.9
natsl ostdltc lin sqats (we) doubt (whether) we (shall) catch it
56.19, 20
13. Ji&n HEARSAY. It denotes that a certain occurrence or fact is
known to the speaker from hearsay only. It may best be trans-
lated by I WAS TOLD, IT IS SAID.
ha'wl hSn IE wi'nqas u temi'snatc grew up the Spider's grandson,
it is said 66.11, 12
pEULd'wai hen tafntan whales are reported to (have) come ashore
128.28
ye s ne u L r le Tiln la u tyai'wit your enemies (as I heard you say) those I
killed 110.16, 17
14. U SURELY, CERTAINLY, confirms a statement, and gives it the
appearance of certainty. It is often used in apposition to hen,
whenever the speaker wishes to imply that he himself was a wit-
ness of a certain occurrence. It denotes knowledge by experi-
ence, and may be translated by i SAW IT. It either follows or
precedes that part of a sentence which it is to specify more
clearly.
ma il QLdwet'wat persons I do eat, indeed 24.18
tyUoxqai'nis ma, U I am a doctor, surely 10.2
tti U e Ld u k u there, indeed, sit down 38.22
tyk'ild'wit U I saw him, for sure
xafms U he is sick (I saw it)
Is'yl hanLel it will be good certainly 15.9 (hanLel =hanL + il
see 7)
In hel sla not so, cousin 42.23 (see 7)
15. cfcu indicates knowledge by evidence. It is used whenever the
speaker wishes to state a fact that occurred beyond doubt, but
whose causes are not known to him. It is composed of C E (see
p. 389) and k u . It may be rendered by IT MUST HAVE BEEN
THAT.
yftfxwa cku hu u ma'k'e yu'Jcwe two women must have gone ashore
126.11, 12 (the speaker knows this fact to be true by examining
the tracks on the sand beach)
hats cku kwa xmd la u tci htthltowet'wat just it must be as if a per-
son that thing there put it 112.2 (the evidence of this fact was
the finding of the object in question)
88
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 389
89. Particles Denoting Connection with Previously
Impressed Ideas
16. yiqax, ytqa* The exact significance of this particle is not clear.
It was rendered by STILL, ANYWAY, AT ANY RATE, NEVERTHE-
LESS, RIGHT AWAY, JUST. In some cases it denotes a continual
action.
yiqa In to' hits TIE to'qmas still not he hit the woodpecker 22.5
yiqa hanL tsbx' e hak u to u 'wat tl'ye ix' at any rate, you will here
leave your canoe 54.10, 11
yiqax hanL nla right away I am going
ma yttxwa ma la, yiqa U tsxau'wat even if two persons go, never-
theless they kill them 90.10
hats yiqa xqa'wax fax kwma f e { wat just continually from above they
two look at it 6.9
17. qats HOWEVER, NEVERTHELESS, NOTWITHSTANDING.
xqa'wax ha'Jc/wUem., la u qats Jcwa a'yu Ldwa'hai qa'xantc from
above, some one pulled him, however, it seemed as if he surely
ran upwards (by himself) 92.9, 10
qats JewiLJcwa'yUi hats lEqa u 'we IE a' la nevertheless it was cut off
(and) it just died, the child 76.15, 16
18. ma BUT, EVEN IF, REALLY.
ma yu'xwa ma la, yiqa il tsxau'wat even if two persons go, never-
theless they kill them 90.10
ma yanLawe ti'mill dtil eHo'hUs, yiqa hanLawe la u eftsxau'wat
even if strong something you will strike, still you will kill it
124.11, 12
ma with the negative particle m is rendered by NOT AT ALL.
ma In ma kwaa'mya, ma wand) L/a'xEm not at all people he
saw, nevertheless that way he was talking (making believe that
he saw them) 30.27
19. na, nayim BECAUSE.
e alqsita'm%, nayim wandj e s L!a'xEm, you scare me, because that
way you are talking 110.15, 16
na a'yu qa'lyeq ha'ltsat because surely salmon (will) come into the
river 36.26
90. F articles Denoting Emotional States
20. C E expresses slight surprise at a state of affairs that has come into
existence contrary to one's expectations.
hu u 'mis C E la a' la a female (was) his child (a boy was expected in
this case) 108.6 89-90
390 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
da'mil C E a'yu a man (it was) surely
tslirm'ye C E summer it got 30.20
tso c Lq! now it was cooked 34.2
yu G E Le efkfa'lat too loud you shout (literally, very contrary to my
expectations you shout [the speaker ordered the whale to shout
loud, but he did not expect such a noise; hence the use of C E in
this sentence]) 36.15
ha'wl C E IE wi'nqas u term'snatc grown up (has) the Spider's
grandson (this statement was made by a person who believed
the boy to have been dead) 64. 24, 25
C E is combined with the future particle hanL into CGLUL, and with the
potential UL into CUL (see 9). These new particles express
expectation that will certainly be fulfilled, and may be trans-
lated by I HOPE, IT OUGHT.
canL you will be all right (I hope) 124.14
nl canL tdtc xa'ltll (I hope) he won't do anything to me (literally,
not to me, it ought, what he does) 116.2
yu CUL nlc'/ak'ma'wis yuL nLi'mlet I ought to get very tired, if 1
keep on spearing (literally, very much, it ought to be, I with-
out laziness, if should 1 spear it) 34.17
Is'yl CUL % la u In kwiLkwa'yu good it might have been if that one
not had been cut off 76.16
la u CUL ni'citc is pli'yat (of) that a little we two ought to take
home 112.3
C E is frequently prefixed to the demonstrative pronoun ta, forming
a new particle cts or eta. This particle often follows the
interrogative forms of tcitc, dtf'l, and wit (see pp. 407, 411),
giving the interrogation a tinge of surprise, as it were.
e?w%'tu eta who are you? (literally, you, who is it?)
dV'lu eta ts nk'Uo'urit what do I see? (literally, what is it that I
see?) 106.16, 17
xtcl'tcu eta ts la u In L!no u 'tat why does it not come open? (liter-
ally, why is it that that one not comes open?) 76.4
21. ctl INDEED. Composed of C E and U. It has retained the signifi-
cance of both of its component elements. It consequently
denotes a fact known by actual experience, at the occurrence
of which the speaker is surprised, as it came into existence
contrary to his expectations.
his cil e s ne ye me i la f Jcuk u la u x'na'at also indeed, thou, O heart of
salmon! runnest? 36.19, 20
tso cil xwandjl'ye now, indeed, that way it is 8.2
<fne cil you it is, indeed JO. 3
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This particle occurs frequently with the transitional suffix -lye
(see 35).
hi'nl dll'ye mand/j k!wa a nt there, indeed, already he felt it
32.16, 17
22. httc indicates surprise. The native Coos is unable to render it.
Its meaning was deduced from the sense of the sentences in
which it occurred.
hetliats do/mil Tc'Uo'wU tsxu kite IEH heni'k u natc suddenly a man
she saw lying with her elder sister 50.22, 23
ma hem'tset Mtc a person was laid bare 58.22
91. Particles Denoting the Conditional
23. uL WOULD, SHOULD. It puts the sentence in which it occurs in
a potential mode. It may either precede or follow the verb to
which it belongs.
kctfsfmisen qaliml'ye UL wu'txe tefy a'la in five days, if should
return my child 42.22, 23
la u UL nJc'Ud'wlt alVcanl u mien (I) should be the one to see them
play, if 92.16
nk'VLd u ts UL I should find it if
xtwftcuL how would it be if 5.2 (contracted from xtwftcu-\-UL;
see 9).
24. yuL IF SHOULD, IF WOULD. It gives the sentence a conditional
tinge. It occurs usually in the subordinate sentence whenever
UL has been used in the co-ordinate sentence, although it is fre-
quently used independently of UL. It always precedes the verb.
xtd'tcuL yuL is so x tita'nl how would it be if we two should trade?
15.6
yuL kynnafe i wat la u In UL aiai s wafyu IE htf'me if she had seen it,
they not would have been killed, the children 58.10, 11
Itfyl yuL nnvi'me good (would it be) if I should have a fish-trap
34.19
25. yanL IF expresses the conditional in the present or future tense.
It usually precedes the verb, and it is used in subordinate sen-
tences in apposition to hanL. It also occurs independently of
hanL. Since the native Coos does not distinguish between the
conditional present and future tenses, yanL is used to express
also the present conditional.
U nl hanL Tcwma'll, yanL nc E a'lctet they will not see me, if I [will]
work 128.23, 24
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392 BUREAU Off AMERICAN ETHKOLOGY [BULL. 40
yanL In dowafya xwdndj, yixet' dtfl hanL e mUsmitsta f mi if you
don't want it that way, one thing I will teach you 124.7, 8
j^j . yanL ysai' L/tafatc fe he'laq when in another country we
two shall arrive 28.23
nk'tint yanLel I guess, I will try, surely (literally, if I shall try,
surely; yanLel=yanL + tt; see 7)
92. Exhortative Particles
26. L MUST, NECESSARILY. It signifies that a certain state of affairs
or an action must take place. It has therefore the force of an
emphatic imperative. It is placed either before or after the
verb (or noun), no matter whether the verb is used in its impera-
tive form or not.
Itcfcla'ais L <x,n la' EX close to the shore you (must) go 30.23
qa' xantc L pEl'tE loud you (must) shout (literally, shout upwards)
30.26
In L tdtc xa'ltE tety da'mtt don't you do anything to my husband
(literally, not [must], manner, do it, [to] that my husband) 26.15
dne t^la'qai L you must stay (here)
<?lEqa u wiya'tanl L you (must) tell a story 38.13, 14
Id L UL lE'yl this must be good (literally, that thing, necessarily,
should be good) 40.25
27. hamlL, mlL, IL. The exact function of this particle defies all
attempts at an explanation. It was usually translated by LET
ME, I SHOULD LIKE TO, BETTER (iT WILL BE, IF), whenever it
referred to the speaker. When referring to the person spoken
to or spoken of, it was rendered by BETTER, YOU MAY, PLEASE,
A WHILE.
hamlL nkwina'e i wat I should like to look at him
mlL dttte if to'Uts better hit this one 124.15
hamlL tfne xle'Uc e s Jc'WntqEm you may with it try 92.1
hamlL ^L/ats please, speak 16.2
mlL halt! e s ne xle'foc e L/ats now you with it speak (a while) 16.5
IL hanL xtcfrtc xa'lal? what (would be) better to do? 86.10
In examining these sentences one must arrive at the conclusion that
hamlL (or mlL) is of an exhortative character. By its means the
speaker either asks permission of the imaginary person spoken
to, to perform a certain action, or he conveys a polite command
to the person spoken to. In both cases the granting of the
desire is a foregone conclusion.
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hamlL and mlL are contracted with the periphrastic han into hamlLan
and ndLan, adding to the particle a future significance.
hamlLan nL/ettc let me go out 28.26
hamlLan ni'k'in ^wild u 'wat let me look for wood 102.3
mlLan tfmuxtUsa'mi permit me to feel of you 72.17
28. Jcwts LET us TWO. This particle is composed of the particle 7c u
PERHAPS and of the inclusive form of the personal pronoun is
WE TWO. Its function is that of an imperative for the inclusive.
The verb, which it always precedes, takes the imperative suffixes.
lewis Lxa'tE let us two chop wood 26.15, 16
lewis tsE'mtitsE tE tahaflik* let us two loosen that quiver 122.27
29. fcwtn LET us (ALL) exercises the function of the imperative for
the first person plural. The first component is, beyond doubt,
the particle k u PERHAPS. The second element can be no other
than the personal pronoun for the first person plural lin. The
contraction of 7c u -\-lin into kwin may have been effected by the
analogy of Jc u + is into Jcwis.
kwin Le tsxe'ws let us kill him quickly 68.3
Icwin sqa'tsE let us seize it
93. Particles Denoting Emphasis
30. he*. By its means the Coos emphasizes any part of speech. It
usually precedes the word to be emphasized.
he* yu xtca'yux u ma a very insignificant man (literally, emphasis,
very small man) 42.6
he i xa I'la Lowi'tat xa' a patc she first ran into the water 56.9
he 1 dl kw&k'l'ye surely, indeed, it was a girl 12.1, 2
Whenever he* precedes the conjunction hats, it forms a new particle,
which is rendered by SUDDENLY.
he* hats ma k'ilo'wit suddenly a person she saw 54.2
helhats L/no^tat IE tdi'lE suddenly came open the door 62.5
31. h&kwaln EXCEEDINGLY (like the English colloquial AWFULLY).
This particle consists of the following three independent and
separable components: he*, kwa, and In. Literally translated,
the particle means VERILY, IT SEEMS NOT. Since the phrase is
used as a sort of an exclamation with an interrogative character,
it may best be compared to our English exclamation ISN'T THIS
A FINE DAY! which really means THIS is A FINE DAY.
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394 BUBEAU. OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
heikwaln Is'yl d iktwe' x teis she was awfully glad (literally, what,
as if not her heart good?) 64.9, 10
Ji&Tvwaln xhvfyns ma a very poor man (literally, what, as if not
a poor man?) 42.5
hetJcwa U In dowafya they liked him very much (literally, what,
as if they not liked him?) 24.29
32. ItE is used in direct discourse only. It always follows the word
that is to be emphasized.
n'ne Its IE e^ddwayExtaffe qa u 'wa I am (emphatic) the one you
wanted (last) night 50.25, 26
tfhu u 'm%s Its! you will (be) a woman (emphatic) 24.20
te* ME Jcwa'xaL ll'ye e'k u Latc this (emphatic) (is) the bow (of) thy
father 62.24
qa'lyeq Its In Its psnLo'wai it is salmon, not whale (literally, sal-
mon [emphasis], not [emphasis] whale) 130.12, 13
94. Restrictive f articles
33. La ONLY. It limits the action to a certain object. It always fol-
lows the word so limited.
la u La In tdtc wait (to) that only not anything he did 68.13
wa'lwal La a'tssm a knife only give me 80.14, 15
wandj La ux kwee'nlylm that way only people know them two
19.10
34. tsl SIMPLY, MERELY, JUST. It has a slight restrictive character.
tsi e qa'qal you were merely sleeping 68.19
yixe'n qaliml'ye tsi In dlH one morning, it was simply gone (lit-
erally, once, morning it got, simply, not something) 88. 3
t& contracts with the following hanL into tsanL (see 9).
tsanL eftaftc&nts only then shall you have it 78.15
95. The Interrogative f article I
35. 1. This particle, exercising the function of our sign of interroga-
tion, is used only in sentences that have no other interrogation.
It is usually placed at the end of the sentence.
afyu efttoxqai'ms I surely (art) thou a doctor? 10.4
tsfo' Ux la I did they two go (by) here? 96.18, 19
e s Jcwina' 'e*wat I nen ha'Latc have you seen my elder brothers?
96.18
When preceded by the particle han, I is rendered by MAY i?
nq!m%ts han I may I eat it?
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THE PRONOUN (96-100)
96. The Independent Personal Pronouns
Coos has two sets of independent personal pronouns, formed from
two different stems.
The first of these two sets is formed from the stem -xkan for the
first and second persons, and -xJca for the third person, to which are
prefixed the personal pronouns (see 18), giving the following series:
Singular ....
[1st person ....
hd person ....
13d person ....
ns'xkan
e'xkan
xa'ka
Dual
Inclusive ....
Exclusive ....
isnE'xkan
xwinnE'xkan
2d person ....
3d person ....
ice'xkan
tixxa'kd
Plural
[1st person ....
<2d person ....
llnnE'xkan
cine'xkan
(3d person ....
ilxd'ka
The obscure vowel in nrfxkan is due to the law of consonantic clus-
ters (see 4).
For the dropping of the glottal stop, inherent in the second person
singular, see 3.
The peculiar vowels in the third person singular may be the com-
bined effect of accent and of the dropping of the final n.
It will be seen from this table that the singular forms are the basis
for the corresponding dual and plural forms. Thus, the inclusive is
formed by combining the inclusive pronoun is with the singular for
the first person ntfxkan; the second person dual is composed of the
personal pronoun for the second person dual ic, and the singular for
the second person e'xkan; etc.
These pronouns have the force of a whole sentence, and may be
translated by i (THOU, HE . . . ) AM THE ONE, WHO
ntfxkan JIOLUL la u nx'intl'yat tE xa a p 1 will be the one to run
away with that water 40.20, 21
his lianL e'xkan y%xe i 'e s '~k!wint also thou shalt be the one to shoot
one (arrow) 13.1
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That the dual and plural forms of this set are not felt to be integral
units, and may easily be separated according to their component ele-
ments, is best shown by the following example:
tso hanL nrixkan xw%n e^Vlta! m now will we two tell thee
126.21, 22 (ntfxkan xwln instead of xwinnri 'xhari)
This use of the singular pronouns in place of the plural has been
referred to in 46.
The second set of independent personal pronouns may be called the
"verbal set." These pronouns are formed by prefixing the personal
pronouns #, e s , etc., to the stem -ne, which seems to have a verbal sig-
nificance. The pronouns thus obtained may be translated by IT is i,
IT is THOU, etc.
The third persons singular, dual, and plural have no special forms
in this set; but they are replaced by m, uxxa, Uxa, forms related to
xa'M, uxxaflca, and ttxafka.
The series follows.
fist person ....
n'ne
Singular ....
<2d person ....
<*ne
1.3d person ....
xd
("Inclusive ....
i'sne
I Exclusive ....
xwin'ne
Dual
|2d person ....
i'cne
1.3d person ....
ti'xxa
[1st person ....
lin'ne
Plural ....
<2d person ....
cin'ne
1.3d person ....
il'xa
his hanL ty'ne t<n nla I too will go there 94.22
halt! efne tsix' e s std u q now it is thy turn to stand here 64.32
Ms xd (^aflctet she too is working 22.26, 27
The Possessive Pronouns ( 97-98)
97. The Sign of Possession, u
The idea of possession is expressed in Coos by means of the posses-
sive particle $, which follows the term expressing the possessor, and
precedes that indicating the possessed object. The possessor is not
infrequently preceded by the article.
97
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - COOS 397
V'nek' fcfao' wi tsa leaves of a willow he found 30.17, 18
TIE ha'tdt! u a'la x'Vntset Hetcit's child got on top 24.23
ux leml'yat IE mexa'ye u kwa'x u they two set up the eagle's feathers
8.10
xwandj u ty'nas TIE tsa'yux u la'niJc* such (was) the name of the small
river 46.10, 11
The possessive sign very frequently takes the place of the possessive
pronoun for the third persons singular and plural.
Idyl u Uuwe' x tds he was glad (literally, good his heart) 32.5
afya cku u qafya she must have lost her breath (literally, gone must
be her breath) 58.24, 25
la u ha u 'we IE tdclfmfil the spruce-tree is growing (literally, goes
its growth, the spruce-tree) 20.16
la u paa'wES IE xa a p the water is filling up (literally, goes its
fullness, the water) 44.17
a'wl u Ldwafwas she finished eating (literally, it ended, her food)
24.13
JIE e'st%s ma aiA'maqa u %x' some people had large canoes (liter-
ally, some people, large their canoes) 44.20
ytixwa' u hu u ma'k'e he has two wives (literally, two [are] his
wives) 20.3
dpi ft x'na'at IE nd^Jc'i'li the Big Woman came quickly (literally,
comes her quickness, the Big Woman) 78.26
The possessive sign is employed in impersonal sentences, where the
subject of the sentence is qa'yis WORLD or mln PEOPLE. In these
cases the subject is placed at the end of the sentence, and the posses-
sive sign is affixed to the possessed object, immediately preceding the
subject. The sentences are rendered by THERE WAS, THEY ARE.
Tcl'dLlta! ft qafyis there was no land (literally, without [its] land
the world) 5.5; 6.1
In tdle'xEm u qa'yis there was no low tide (literally, not [has] its
dry condition [the] world) 15.8
nwa'waLa fa qa'yis there was a spider (literally, with its spider
. [is] the world) 30.3
qaidfnfo kwee'ti $ m&n people were living in a small place (liter-
ally, in a small place their living [place have] people) 50.7
tcl ti'k'ine u m2n there they were standing (literally, there their
standing [place, severally have] people) 74.28
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98. The Possessive Pronouns Proper
The possessive pronouns proper are formed by prefixing to the
personal pronouns #, 6 s , etc., the article IE or A#, or the demonstrative
pronoun ts. These forms may be regarded as loose prefixes.
fist person ....
hey
len
ten
Singular . . .
J2d person ....
Wye
ll'ya
tl'ye
[3d person ....
ha,
Id, la
t&(1)
[Inclusive ....
he'ts
le'is
Wts
Dual ....
Exclusive . . ' \ ' .'
he'xwln
le'xwln
te'xwin
2d person . -.js^i ^
he'ic
le'lc
tc'ic
3d person . . .Y.
he'&x
le'tix
te'&x
fist person ....
he'lin
le'lln
te'lln
Plural . . . t Wl ,
<2d person . .,,3,,,,,^-,
he'cin
le'cln
te'dn
(.3d person ....
he'll
le'il
te'U
The second person singular ll'ye has resulted from the combination
IE + 6*. This phonetic irregularity remains unexplained. The forms
ll'ya and la occur before nouns having a- vowels (see 7).
a'yu till' ye hen kw a a'tis surely, true came my dream 100.14
la u kwma'eiwat ll'ye Uuwe' x tds that one is looking into thy heart
14.8
ptf'nts ll'ya kxla bend thy foot 120.13
him ye'es la u L/k'its into his mouth she poured it 102.12
la u hanL he' is Jcala'lis these shall be our two subjects 124.6
halt/yu na a nt he'lin c E alcta'was too great (is) our work 68.27
Lowa 1 Teats he'll equate living is their mother 84.21
la Li 'aha 'was her clothes 110.3
Ldwa'kats La a'la his child remained 110.10
xa'nis le'xvnn e'k u Latc sick is our (dual) father 126.18, 19
w la'tslt le'w e'Jc u Latc you two go and get your (dual) father 20.13
dx kwiskwl'wat le'ux e'k u Latc they two were informing their (dual)
father 20.25
l E yuwi'ltE le'c&n so'wd! wiggle your fingers! 122.8
tytsxau'wat hanL teq, mi'nkatc I will kill that my son-in-law 26.22
tl'yex e'k u Latc hanL la u k'i'LdHs tl'ye ix' thy father will find thy
canoe 54.11
A peculiar form of the possessive pronoun for the first person singu-
lar is the frequently occurring nen. This form may be explained as a
reduplicated stem, in which the first n is, so to speak, the article for
the first person singular, formed in analogy to IE or hs.
nenpka'katc hanL nk'tto'wU my grandfather I shall see
aiatfwa'yu nen hV'me killed were (all) my children 62.18
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The personal pronouns without prefixes are often employed as pos-
sessive pronouns. In such cases the second person singular e occurs
as ye?.
which one (is) my husband? 80.3
a'ya nqa'ya I am out of breath (literally, dead my breath) 66.27
na a nt hanL ye? Ldwa'was you will have much to eat (literally, much
will [be] your food) 54.6
k/d hanL ye s n Jcfwints fyla'ats a rope around thy neck I'll put 94.12
In two instances the possessive pronoun of the third person singular
is amplified by the addition of the possessive sign.
Is'yl ha u iluwe' x tds he is good-natured (literally, good [is] his
heart)
dzu'll la u kwl'yos a fur-seal (as) his dog 132.2
A possessive pronoun expressing absence is formed by prefixing to
the personal pronouns the prefix k'!a-. The form for the first person
singular only could be obtained in this series.
nl kwiskwl'll tsx k'/aty u'ma not me informed that my (absent)
grandmother 62.12
Besides these pronouns, there is another series of independent pos-
sessive pronouns. They are formed by prefixing to the verbal form
of the personal pronouns ii'ne, e ne, etc., the article JIE or IE, or the
demonstrative tE, and by suffixing the possessive sign u.
fist person ....
hen'neu
Singular . . .
-|2d person ....
y&neu f
[3d person ....
hexdu'
Inclusive ....
heisneu'
Exclusive ....
hexwln'neu
Dual ....
2d person ....
heicneu'
3d person ....
hedxxau'
(1st person ....
hettn'neu
Plural. . . .
J2d person ....
hecin'neu
(.3d person ....
h&llxau'
The second person singular shows a phonetic irregularity which I
am at a loss to explain.
These pronouns are independent, and have a verbal significance.
They may be rendered by IT is MINE, IT is THINE, etc.
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ts qtfma my property is that camas 112.6,7
e?hegfne u %'le you (are) my enemy 118.3
ye?ne u ptfl L/a'nex thy cradle is new 38.17
hexa u ' Id h&n it is his property (it is said) 116.21, 22
99. The Reflexive Pronouns
The reflexive pronouns are formed by prefixing the possessive pro-
nouns to the stem tet BODY. The possessive pronominal prefixes for
the first and second persons singular are #- and ye s - respectively.
The third person singular has no pronominal prefix. The rest is
regular.
Singular . . .
[1st person ....
<2d person ....
(.3d person ....
ntet
y&tet
tet
("Inclusive ....
he'istet
Dual ....
I Exclusive ....
|2d person ....
(3d person ....
he'xwintet
he'ictet
he'tixtet
Plural ....
fist person
<2d person ....
1.3d person ....
he'llntet
hdcintet
he'iltet
Qtet I hit myself
lo u ' x tlt yeHet watch thyself 74.3
wdndj p%'ct(Ats tet thus he warmed himself 32.8
fax L/x'i'nx'it he'tixtet they two examine themselves 84.3
U yu'xtits he'Utet they rubbed themselves 52.13
The particle i'nlEx ALONE is not infrequently placed before the verb
(see 108), and emphasizes the subject.
tytd'hits tytet alone I hit myself
100. The Demonstrative Pronouns
The demonstrative pronouns exhibit a variety of forms. Attempts
have been made to discover whether the different forms may not
indicate position from the standpoint of the speaker; but they have
proved unsuccessful, owing to the fact that this idea does not seem to
be clearly developed in Coos. Only the first two pronouns seem to
accentuate this distinction. The following demonstrative stems have
been found.
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 401
te l denotes an object that is near to the speaker, and may be translated
by THIS HEBE. It always precedes the object to which it refers.
te* hanL to' hits this here he shall hit 20.14
f& fpoMs this here you fill up 78.12
It is frequently employed as an adverb in the sense of HERE.
te, 1 tyylxu'me here I travel 26.9
<%$& hatf I (am) here, O elder brother! 72.26.
^indicates an object that is away from the speaker, and may be
rendered by THAT THERE., It usually precedes the object.
tkwlLet'wat tE to'qmas he is following that (there) woodpecker 22.2
fix k'tto'vnt tE L/ta they two saw that (there) land 6.5
dVltcE'tc tE QL/aqa'etwat with what (shall) I point my finger (at)
this one (there?) 40.24
tE often exercises the function assigned in English to the conjunc-
tion THAT.
xtctftcu ts go u s mVlatc e yixu'me why (is it) that alwa} r s you
travel? 48.14
xtci'tcu ts wdndj eftfltaffe why (is it) that thus you tell it to me?
(For ts as a prefix in possessive pronouns, see 98. See also under
la u below, and lewi^ p. 402.)
dUte 1 '. A compound pronoun composed of the indefinite particle di*l
SOMETHING (see p. 407) and the demonstrative te i THIS HERE. It
may be translated by THIS HERE.
dUte? k u ll'yex this stone here 124.16, 17
dilte 1 '. A compound of dlH SOMETHING (see p. 407) and tE THAT THERE.
It is usually translated by THAT THERE.
dilte' tE lc u ll'yex that stone yonder
dilte-' ma the person yonder
la u , ha w . This pronoun has the force of a whole sentence. It
applies to both subject and object, and it is used in singular and
in plural alike. It invariably precedes the subject or object
to which it refers. It may be translated by HE, THAT is THE
ONE ; HE IT is.
yixe'n qaliml'ye la u Lfe { tc hdl to'm%L one morning that one went
out, (namely) that old man 20.4.
xqantc la u sl' x 't E tsa la u td la from where he (was the one to)
scent it, there he (was the one to) go 22. 2i
la u la, xw%'lux u ~ba'nx u tat that (was the one) his head became bald
30.14
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402 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
la u tsmd'Le ma la u tcttdla'etwat he it is the old people (it is they
who) sit (on) that, usually 38.3
la u In la u i'lxats he did not look at it (literally, he was the one,
not, it was the thing, he looked at it) 40. 8
la u hanL fan c E aflctet it is they two (who) shall work 68.26
k'ida'rmnatc ha u x'L/lt into the bowl she put it 102.6, 7
la u and ha u are frequently emphasized by the prefixed article or by
the demonstrative pronoun tE.
IE Id'mdk', lala u tE Inldjl'yEX the bones, those are the Umpqua
Indians 50.5, 6
lala u he Ldwef'wat that's what she usually eats 24.5, 6
tsla u i^ha ux ts tE L/ta I am the one who made that land 10.3, 4
In composite sentences having one and the same subject, la u and ha u
are used in the subordinate sentence to avoid the repetition of
the subject.
Jcwmafwas si' x 't E tsa (Is dl'lol) % la u hi'ni sto u q smoke scented (the
young man) as he stood there 22.23, 24
xa'nand'ya la d'la % la u lsqa u 'wE his child made him feel sorry,
when it died 42.18, 19
lewt, a demonstrative pronoun with verbal force. It is invariably
followed by the article or by the demonstrative pronoun is; and
it is sometimes, for the sake of emphasis, preceded by la u . It
may be translated by IT is, THAT is.
lew% IE enl'h'exEm that is it, sticking out 46.11
he* dl lewl'ye IE tcli'ls surely, indeed, it was a door 72.25
lal, half a demonstrative pronoun used for subject and object, singu-
lar and plural. It precedes the subject or object. It denotes
objects that have been previously mentioned. It is composed
of the article ZE, hs, and of the abbreviated form of the particle
<Ml SOMETHING (see p. 407).
qa'notc sto u q lot to'rmL outside stood that old man 20.4, 5
wdndj L/dts Idl Jiu u '^m%k' thus spoke that old woman 102.10
aso' sqats hal hu u 'imk' IEX swal again seized that old woman
the grizzly bear 102.21, 22
fix nEqa'qa hal tEma'Le they two ran away, those old people
24.12, 13
hal and Idl have a nominalizing function, and often take the place
of our relative pronouns.
hats Tcwa la u u'yu wina'qaxEm Idl Lowel'wat just like a rainbow
was spread out (that thing) which he was eating 32.14
100
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 403
td'tcu tE la u xtd u s hdl efL/aha'etwat why (is it) that that thing stiff
(is) which you have on 110.4, 5
Id has a nominal force, and denotes THAT KIND, SUCH A THING. It
always precedes the object.
a'yu Id k'i f Ld u ts hs pa'xwiya surely, that kind he found, the man-
zanita berries 32.10, 11
tsd a'yu Id ha ux ts now surely, that thing she made 60.16
When preceded by a possessive pronoun, Id expresses the idea of
property.
hen'ne u Id ts qE'md that camas belongs to me 112.6, 7
Lo has a local meaning, and may be translated by IN IT, ON IT. It
always follows the object to which it refers.
p^sik' a'tssm LO ni'dtc xd a p ha u 'wE a cup give me, in it a little
water have 68.17, 18
tsetifx'ume LO he u 'he u ha u 'wE. f on this side make a knot (literally,
where this side is, on it a knot make) 92.7, 8
k'fdn MY ABSENT. The prefix of this possessive pronoun may be
regarded as a demonstrative pronoun (see pp. 323, 399).
THE NUMERAL ( 101-102)
101. The Cardinals
1. yixe*' 20. yuxwa'ka
2. yuxwaf 30. yipss'nka
3. yi'psEn 40. hecL^Lka
4. lie'ctfL 50. JcatfE'mwka
5. kat'E'rms 60. yixet'wieqka,
6. yixet'imeq 70. yuxwafwieqka
7. yuxwa'wieq 80. y%xe if ahalka
8. yixe* 'ahal 90. ytixwtt 'ahalka
9. yuxwa'ahdl 100. yixe if m'Jc'm
10. Lep/qa'm 111. yixe*' m'k'in Lep/qafm
11. Lep!qafm yixetu'qtsl yix&u'qtsi
12. Lep!qafm yy { xwdu f qtsl
The Coos numeral system is of a quinary origin, and, strictly
speaking, there are only five simple numeral stems; namely, those for
the first five numerals. The numerals for six, SEVEN, EIGHT, and NINE
are compounds, the second elements of which can not be explained.
In the same manner the numeral for TEN defies all attempts at analysis.
Besides the cardinals, Coos exhibits special forms for the ordinal,
multiplicative, and distributive numerals, formed by means of adding
certain numeral suffixes to the cardinal numerals (see 74-77).
101
404 BUREAU QF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The collective numerals expressed in English by the phrases m
TWOS, IN THREES, etc., are formed in Coos by means of suffixing to
the numerals for TWO, THREE, etc., the adverbial suffix -e*fc(see 67).
yuxwafheltc la u kithltowe ir wat in pairs he is putting them down
34.7, 8
xyipss' rieHc in threes
The collective numeral for ONE, yixe'ntce, shows a peculiar forma-
tion. It consists of the cardinal yW ', the distributive suffix -n (see
pp. 327, 341), the modal suffix -to (see pp. 327, 340, 369), and the suffix -e
(see p. 359).
ybxe'ntce sqats together he seized them 64. 8, 9
yixe'ntce U nL/tafyas together they (live) in (one) village 122.18.
102. The Decimal System
The units exceeding multiples of ten have forms exemplified by TEN
(TWENTY) ONE OVER. Thus Lep/qa'nl yixeltt qtsl ELEVEN literally
means TEN ONE OVER, etc. The "tens" are formed by means of
suffixing to the numerals from ONE to TEN (exclusive) the suffix -ka.
The numeral for ONE HUNDRED, translated literally, means ONE
STICK, which indicates that the Coos may have used counting-sticks
for the purpose of counting up to one hundred. Two HUNDRED
would mean TWO STICKS, etc. The numeral ONE THOUSAND does not
seem to have been used at all. There is no special stem for it.
The natives to-day form this numeral by adding the noun m'k'm
STICK to the numeral stem for TEN, expressing ONE THOUSAND by the
phrase TEN STICKS.
THE ADVERB ( 103-106)
103. Introductory
The dividing-line between adverbs and particles can not always
be drawn very definitely. This is especially true in the case of the
three particles expressing locality, time, and modality (see 112).
Adverbs express local, temporal, and modal ideas. A few of them
may be said to express local phrases. In a number of cases two
adverbs have been combined for the purpose of indicating a new
adverbial concept, which is nothing more than an amplification of
the ideas conduced by each of the two separate component elements.
Some of the local adverbs seem to distinguish slightly between the
idea of locality that is near the first, second, or third person; although
SS 102-103
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS
405
I am somewhat doubtful on that point, owing to the fact that this
idea is hardly recognizable in the demonstrative pronouns.
The great majority of modal adverbs occur with the adverbial suffix
of modality -to (see 25, 36), and are often preceded by the modal
prefix - (see 24). It is conceivable that this suffix may have been
originally adverbial par excellence, and that it gradually became con-
fined to adverbs expressing mode and manner. This opinion may be
substantiated by the fact that the adverbial suffix -tc, when added to
nouns, expresses other adverbial ideas besides those of modalit}^ It
is also suffixed to a number of stems expressing local phrases.
The following is a complete list of adverbs that have been found in
Coos:
104. Local Adverbs and Phrases
OSI'L between, halfway 5.1
efqatce to one side 42.3
I'la before, ahead, in front
56.9
yVhelq close by 60.21
yiqa'te* close there (?) 90.23
yiqa'ltdx' close here 104.12
yiqai'nl so far, right here 14. 4
hi'nl there 5.2
tl u over there 90.21
tsix' here 24.4
tsi'x'ti over here 13.5
tse'tix* over here
td there 7.4
tele' etc back in the woods 88.11
qaya' a tc, qa'titc down the
stream 24.24; 54.1
qa'wax high up 8.11
qai'nas close to the fire 82.19
go/Unfa away from the shore 36.18
qaits inside the house 140.24
gat below 36.11
qapu'kul the other side, across
140.18
qafxan up 34.4
gal down, below, under 116.9
xtse'tix' from here 136.3
xqa'wax from above 6.4
xqa'lm from under 90.4
xle'tix', Leftix' from there 12.2;
78.28
ltdlafais close to the shore 30.23
L/ha'wais near, close to 50.20
105. Temporal Adverbs
aso' again 6.1
ai'wa still, yet 7.6
yuwe whenever (yu +he [see
9]) 24.4
yrnwfnt before 178.25
hats E yu always (hats + yu [see
no])
halt! now 15.6
mandj already (used for the
purpose of expressing the
past tense) 20.1
at the same time 17.3
tl' x 'tse to-day 19.9
kwlfyal now 9.1
l E ai'wa while (Is + aiwa; the arti-
cle is prefixed here for the
sake of emphasis)
104-105
406
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
106. Modal Adverbs
afyu sure, enough 16.2
yu very, very much 11.5
halt/yu (halt! + yu) too
44.18.
wandj, xwandj thus, that way
68.16; 6.8
pE'lukwltc entirely 130.7
ta u , ta so, such 52.16
na a nt much, many 44.18
ni'dtc a few, a little 68.17
tso'no both ways 6.2
tsqe'yixetc edgeways
g'i, g'l'Jcwa a little 36.6;
28.10
M a s almost 20.19
x u ,yux,yuxti'k'i hardly 28.17
xwe'lixetc in a stooping position
118.15
xplye'etc homewards 42.7
txafnuxwltc sideways 38.10
xtemafatc crossways 64.28
xno'we right 44.9
xd'yHeitc clear around it 128.18
xqe'Htc slowly 60.7
xLa'qatc belly up and mouth open
102.11
XLeye'entc truly 148.1
xLOwe'entc wholly 44.17
lai'sama quickly, hurriedly 30.1
I'nuwl very, very much 15.6
L E pe'xetc belly side down 58.14
Ldwe'entc entirely 30.11.
A number of purely local adverbs occur with the modal suffix,
implying the modal character of a local idea.
qa! xantc upwards (literally, in the manner of up) 14.1
qa'notc outside 20.4
qdtc downwards 6.4
yi'qantc backwards
Is'xatc inside 62.8
e'hentc far off (compare e'he he was gone 108.9) 26.23
, qa'tUc down stream 54.1
tsqai'tc up stream 160.15
The temporal phrase xteml'towetc FROM THAT TIME ON 42.12 may also
belong here, although the original stem is no longer recognizable.
Whenever these modalized local adverbs are used in connection with
verbs expressing motion or active ideas, they take the verbal suffix -e
(see 55).
e'hentc sto u q far off he stood
26.23
qa'notc lin tsxu outside we lay
50.10
qeltc tix Ux down they two
looked 14.2
106
In elie'ntce yixu'me not you far
away go 112.24
qano'tcail LleHc outside they went
50.11
qe'ltce tsfifx'tl he'laq down right
here it came 13.5
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 407
PARTICLES ( 107-112)
107. Introductory
No formal distinction can be made between the stems that were
termed ''syntactic particles" (see 86-95), and the words treated
in the following chapters. Both exhibit practically the same phonetic
structure. There is, however, a vast difference between these two
sets of words, which asserts itself in the grammatical use to which
they are applied, and in the morphological treatment that is accorded
to them. None of the syntactic particles can be clearly and definitely
rendered when used independently ; or, in other words, the syntactic
particles are capable of expressing concepts only in a complex of
words. On the other hand, all particles proper express definite ideas,
regardless of whether they are used independently or not. However,
the most important point of distinction between syntactic particles and
particles proper lies in the fact that the latter are capable of word
composition. Hence all grammatical processes may be applied to
them; and, as a matter of fact, the majority of them occur with a
number of nominal and verbal suffixes.
108. Pronominal Particles.
By means of these particles Coos expresses the ideas conveyed by
our indefinite, interrogative, and relative pronouns. The following
particles are employed for this purpose:
wit SOMEBODY is applied to persons only. It often exercises the
function of a relative pronoun, and is then translated by WHO.
In scwU la u fciti'wita nobody that one can overtake 92.21, 22
Tcwaa'niya wit lot hu u 'mik' she knew who it was that old woman
102.20
dltl SOMETHING is applied to objects other than persons. It always
follows the object to which it belongs.
he' mis diH tyk'Uo'wit big something I saw 62.21
go u s diH JianL hafwi everything will grow (literally, all something
will grow) 9.3
yu'xwa dtfl qk'ilo'wit two things I saw 112.26, 27
ntda'ha diH td he'laq animals arrived there (literally, something
[that is] with legs [walkers] arrived there) 46.1, 2
nL/pe'ne di { l td he'laq birds arrived there (literally, something
[that is] with wings arrived there) 46.2, 3
fiS 107-108
408 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
dfifl is very often abbreviated to I.
k!wem'ya u l iywild u 'wat for some food I am looking
(See also under lot, hal, p. 402.)
By suffixing the interrogative suffix -u (see 73) to dtfl and wit,
two interrogative pronouns are obtained that may be rendered
by WHAT and WHO respectively (see also p. 390).
dV'lu he tE e s wilo u 'wat what are you continually looking for? 54.3
xwi'tu tstfx'tl'yat who did it?
wtctce' takes the place of our interrogative pronoun. It always
stands at the beginning of the sentence, and may be rendered
by WHICH ONE.
wwtce' e dowa'ya which one do you want? 50.16
Itc WHICH occurs very rarely. It may be said to exercise the func-
tion of our relative pronoun.
Itc yu he'mis whichever is the biggest (literally, which [is] very
big) 30.21
Itc he nq!e fi ltse whichever had a handkerchief 70.19
ALONE. This particle exercises the function of the reflexive
pronoun in intransitive sentences. It is usually placed at the
beginning of the sentence, &nd precedes the verb. It is then
rendered by MYSELF, THYSELF, etc. (see also p. 400).
la u L E dn alone they went down into the water 36.18
%'nlEx ^c E a'lctet alone I work, I myself work
inlEx Ldwa'kats alone he lived 106.24
This particle occurs sometimes as iniExa'ma or %nlExa!na. These
forms frequently precede verbs having reciprocal suffixes.
inlExa'na la u hu u misisafnl the} 7 marry one another 12.5
inlExa'ma fax yoflanl they two speak to each other
inlExa'na lin td u &ls(i'nl we are hitting one another
When used in connection with possessive pronouns, %'nlEx assumes
the function of a reflexive possessive pronoun, and may be
rendered by MY (THY) OWN.
tyha ux ts nyixd'wEx I build my own house
a nJia ux ts tyyixa'wEx I build my own house
108
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 409
109. Numeral Particles
I'fcl BOTH, go u s ALL, hE'wia ALL, denfo EACH, EVERY, and yEai'
ANOTHER, may be called numeral particles. htfma is used to
indicate plurality of the object, and immediately follows the
verb, while go u s precedes the verb and usually denotes plurality
of the subject (see 18).
go u s wdndj il Lld'xEm they all that way talk 50.9, 10
xgo u s ma la u kwaa'nlyaha'ya all people came to know it 102.29
i^k'itl-wita lid ma I overtook them all
alqsafya hs'ma he is afraid of them all
denk' Jclwiflis every night 82.9
halt! yEai' x'ne' x 'tits qa'xantc now another one jumped upwards
76.3, 4
halt! y^ai' ma Lowi'tat now another man runs 78.28
I'k'l expresses the idea of duality in both subject and object of the
sentence.
%'lt-i to'Uts he hit both of them 114.4
e'qe I'k'l dead (are) both 120.5
jJel dx tda'at both walked 120.19
110. Conjunctions
Coos has a number of stems that must be classed as conjunctions.
The following may be regarded as such:
Ms also hats just
ta and tso now, then
% when, as, since, while
hts and ta serve as copulas between nouns and sentences.
his xa c E a'lctet also she is working 22.26, 27
kwaaf myahaf ya lax ha'Latc his lax tfnatc his lax e f k u Ldtc (they)
came to know it, her elder brother, also her mother, also her
father 86.22, 23
sqats ta tc! wale' to L/xant he caught and into the fire he threw him
104.15
t connects subordinate clauses with the principal clause.
a'ya ft, iluwe' x tds i la u lJc!wa'Jc u IE xa a p he was tired (waiting),
while it was running down, the water 17.3, 4
laqtso u 'wat i djl he waited, as he came 118.9, 10
i la u sqats la u xdhl'ye la u Id when one seizes it, it belongs to him
(literally, when that one seizes it, that one becomes he [to
whom] that thing belongs) 92.22
109-110
410 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BOLL. 40
hats serves to introduce a new idea. It was conventionally rendered
by JUST, although it hardly conveys the idea expressed by our
English word.
Lqa'at i tdwafletc kwi'nait. Hats kwa m.i la IE wa'wa i la u xai'la
he opened his mouth, as into the fire he looked. Just like a
liver the little girl as she became warm 108.24, 25
a'yu I'nuwl tc/Ul'yat JIE tdwdl. Hats y%'qax qa'qal IE swal surely,
she built a big fire. Just right away fell asleep the bear
100.27, 28
hats . . . hats is usually rendered by AS SOON AS. Hats prefixed
to the adverb yu VERY forms a new adverb, hats E yu, which was
invariably rendered by ALWAYS (see 105).
tso indicates a syntactic division with a continuation of the same
thought. It was translated by NOW.
"haml'Lan ni'Jc'in nivild u 'wat" wandj L/a'xEm IE liu u 'm%k\ Tso
afyu tsa'yux u ml'k'e sqats " (please) for wood I will look," thus
said the old woman. Now, surely, a small basket she took 102.3,
4,8
mitifatfya Idl hu uf m%k' IEX swal, tso aso' sqats hot hu u 'mik' IEX swal
knew that old woman the bear, now again he seized that old
woman, the bear 102.21, 22
tso tftfltafmi tso hanL efilx when I tell you, then you shall look
(literally, now I tell it to you, now shall you look) 17. 2, 3
111. Interjections
a'nta LOOK, BEHOLD! It is always placed at the beginning of the
sentence.
a'nta tl l tl'ye mi'laq look! here (are) your arrows! 22.28
a'nta Jc'Uo'witE behold, see it! 94.25
td'l the greeting formula of the Coos. It was rendered by HALLOO.
to! I sla' halloo, cousin! 44.3
ta'i HEX a'la halloo, my child! 28.21
112. Miscellaneous Particles
In NOT, a particle of negation. The particle of affirmation is En. This
is, however, rarely used, being supplanted by the syntactic par-
ticle U SURELY (see p. 388).
In k'VLo u ts he did not find it 22.18, 19
fax In Jcwaafniya they two did not know it 22.9, 10
(See also 9.)
111-112
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 411
qantc PLACE, WHERE.
qantc lsla u laa' yam, la u his xa tcl la wherever they went, he also
there went 22.17, 18
tykwaafnlya qantc I know where (it is) 80.14
go u s qantc everywhere 46. 22
In qantc Jc'i r LO u ts nowhere he found it
nn%'ldtc TIME. It is used mostly in connection with the numerical
particle go u s, and is then rendered by ALWAYS.
go u s mi'latc L/afxEm alwaj^s he is talking 14.5, 6
mi'latcu hanL e*wu'txe when will you return? (literally, time,
question, shall, you come back) 28.3, 4
tCltC MANNER, KIND, WAY, MODE (see also p. 390).
go u s tcltc il all' cam all kinds of (games) they are playing 30.25
tcltc he Ldwel'wat whatever he is eating (habitually)
U In tdtc tsxau'wat they can not kill her (literally, they [have]
no way [to] kill her) 80.24
afwatu. WHETHER OR NOT. This particle is very rarely used.
afwatu ndjl I may or may not come
afwatu In tsi'x'tl Jie'lay (they) may or may not come here 90.15
113. The Stem Itse'ts
Morphologically speaking, it is a verbal stem Its-, transitivized by
means of the suffix -&, but its application covers such a wide range
of different ideas that each of them will have to be enumerated
separately.
(1) It is used as an expletive particle with a significance that adapts
itself to the sense of the sentence.
In Jcwee'nlyZm Itse'ts he'U na a 'ntEs no one knew how many they
were (literally, they [indefinite] not know it, what [was] their
number) 78.2
ysai' L/ta'ltc rfitse'ts in another country I stay 26.8, 9
xtcl'tcu Itse'ts hs ncPsk'%'11 what is the matter with the Big Woman
72.28
Itsefts yVlc u il la u henl'yeEs him' Lowa'kats he may have been sit-
ting there for a long time 40.14
Jcwaa'nlya xtdtc hanL IE Itslm he knew what was going to happen
(the -Im in Itslm is the indefinite subject suffix [ 30]) 26.19, 20
ux In kwaafnlya qantc ha u ItsZm they two did not know where he
was 22. 9, 10
In hanL tcltc ItsZm to you nothing will happen 66.5
113
412 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNQLOGY [BULL. 40
(2) When the transitive suffixes, other than -fe, are added to it, its
significance is clearly verbal.
yi'kwanL xtdtc tyttsfomfwat I wonder what I shall do with it 86.8
yi'kwanL xteitc xwm e ltsitsaf mi I wonder what we two shall do
with you, how we two shall keep you 24.3, 4
xtd'tcu e?ltsito u 'wat tl'ye wix'l'lis how did you get that your
food? 64, 17, 18
In Tcwee'nlylm xteitc U I'tsetu no one knew what became of them
52.1, 2-
114. Verbs as Adjectives
The use of verbs as adjectives is confined to a few sporadic instances.
These verbs are, as a rule, intransitive, although they occur with the
transitive suffix -t. (See also 117.)
IkwVllt ha u yixu'me she travels blazing (red-hot) (IkwU- to burn)
24.18, 19
Ikwi'llt tsaxa'lisEtc la u lo'q u t%ts by means of red-hot pebbles she
boiled it 102.6
Whether the phrases paafhlt IE yixafwEx THE HOUSE is FULL,
g'img'ifmlt IT is RAINING, belong here, is a problem which is hard
to decide, although the psychological relation between these examples
and those quoted above is not inconceivable.
115. Nouns as Qualifiers
Substantives are often used to qualify other nouns. In such cases
the qualifying noun always precedes the qualified substantive, and
both nouns retain their nominal character.
dl'ldL of la a young boy (literally, a young male child) 60.2
hu u 'mik* ma Lowa'kats there lived an old woman (literally, an old
female being) 100.20, 21
to'm/iL da'mil tsxu an old man lay (literally, an old male man)
50.21
tsayafne tVmMi le'ux hi 1 ' me their (dual) little children were boys
(literally, little male children) 42.16
116. Vocabulary
All Coos stems are either monosyllabic or polysyllabic (mostly
bisyllabic). Monosyllabic stems consist of a vowel followed by one
or two consonants, of one or two consonants followed by a vowel, or
of consonants, vowel, and consonants. Some of the bisyllabic stems
that are found in the language have been expanded by means of
grammatical processes (see 4, 84).
SS 114-116
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS
413
Examples of monosyllabic stems:
ai w - to kill (many) 58.8
a w - to quit 14.4
e l k'- to be among 46.13
ttx- to look 14.2
Vl- to tell T.8
lln- to set up 34.23
ha*- to gamble 38.23
hu- to be ready 19.3
pa a - to fill 15.7
sqa- to seize 10.4
Lqa- to believe 28.13
tsxa u - to kill (one) 14. T
ysq- to run away 36.19
yoq- to split in two 7. 3
wfon- to wade 58.2
Examples of polysyllabic stems:
e'he to be gone 38.15
yi f xux u - to have, to carry 54.12
wu'txe to come back 28.4
ha'k u t- to leave 30.8
sitsVn- to go and see 9.7
M'Z6 M - to see 6.5
With the exception of the terms of relationship, the nouns indicat-
ing parts of the body, and all other words of a denominative character,
the Coos stems are neutral and receive their nominal or verbal
character through the suffixes.
stowa'qwis wall 90.18
L/e'yis language 14. 5
L! aha' was clothes 110.3
it lightens 18. 8
hale- to crawl 32.10
ha u p- to tear off 58.14
pin- to shake 58.24
mil- to swim 24.27
t&t- to enter 22.29
tc&l- to be ashamed
k!al- to shout 24.22
wvtiq- to weave, to pile 18.1
mmtc- to ask 62.15
tsimx'- to fasten 46.7
k'imst- to pick 17.1
tkwiL- to follow 9.9
tqanL- to strike 28.1
tqa*L- to put a belt on 28.22
Jcun'na- to look 6.4
alca'nak' to stick out 42.1
ttfoU- to recognize 30.28
yixu'me to travel 10.3
e to stand 62.22
sto u q- to stand 20.4
L/O- to speak 9.3
L/ha- to put on 28.22
lo'wak u lightning 18. 5
In a few instances nouns have been formed by reduplication or
duplication of a neutral stem.
tqaiL- to put around 28.22
tco u - to jump
Lxat- to chop wood 26.16
pux u - to spout
Wp- to paint
win- to be on top
yim- to twinkle
qa 'tqaiL belt 28. 22
tco'xtcox rabbit 60. 23
xa'Lxat ax
pu u 'xpux u a spout 30. 25
li'plip paint
x'i'nx'in saddle
yi'myim eyelash
116
414 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
117. Structure of Sentences
The structure of the Coos sentence is very simple, owing chiefly to
the fact that in the absence of incorporation, subjects, objects, and
predicates are expressed by means of independent words. No strict
rules can be laid down for the consecutive order in which the differ-
ent parts of a sentence occur. It may, however, be said in a most
general way, that all adverbial ideas precede the verb, and that the
subject of the sentence tends to appear at the very end, especially in
subordinate clauses. The object may either precede the verb or
follow it.
tsxu lot to'm/iL in the sweat-house was resting that old
man 28.11, 12
yixafwExetc la IE hu u 'ims into the house went the woman
IEX tsfyna'hEtc L/ats IE mafqaL with the thunder-language spoke
the crow
xwimdj u ty'nas TIE tsa'yux u lafmk* this is the name (of) the small
river 46.10, 11
sqats IE hu uf rms IEX swal seized the woman the grizzly bear
102.21, 22
ma xwin wutxal'yat a person we two brought home 128.8, 9
IE di'lol I hit the young man
Nominal attribute complements precede the noun. When following
the noun, they assume a predicative function.
tsafyux u la'nik' a small river la'mk' tsafyux u the river is small
he'mis yixafwEx the big house yixafwEx he' mis the house is big
xa'nis ma a sick person ma xa'ms the person is sick
No formal distinction is made between coordinate and subordinate
clauses, nor is the succession of the parts of speech changed in dif-
ferent types of sentences. Subordinate clauses may precede the
principal clauses whenever the occasion requires it. Subordinate
clauses are distinguished by means of conjunctions that are placed
at the beginning.
IE gs'ma IEX dl'lol % la u lii'nl he'laq the young man found
the kamass when he arrived there
i la u tsxu IE hu u 'mis Jc'tto'uAt IE yu'ml as the woman lay (there)
she saw the stars
117
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 415
118. Idiomatic Expressions
An exhaustive discussion of the Coos idiomatic expressions is lim-
ited a priori by the scope of the present work. Consequently only
the most salient features of this phase of the language will be pointed
out in this chapter.
Perhaps the most striking examples of idiomatic phraseology are
found in the manner of expressing verbal concepts, like IT GROWS, IT
FILLS UP, IT HUNS, etc. These ideas are expressed in Coos by means
of a phrase which consists of the verbal stem TO GO or TO RUN and of
the abstract derivative of the particular verbal concept preceded by
the sign of possession u (see 97).
hafwl he grew up 64.12 la u ha u 'we hs tc&cl'mU the spruce-
tree grew up (literally, goes its
growth [of] the spruce-tree)
20.16
la u ha u 'we le'ux ha'wis L/ta their
(dual) ready land began to grow
(literally, goes its growth [of]
their [dual] ready land) 8.10, 11
x'i'lwis deep asi f L la u x'Uuwl'ye IEX ya'bas the
maggots went halfway deep
(literally, halfway went its
depth [of] the maggots) 40.12
paa- to fill la u paa'wss IE xa a p the water is
filling up (literally, goes its full
[mark of] the water) 44. IT
x'w- to run nle'hl la u x'na'at with it he ran
(literally, with it went his swift-
ness) 42. 8
la u x'na'at JIE cx'lml the bear
ran (literally, went his quick-
ness [of] the bear)
mil- to swim djl u mi'le [it] swam [towards her]
(literally, came its swimming
[motion of]) 86.3
hamL- to float la u hamLaLa'was lal tsa'yux u L/ta
that small piece of land kept
floating (literally, went its [con-
ception of] floating [of] that
small place) 46.10
118
416
BUREAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
Another idiomatic expression worth while mentioning is the manner
in which our terms THERE is, THEY ARE, are expressed. The Coos
subject of such a sentence is either the noun qa'yis WORLD or men
PEOPLE, which are invariably preceded by the sign of possession (see
97).
tell- to be dry tdll d qa'yfa there was low tide
(literally, dry its [condition of
the] world) 18.6
m tcfle'xEm u qa'yis there is no
low tide (literally, not dry its
[condition of the] world) 15.8
ni'k'm wood, tree 26.25 k'!<mi'k'%n u qa'yis there were no
trees (literally, without trees its
[appearance of the] world) 8.7, 8
wa'waL spider nwa'waLa u qa'yls there was a
spider (literally, with spider its
[condition of the] world) 30.3
Id that thing 32.10
nlo'we u qa'yis there was such a
Jcwee'ti many live
k!al- to shout
ti'k'ine many stand
thing (literally, with that thing
[was as] its [asset the] world)
32.9
qaid'nis kwee'ti u nien they were
living in a small place (literally,
a small place [had as] their liv-
ing [place the] people) 50.7
qak'elenl'we u men they began to
shout (literally, began their
shouting [act, of the] people)
24.22
tcl ti'k'ineumZn they were stand-
ing there (literally, there [the]
standing [place was of] people)
74.28
To the same group of idiomatic expressions belong phrases like i
(THOU, HE . . .) AM GETTING HUNGRY, I (THOU, HE . . .) AM GETTING
HEAVY, etc. The verb of such phrases in Coos is always the stem la
TO GO, which is preceded by the attributive complement amplified by
means of the modal suffix -to (see 36). Consequently such a phrase,
literally translated, means INTO A STATE OF . . . i (THOU, HE . . .)GO.
Iqa- to be hungry Iqatc nla I am getting hungry
PL!- to be heavy pL/l^tc la he is getting heavy
118
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 417
A very peculiar expression, though by no means confined to Coos
alone, is the manner of forming sentences that have dual subjects.
Such sentences present two possibilities. Either both subjects are
actually expressed, or only one is indicated while the other is under-
stood.
1. In sentences where one subject is understood, duality of subject
is indicated in Coos by using the verb in its dual form, followed imme-
diately by the (expressed) subject.
yixa'wexEtc ux wu'txe hdl to'imL into the house they two returned
(the whale and) that old man 30.15, 16
tso a'yu tcl ux la, IE umd'catc now, surely, there they two went
(he and) the grandmother 66.19
yi'xen qaliml'ye tsi I'nta ux la la hu u 'mis one morning just hunt-
ing they two went (he and) his wife 110.26
a'yu tcl uxla IE tek'it&'natc surely, there they two went (she and)
the granddaughter 80.15, 16
2. If both subjects are expressed, it will be found that, in addition
to the dual form of the verb, the dual pronoun is placed before either
one or both subjects.
hi'nl hanL ux tila'qai IE u'mdc ux pkak' there shall they two live
(namely) the grandmother (and the) grandfather 68.28
wandj La ux fcwee'nlyem ts ux tsfy'na ux md'qaL thus only they
two are known, that Thunder (and) Crow 19.10, 11
In a few instances a similar treatment has been found in sentences
with plural subjects.
yixa'wExetc il la IE da'mil into the house they went (the two
women and) the man 128.7
tsi U huwe'ltsem IE hu u 'mis just they got ready (he and) the (two)
women 130.17, 18
The last idiomatic formation worth mentioning here is the manner
of expressing comparison of adjectives in accordance with the three
degrees, the positive, the comparative, and the superlative.
A comparative statement in the positive degree is expressed by means
of a whole sentence in which the adjective is treated as a noun appear-
ing with the nominal suffixes -ES, -tss (see 57), or -lye, -dye (see
p. 376), and is placed between the subject and object with which it is
compared. The sentence is invariably introduced by means of the
conjunction hfis ALSO (see 110); and its comparative character is
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 21227 118
418 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
further indicated by the use of the modal adverb ta, ta u , so, SUCH
(see 106), which immediately follows the subject of the sentence.
his ty'ne ta fyhethe'tess IE e ne I am as rich as you are (literally,
also I such I [have] wealth [as] this you)
Ms ty'ne ta Tixa'nisES IE e ne I am as sick as you are
his ii'ne ta u ^Ls'yltEs IE e ne I am as good as you are
his ii'ne ta u fyhe'mistEs IE <fne I am as tall as you are
Ms xa ta xwa'uylye IE e ne he is as light as you are
Ms xa ta u paL fafye IE ne he is as heavy as you are
Ms ts la'mk' ta u x'Uuwi'ye ts laltlfmis that river is as deep as
that ocean
In many instances the abstract noun expressing the adjective con-
cept is repeated after the object, in which case the object (and also
the subject) assumes the function of a possessive pronoun (for pro-
nominal subjects and objects) or of a genitive case (for nominal objects
and subjects).
Ms ty'ne ta iiqaine'ES ll'ye qaine'ss I am as cold as you are (liter-
ally, also [of] me such [is] my cold [condition as is] your cold
[condition])
his e ne ta ye ne u ' glana'tES tE he$ne u qlana'tss you are as young
as 1 am (literally, also [of] thee such [is] thy youth [as is] that
my youth)
The comparative degree is expressed by means of a sentence in which
the adjective is used in its simple form, while the object is indicated
by the use of the instrumental suffix -Etc (see 70). There is a
marked tendency to place the object at the beginning of the sentence.
ye ne'Uc ^Is'yl I am better than you are (literally [as compared],
with you I [am] good)
hexa'itc T^lE'yl I am better than he is
Tine'Uc e qaL you are taller than I am
xa tyne'itc tsa'yux u he is smaller than I am
xwin ti'miU y s ne'itc we two are stronger than you are
The superlative degree may be expressed in two ways. Either the
numeral particle go u s ALL (see 109), amplified by means of the
adverbial suffix -Etc (see 70), is placed before the simple form of
the adjective; or else the nominalized adverb lla'hatcEm (see 58,
104) is used for that purpose.
xgo^sitc tylE'yl I am the best of all (for the use of the prefix x-
see 2-i)
tEQ te ka'po xgo u 'sitc pL/is this here is my heaviest coat
xa lla'hatcEm he' mis hethe'te he is the biggest chief
xa ila'hatcEm to' mil, ma L/ta'yasltc he is the oldest man in the
village
118
TEXTS
ORIGIN OF DEATH
Ox 1 sla'tcim. 2
They
two
cousins (were)
mutually.
La u3
These
La u3
These
il 4 kwee'ti. 5
they lived
together.
I'k'I 6 tsaya'ne 8 le'ux 9 ti'mill 10 hl ir me. u
['k-I 6 ux 1 nhu u ma'k-e-
both they two with wives
small their (dual) male beings children.
he. 7
are. Both
tsi 14
just
Tsi 14 hats 20 lEqa u 'wE 21 la 16
witcwehe' x tci 15
sick it is
la 16
Merely just
died
his
a'la.
child. Not
a'la.
child.
Yi'xen 12 qaliml'ye 13
Once morning it got
In 17 he'nlye 18 xa'nis 19 la 16 a'la.
a long time
Xanana'ya 22
lEqa u 'wE. 21 Tso 24 il 4
died. Now they
La u 3 maha'e'wat 28 IE 29
aqana'ya. 25
buried it.
That
one
is looking after it
frequently
the
a'la.
child.
Sorry (it) makes
him (feel)
Helmi'Ms 26
Next day
Heci/Lentc 30
Four times at
sick
la 16
his
his
, i
23
child, when
child.
la u3
that
one
27
LO wiyam.
(he) eats.
In 17
not
qalimi'ye 13 la u3
morning it got that
one
laata'ya 31
went to him
la
his
16
sla'atc. 2
cousin.
"Thou
tcine'heni.
thinking art.
33
Ta'! 34
Halloo,
sla! 35
cousin !
Xtcl'teu 36
How
I Personal pronoun 3d person dual (18).
*sla- COUSIN; -ate suffix of relationship ( 65); -tnl distributive ( 72, 11, 7).
3 Demonstrative pronoun ( 100).
< Personal pronoun 3d person plural (18).
5 Plural stem (51).
Numeral particle ( 109).
' n- WITH ( 21); huumdk-e WIVES ( 78); -e auxiliary ( 44, 10, 7).
s Plural formation (78).
9 Possessive pronoun 3d person dual (98).
10 Plural formation ( 78, 115).
II Plural formation (78).
vytxei ONE (101); -en multiplicative ( 75).
Uqallm- MORNING; -lye transitional ( 35).
i* Restrictive particle ( 94).
l * witcwahaxtc- SICK; -I neutral intransitive suffix ( 81, 7)
18 Possessive pronoun 3d person singular ( 98, 7).
" Particle of negation ( 112).
ie henl- A WHILE; -lye transitional ( 35, 9).
I9 xdn- SICK; -it nominal (56).
20 Conjunction (110).
a Singular stem (51).
K xdn- SICK; -andya direct and indirect object pronoun ( 50, 7).
28 Conjunction WHEN, AS, SINCE, WHILE ( 110).
Conjunction (110).
*>eqe DEAD; -andya direct and indirect object pronoun ( 50, 7).
28 helml TO-MORKOW; -is ordinal ( 74, 10).
Z7 o- TO EAT; -am ( 55).
Mmaha- TO WATCH; -eiwat frequentative (33).
29 Definite article ($ 17).
*he'cLiL FOUR; -entcts ordinal multiplicative ( 76).
31 la- TO GO; -t transitive ( 26); -dya non-active object pronoun ( 47).
33 Personal pronoun 2d person singular (18).
**tcine- TO THINK, -enl verbal ( 45, 10).
"Interjection (111).
Vocative ( 65).
3 z- modal ( 24); tcUc particle ( 112); -u interrogative ( 73).
419
420
BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
Thus
ye 37 iluwe'Hcis, 38 katVmisen 39 qatfml'ye 13 UL 40 wu'txe ten 41 a'la."
thy heart, five times morning it gets should return that "my child."
Wandj 42 Lia'xEm. 43 "In 17 hel 44 sla. 35 Hats 20 e 32 q la'mtsam ! 45
talking "Not surely cousin. Just thou eat!
condition.
iluwe'Hcis." 38 Wandj 42 Pit. 47
heart." Thus (he) told
it to him.
u 50 iluwe'Hcis. 38 Hats 20 wandj 42
his heart.
hanLel." 52
ni'wets
happy
La u3
That
one
Tso 24
Now
tcine'henl. 33
thinking (he) is.
hanL 46
will (be)
ye""
thy
qats 48
still
1'niye 49
no more
he'ni ye 18
long time
xa'nis. 19
sick.
i 23 la u3
when that
one
Lia'xEm, 43
talking
condition
tcl 59 la.
there (he)
went.
tcitc 42
manner
"E 32 Lalaha'mi 51
"Thee get even with, shall surely."
I thee
a'y u 53 wi tc wehe'Hc! 15
surely sick it is
Mandj 55 lEqa u 'wE. 21
Already (it) died.
lEqa u 'wE 21 la 16 a'la.
Just
A'yu
Surely
In 17
not
thus
yu 54
very
died
J23
when
la u3
that
one
"Ta'I 34
"Halloo,
his child.
dowa'ya 58
wants it
la 16 a'la.
his child.
He'kwalnta 56
Very bad
A'yu 53 cill'ye 57 *!E
Surely
wu'txe
(to) return
la 16
his
indeed
it was
a'la.
child.
In 17 he'nlye 18
Not long time
u 50 iluwe'Hcis, 38
his heart
29 on/In 42
he
wandj
thus
Tso 24
Now
sla! 35
cousin!
A'yu 53
Surely
n T 60
CUL
ought
wutxa'xa 61
(to) return singly
surely
Elt 62
about to
te'is 63
this our
(dual)
a'la."
children."
a'la. KatVmisen 39 qaliml'ye 13
child. Five times morning it gets
Wandj 42 ?lt. 47
Thus (he) told
it to him.
u ln 17
"Not
UX 1
they
two
hel 44
surely
wu'txe
return
sla! 35
cousin!
hanL 46 te'is 63
shall these our
(dual)
ham/ 8
Hats 20
Just
e 32 q la'mtsam!
thou eat!
That
one
ni'wets hanL 46
happy will (be)
ye i
thy
iluwe'Hcis." 38
heart."
shalt
Wandj 42
Thus
Lia'xEm. 43
"Qaiku 64
UX 1
wutxa'xa 61 Bit 62
te'is 63
hP'me, 11
ta 65
talking
"(i)
thought
they
return singly
about to
these our
children,
and
condition.
two
(dual)
87 Possessive pronoun 2d person singular ( 98).
teiluw&ctc- HEART (?); -<s nominal ( 56).
3 *kat'E'mi8 FOUR; -en multiplicative ( 75).
40 Syntactic particle denoting the optative ( 91).
41 Possessive pronoun 1st person singular ( 98).
Modal adverb (106).
toL.'a- TO SPEAK; -xsm generic ( 30).
"Syntactic particle denoting degree of certainty ( 88, 7).
Kq.'m- TO EAT; -ts transitive ( 26); -am ( 65, 11).
Syntactic particle (87).
i7- TO TELL TO; -t transitive ( 26).
Syntactic particle ( 89).
< 9 mNOT; -lye transitional ( 35).
M Sign of possession (97).
61 tola- TO GET EVEN WITH; -ami transitive subject and object pronoun i THEE ( 46, 10).
MhanL SHALL; ^SURELY ( 87, 88, 7).
w Modal adverb (106).
"Modal adverb (106).
66 Temporal adverb ( 105).
*e Syntactic particle ( 93); ta so [literally, VERILY, NOT so] ( 106).
67 ctl syntactic particle (90); 3ye transitional ( 35).
wdow- TO WISH, TO DESIRE; -dya non-active object pronoun ( 47).
w Local ad verb (104).
o Syntactic particle (90, 91).
61 Reduplicated stem wutxe TO COME BACK ( 83).
2 Syntactic particle (87).
63 Possessive pronoun inclusive, dual ( 98).
M Syntactic particle denoting degree of knowledge ( 88).
"Conjunction (110).
BOAS! HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 421
qats 48 la u3 Sn 66 dowa'ya 58 xwandj. 67 He i68 hanL 46 yiqa 69 In 17
however that thou didst want thus. (Emphatic) shall *still not
thing not it
wutxa'xa 61 Bit 62 yanLawe 70 ma lEqa u 'wE, 21 nayim 71 en 66 dowa'ya 58
return singly going to whenever beings die, because thou not didst want
it
xwandj. 67 Xnowe 72 i 23 cil 57 tE 73 xwandj 67 e 32 I'lta'is." 74 Wandj 42
thus. Right when indeed that thus thou didst tell it Thus
there to, thou me."
tcine'hem. 33 Ma 75 xnowe 72 lEla u3 wandj 42 Pit. 47 Kat/E'misen 39
thinking (he) is. However right that's thus (he) told it Five times
(the thing) to him.
qaliml'ye 13 uL 40 wutxa'xa 61 Bit, 63 yuL 76 xwandj 67 iJats. 77 Ltrtyl uL, 40
morning it should return singly going if thus speak. Good would
gets to should be
yuL 76 kat E'misen 39 qaliml'ye 13 wutxa'xa 61 Eit 62 hE 29 ma lEqa u 'wE. 21
if five times mornin'g it return singly inten- the people die.
should gets tion (who)
Tso 24 yiqai'm 78 hela'qaxEm. 79 Wandj 42 hatctlem'yeqEm. 80
Now so far it got (the story). Thus ' the story is being told.
[Translation]
Once upon a time there were two cousins. They lived together.
They were both married, and each had a little boy. One morning one
of the boys became sick. He was not sick long before he died. The
father felt sorry when the child died. Then they buried it.
The next day he (the father of the dead boy) could not eat. He was
merely looking at the dead child. On the fourth day he went to his
cousin. "Halloo, cousin! What do you think? Should my child re-
turn after five days?" u Oh, no, cousin!" answered the other one.
"You simply eat, and you will feel happy." He did not know what
to answer. He was merely thinking to himself, "I will certainly get
even with you."
After a short time the other man's child became sick. It was not
ill very long before it died. The father was very much grieved when
his child died. He therefore went to his neighbor and said to him.
"Halloo, cousin! I think our two children ought to return. They
ought to come back after five days." But the other man answered,
SB e s THOU ( 18) ; in NOT ( 112, 9).
67 x- modal ( 24); wandj THUS ( 106).
Syntactic particle ( 93).
9 Syntactic particle ( 89).
7<>yanL IF (future)( 91); he CUSTOMARILY ( 87).
Syntactic particle (89).
x- modal (24); nowe ALL RIGHT.
73 Demonstrative pronoun ( 100).
"1*7- TO TELL, -t transitive ( 26); -ais transitive subject and object pronoun ( 46.).
75 Syntactic particle ( 89).
76 Particle denoting the optative ( 91).
"L/ci- TO SPEAK; -is transitive ( 26).
Adverb (104).
^helaq TO ARRIVE; -xsm generic ( 30 4, 11).
*hdtcU! STORY; -enl verbal ( 45, 11); -jyeqxm passive ( 40).
422 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
"Oh, no, cousin! You just eat and you will feel happy again. I
had intended that our dead children should come back, but you did
not wish it that way. And now, whenever people die, they will not
come back, because you objected to it. You were right when you
spoke against it."
He was justified in thus addressing him. People would have come
back after five days if he had originally consented to it. It would
have been good if the dead people could come back. Here the story
ends. In this manner people relate this story.
THE THEFT OF FIRE AND WATER
Nma'henet 1 tE 2 Llta. Go u s 3 tcltc 4 li'mx'ne 15 ma.
With people it that land. All kinds mixed up (they (the)
(mutually) was there were) mutually beings.
tl 6 k'latclwal. 7 tl 6 k'!axa a p. 7 t 8 dFl 9 il 6 Lowe^wat 10
They without fire. They without water. When something they eat frequently
Bit, 11 la u2 il 6 Llpeqaqa'eVat. 12 Xle'itc 13 tVlats. 14 La u2
intend, that they in the arm-pits to be, With it with (they) dance. Those
thing cause it frequently.
tEma'Le 15 ma la u2 tclicila'e'wat 16 he. 11 Tso 8 he 11 pi'ctci, 17
old people that cause it to be under- custom- Now custom- warm it
thing neath, frequently arily. arily gets,
tso 8 he 11 la u2 qlmits. 18 Yuwe 19 qa'lyeq iJ'le, la u2 he 11 it 8
now custom- that (they) eat. Whenever salmon comes they are usually they
arily thing out, the ones
LtLle^yat. 20 Wandj 21 yuxtik' 21 he'il 22 Lowa'was. 23 La u2
scoop it out. That way barely their food. That
thing
skweyeni'yeqEm 24 hs 25 tclwal. "Xtcl'tcu 26 UL, 27 yuL 27 la u2 lin 28
it is talked about the fire. "How would if that we
it be, should thing
in- adverbial ( 21); ma PEOPLE; -e auxiliary ( 44,10); -n distributive ( 37,25); -t transitive
(26,4).
2 Demonstrative pronoun ( 100).
s Numeral particle ( 109).
* Particle (112).
Wmx-- TO MIX; -net distributive ( 37).
Personal pronoun 3d person plural ( 18)
ik-.'d- privative (20).
BConjunction ( 110).
Pronominal particle ( 108).
WLO- TO EAT; -eiwat frequentative ( 33,8).
"Syntactic particle (87).
L!peq- TO BE IN AKM-PITS; -aeiwat frequentative causative ( 34); see also reduplication (83).
"a;- instrumental (24); Particle (17); -Me instrumental (70).
"t'al- TO DANCE; -ts transitive (26).
Plural formation (78).
tftc.'tcil MAT; -aeiwat frequentative causative (34).
uplctc- TO BE WARM; -I neutral intransitive ( 31).
isg.'m- TO EAT; -ts transitive (26).
wyfl VERY ( 106); he CUSTOMARILY (87); see also 9.
to LtL.'- TO SCOOP OUT; -lyat causative ( 27, 2).
21 Modal adverb (106).
*2 Possessive pronoun 3d person plural ( 98).
*8Lo- TO EAT; -dwas verbal abstract ( 59,8).
**skw- TO TALK ABOUT; -enl verbal ( 45); -lyeqsm passive ( 40,9).
Article (17).
x- modal ( 24) ; tcltc MANNER ( 112); -u interrogative (73).
Syntactic particle (91).
18 Personal pronoun 1st person plural ( 18).
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS
423
l a ata'ya?" 29 "Tel 30 hanL 31
go to it?" "There shall
A'yu 21 tc! 30 ii 6 he'laq.
Surely there they arrived.
te'Hits. 33
entered.
yiqax 34
right away
tci 30
there
sla!
cousin!
IE 25
the
ts 40
We
two
XpEkwi'ltcume 44
From the opposite side
Hats 8
Just
ma ha'lqait. 37
person (he) came to.
ali'canl 41 hanL." 31
play shall."
lin 28 la." Tso 8
we go." Now
L'yu 21 tclila'at 32
Surely to burn it is
caused
k'ilo'wit 35 IE 25
(he) saw it the
Xta'nuxwltc 38
Sideways
a'yu 21
surely
tci 30 il 6 la.
there they went.
tclwal, i 8 il 6
fire, when they
tE 2
that
there
xa a p. Lowa'kats 36
water. Sat
Lowa'kats. 36 "Ta'l 39
(he) was sitting. " Halloo,
Lowa'kats. 36
(he) sat.
Hats 8
Just
Tso 8
Now
kwa 42
as if
In 4
not
klayahaVwat. 43
(he) hears it.
he'mye, 45
(after) a while
tso 8
now
i'lxats. 46
(he) ooked
e 48 hen'ne u49 sla
at him.
hitc 50 cantE?" 51 Wandj 21 Llats. 52
(he) spoke.
Thus
nlla'hatcEm 55
at priority
goes
Tso 8
Now
pi 1 !.
Indian
cradle.
ye*
thy
"Qaniya'ta<
Stranger thou "my cousin (surprise) (?)
"E 48 lEqa u wiya'tanI 53 L." 54 "Ma 34 cku 42 e 48 hen 49
"Thou L storytell must." "But it must thou my
be
la ye 56 ha u 'we." 57 Tso 8 qats 34 Lie'tc. He'nlye 45 e'he qano'tca. 58
owth." Now, however, (he) went A while (he) was outside.
out. gone
te'Hits. 33 "Ta'l 39 sla! Anta 39 te i2 nl'klwa 31 ye ne u56
(he) entered. "Halloo, cousin!" Look this used (to be) thy
here
pi 1 ! la u2 Lla'nex. 60 TE 2 hen'ne u49 pi 1 ! la u2
thy Indian that (is) new. That my Indian that
cradle one there cradle one
nl'klwa 31 ye ne u56 na u 'hin, ta 8 te i2 nl'klwa 31
used (to be) thy shinny-club, and this used (to be)
here here
aso' 59
again
TE 2
That
there
ye ne u56
qa'lex 61 ; ta 8 te i2
(is) old; and this
*<>la- TO GO; -t transitive ( 26); -dya non-active object pronoun ( 47).
o Local adverb (104).
"Syntactic particle ( 87).
We'll- TO BURN; -eet causative passive ( 41,7).
^text- TO ENTER; -ts transitive (26).
"Syntactic particle (89).
35 k-Udu- TO SEE; -t transitive ( 26,8).
* 6 Louku- TO SIT; -ts transitive ( 26,11).
vfielq- TO ARRIVE; -t transitive ( 26,7,11).
as x- modal (24); tanuxu- SIDE; -Itc modal ( 67, 8).
s 9 Interjection (111).
40 Personal pronoun inclusive, dual ( 18).
UO.IEC TOY; -enl verbal (45,7).
"Syntactic particle ( 88).
**k!ayaha- TO HEAR; -eiwat frequentative (33).
"x- locative ( 22); pEkwil- OPPOSITE; -tc adverbial ( 25,104); -ume nominalizing ( 64).
l- A WHILE; -lye transitional ( 35, 9) .
LOOK; -Is transitive ( 26) .
< 7 qaniya'ta BELONGING TO A DIFFERENT TRIBE, A STRANGER.
< 8 Personal pronoun 2d person singular (18).
"Possessive pronoun 1st person singular (98).
50 Syntactic particle ( 90).
"Can not be analyzed.
62 L/a- TO SPEAK; -ts transitive ( 26).
MlEqauwtyatas STORY (compare IsqawvE TO DIE); -enl verbal ( 45,7).
"Syntactic particle (92).
n- adverbial ( 21); lla BEFORE ( 104); -tc adverbial ( 25,103,10,7); -Em adverbial abstract ( 58).
56 Possessive pronoun 2d person singular (18, 98) .
67 hau- TO GROW; -e (80); see also 8, 118.
wqano- OUTSIDE; -tc adverbial ( 25,104); -a directive (65).
"Temporal adverb ( 105).
wi.'an- NEW; -ex adjectival ( 66).
61 qal- OLD (compare qalu WINTER); -ex adjectival (66).
424
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
hen'ne u49
my
na u 'hin,
shinny-club,
ta 8
and
te 12
this
here
nl'klwa 31
used (to be)
ye ne u56 kwa'sis, 62
te 12
thy
ta<
ball, ' and this
here
nl'klwa 31 hen'ne u49 kwa'sis. 62 Lla'nex 60 ye ne u56 kwa'sis. 62 Qa'lex 61
used (to be) my ball. New (is) thy ball. Old (is)
te i2 hen'ne u49 kwa'sis. 62 Kwa 42 kwe 42 yu 21 in 4 a'yu 21 L 54 sla."
this
here
my
ball.
As if
perhaps
in
not
Tci 30 hito u tsa'tExa. 63
There (he) put them down for
him.
TcI 30 ft e e48 LO u k u .
There surely thou sit down.
A'yu 21
Surely
Is
k'ilo'wit. 35
(he) saw it.
very not surely
"A'yu 21
"Surely
haiti'tEme u . 67
gamble together.
We
two
"Yi'kwanL 68
"Perhaps shall
ali'cani 41
play
hani,." 31
shall."
dPltcE'tc 69
70
something
with
ten
that I
i 8
when
la u2
that
one
Ll'tEta 72 IE 25
puts (his) hands the
behind (his) back
(one of)
na nr'xqa
players?"
Tcine'heni. 73
(He) is thinking.
must cousin."
(be)
cill'ye 64 sla.
indeed cousin
it is
Tso 9 a'yu 21 ux 66
Now surely they
two
Llaqa'eVat, 71
point my finger at
him frequently,
" Perhaj
would t
,-,T 27
VUL
wi'yetc
a piece of
abalone shell
nxwa'lxwal 7e
in eye
Gin 8
You
xtcltc 75
in the if would
manner
Lexa'tcEm 79 hanL 31 n 77 qa'qal.
Inside, the part shall I sleep.
n 77 Ll'tEta." 72 Wandj 21 Lla'xEm. 82
I put (my hands) Thus
behind (my) back."
A'yu 21 yiqa'x 34 wandj. 21 Tso 8
Surely just that way. Now
, 77 x-Llowa'e'wat? 78
I cause it to be inside?
27
vanL
* if shall.
talking,
condition.
hanL 31
shall,
, 83 IE 25 ma'nat.
(he) told the crowd.
LltE'ta. 72
puts (his)
hands behind
(his) back.
Itsem. 87
happened.
A'yu 21 yuxwa'
Surely two
9 ma
persons
Xya'bas 88 yapti'tsa
Maggots ate up
L!o x k'ina'is 81
support you me
Wandj 21 Pit
- tc
it to
21 Llaqa'e'wat, 71 i 8
(he) points (the) finger when
at him, frequently
Jo'k'inei'wat, 84 Tcl'tcu 85 c E86 dPl 9
support him steadily. How sur- things
prise
la 90 tciil, la 90
his nose, his
a'yu
surely
la u2
that
one
Ia 90 pi'lik'is, 91 la 90 ye'es,
his anus, his face,
s- ? ; -is nominal (56).
u- TO PUT DOWN; -ts transitive (26); -tEx direct object pronoun plural (54); -a indirect object
pronoun ( 49; see also 7).
*ctl syntactic particle ( 90); -lye transitional ( 35).
Syntactic particle (88).
66 Personal pronoun 3d person dual ( 18).
87/iaf- TO GAMBLE; -t transitive ( 26); -t transitive ( 26); -meu reciprocal ( 29; see also 4).
<*ytku syntactic particle (88); hanL SHALL (87, 8, 9).
&dlH SOMETHING ( 108); -tc adverbial ( 25); -Me instrumental ( 70).
10 Personal pronoun 1st person singular ( 18, 98).
ni.'aqa- TO POINT AT; -eiwat frequentative ( 33).
ni.'tEla TO PUT ONE'S HAND BEHIND THE BACK (during a game).
Ktcin- TO THINK; -cm verbal ( 45, 10).
7 < ylku PERHAPS (88); UL WOULD BE ( 91, 9).
75 x- modal (24); tcltc particle ( 112).
7n- adverbial ( 21); xwalxwal EYE ( 83, 116).
77 Personal pronoun 1st person singular ( 18) .
78 x-L/oM- TO BE INSIDE ( 54); -deiwat frequentative causative ( 34, 8).
wiexatc INSIDE ( 104); -Em adverbial abstract (58).
so Personal pronoun 2d person plural ( 18) .
^L.'dxk-in- TO STEADY, TO SUPPORT; -dig transitive, subject and object pronoun THOU-ME ( 46).
82 L.'ci- TO TALK; -XEM generic suffix ( 30).
**IU- TO SAY TO; -t transitive (26).
**L!d*k"in- TO SUPPORT; -eiwat frequentative ( 33).
ss tcltc particle ( 112); -u interrogative (73).
M Syntactic particle denoting surprise ( 90).
87 Its- TO DO, TO BE ( 113); -lm suffix denning the subject ( 30).
88 x- discriminative (23); yabas MAGGOT.
**yab- MAGGOT; -t transitive ( 26); -ts transitive ( 26, 25); -a indirect object pronoun ( 49).
90 Possessive pronoun 3d person singular (98).
n ptltk-- ANUS; -Is nominal ( 56).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 425
k u ha'nas. His 8 Inlhenl'yeES 92 xya'bas 88 qlmits. 18 La u2 In 4 la u 2
ears Also (in) no time maggots ate him. That not that
one thing
i'lxats. 46 Hats 8 yi'qa 34 tc! 30 Lowa'kats. 36 Xyuxwa' 93 ma
(at) looked. Just continually there (he) sat. Two per-
sons
L!o x k-lne 1/ wat 84 xpqai'hltc. 94 Wi'yax x'Llowa'e'wat 78 Ian 95
support him steadily from (the) back. Abalone shell (he) caused to be his in
inside
xwa'lxwal. Lexa'tcEm 79 qa'qal. La u2 qats 34 kwa 42 a'yu 21
eye. Inside, the part (he) slept That one just as if surely
kwi'nait. 96 Hitc 50 wi'yax IE 25 x'LlI'ye 97 Ian 95 xwa'lxwal. Hats 8
looked at it. Surprise abalone it inside it is his in eye. Just
shell
la'mak- Lowa'kats. 36 Asi'L 30 la u 98 x'iluwi'ye 99 IEX IO ya'bas, i 8
bones sitting. Halfway goes its growth (of) the maggots, when
la u 2 xya'bas 88 Lowe 1 ' wat. 10 Itse' ts 101 yiku 65 il 65 la u 2 henl'y era 92
that the maggots eat him continually. May be surely he for some time
one
hi'nI 30 L5wa'kats. 36 Tsd 8 wandj 21 tcine'henl. 73 "YikwanL 68 dPltcE'tc 69
there (he) sat. Now thus thinking. "Perhaps shall something
with
tEn 70 Llaqa'e'wat?" 71 Hats 8 kwanL 102 In 4 yu 21 dl 1 ! 9 qaya u 'wlye, 103
that I point my finger at Just as if not very something scared,
him frequently'/* shall he becomes
yuL 27 xle'itc 13 n 77 Llaqa'e'wat." 71 Wandj 21 tcine'heni. 73 Yi'qa 34 in 4
if would with it I point my fingers at Thus thinking. Still not
with him frequently."
i'lxats 46 IE 25 ya'bas; ma 34 il 65 hats 8 la'mak' siL'ne 1 . 104 Yi'qa 34 in 4
(he) looked the maggots; how- surely just bones joined Still not
at ever together.
i'lxats. 46 "Ci'n 105 k'elle^wat. 106 Gin 80 sqats hanL 31 tE 2 tclwal, yanL 27
(he) looked "You not forget it. You grab shall that fire, if shall
at it. there
lin 28 tqats. 107 La u2 his 8 tE 2 xa a p cin 80 x'inti'ta 108 hanL." 31
we win (game). That one also that water you cause it to run shall."
there
Wandj 21 Lla'xEm. 82 Yixe 1 ' 109 ma wandj 21 Lla'xEm. 82 "NE'xkan 110
That way talking, One person that way talking, "I
condition. condition.
hanL 31 la u2 n 77 x'intl'yat 111 tE 2 xa a p. Te i2 la u2 e 48 x'intl'yat 111 hanL 31
shall (be) the I run, cause it that water. This the you to run, cause it shall
one there here one
92 I negation ( 112) ; I abbreviated form of dlH ( 108); fienlye A WHILE; -ES noun of quality ( 57).
"x- discriminative (23); yu'xwd TWO (101).
9 x- FROM ( 22); pqai BACK; -Itc local suffix ( 67, 10).
95 Id possessive pronoun 3d person singular (98); n- adverbial (21).
wkwina- TO LOOK; -t transitive (26).
97 x-L/- TO BE INSIDE ( 54); -lye transitional ( 35).
98 Sign of possession (97).
y>x-ilu- DEEP; -lye nominal suffix ( 80,8).
wo JJB article ( 17); x- discriminative ( 23).
101 See 113.
wkwa AS IP ( 88); hanL SHALL ( 87, 9).
waqayav- TO BE AFRAID; -lye transitional (35, 8).
i 4 siL- TO JOIN; -nei distributive (37).
i 5 cin personal pronoun, 2d person plural ( 96); In NOT (see 9i).
ice fc- e i- TO FORGET; -&wat frequentative (33); see 83.
wtq- TO WIN; -ts transitive (26).
vxx-Ent- TO RUN; -lyat causative ( 27); -a indirect object pronoun ( 49, 11).
los Cardinal numeral ( 101) .
" Personal pronoun 1st person singular ( 96).
i" x-Ent- TO RUN; -lyat, causative ( 27).
426
BUEEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
tE 2 tclwfil."
that fire."
there
Tso 8 xwandj 21 ! 1 ^. 83
Now thus (he) told
it to
him.
LltE'ta." 72 Wandj 21 !^. 83 "Yi'kwani^dl'ltcE'tc^tEn 70 Llaqa'e'wat?" 71
Thus (he) told "Perhaps shall something this point the finger at
'Kwi'yal 112 halt! 113 e ne 114 he 11
"Now now thou custom-
arily
put (thy)
hands behind
(thy) back."
''Hats 1
"Just
yuL 27
if
should
it to
him
di 1 ! 9
some-
thing
x'dwa'yasEtc 118
snafce with
with
here I him continually?"
in 4
not
yU 21
very
yu 21
very
77
qayawa'waL. 115
scaring.
117 fir 27
neces-
sarily
UL-
would
be
tclila'at. 120
to burn, it is
caused.
X'owa'yas
Snake
Llaqa'e'wat." 71
point (my) finger at
him continually."
Tso 8 a'yu 21 x'owa'yasEtc 118 Lla'qat. 121
Now surely snake with (he) pointed
(the) finger
at him.
ban 123 dii'letc xaTmats. 124 Hats 125
good,
la u2
Lo 116
That
thing
K-!atc!ha'yims 119
Without dying down that one
(the fire)
Lowitl'yeqEm. 122
(He) is watching
himself.
thighs
itsem. 87
happened
be'Iaq
arrived
126
his at
Ma 34 ai'wa
How- still
ever
IE 25 x'owa'yas.
wraps around.
In 4 k'ilo'wit. 35
not (he) sees it.
the
snake.
Han 123
His to
ye'es
mouth
Ak'a'nak' 128 be ri lta bEx 129 x'owa'yas.
Sticks out (the) tongue the snake.
ban 123 tcul la u2 te /x tits 33 IE 25
his in nose that one enter
la u2 k'ilo'wit. 35 Sl'xits 132
the
e^qatce. 133
x'owa/yas
snake.
kwa 42 xtcitc 7
Just looks like something
Han 123 we'hel la u2
His to waist that
one
la u2 kwa 42 1'nuwit. 127
that one as if threatens
(to go).
Hats 8 ban 130 kwa 42
Just will as if
Qai^qa'yona/ya, 131 i 8
Afraid, (it) made'him, when
NEqa'ya. 134 iJxana'vem 135
that (he) saw it. (He) shook it one side to. (He) ran away Throw (indefinite)
one off from it. ' (People shout at him)
ye'es. X'i'x'intu 136 IE 25 tclwal. H^kwaln 137 xhu'wis 138 ma
mouth. (It) is being taken the fire. Very poor person
away quickly
(is)
la u2
x'intfyat 111
IE 25
tclwai.
HeVu 139
xtca'yux u138
ma
la u2
the
(to) run, causes
the
fire.
Very
small
person
the
one
(he is)
one
n 2 Temporal adverb ( 105).
"3 Temporal adverb ( 105).
m Personal pronoun 2d person singular (96).
Mqayau- TO FEAB; -dwai nominal suflix (69).
"6 Demonstrative pronoun ( 100).
i" Syntactic particle ( 92).
K*x-dwayas SNAKE; -Etc instrumental (70).
9 fc-/a- privative (20); tc.'ha- TO EXTINGUISH; -ayims nominal (80).
uotc.'U- TO BURN; -aat passive causative ( 41, 7).
lzl L.'aqa- TO POINT AT WITH ONE'S FINGER; -t transitive ( 26).
122 louxt- TO WATCH; -lyeqEm passive (40, 3, 11).
m /wi possessive pronoun 3d person singular ( 98) ; n- adverbial ( 21).
12t xalm- TO WRAP AROUND; -ts transitive ( 26).
^Conjunction ( 110).
i26Temporal adverb ( 105).
, modal adverb ( 106); -t transitive ( 26).
-- TO STICK OUT ( 4).
i2 hs article ( 17) ; x- discriminative (23).
iso Syntactic particle (87).
wqayau- TO SCARE; -andya direct and indirect object pronoun ( 50, 3, 82).
i32 g j x -. TO SHAKE OFF; -ts transitive ( 26).
183 Local adverb ( 104, 103, 55).
Mnsq TO RUN AWAY; -ay a non-active object pronoun (47).
ML.'xan- TO THROW; -dya ( 47); -Im, suffix defining the subject ( 30, 9).
wx-Ent- TO RUN; -ft present passive ( 38, 82).
is? Syntactic particle (93).
las x- discriminative (23).
u*he syntactic particle ( 93); yu VERY, modal adverb ( 106).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 427
tlkwi'tsa 140 IE 25 xa a p. Xpiye'etc 141 Lwa'hait 142 hE 25 men. 143
kicks it the water. In the manner of run the people.
going home
Kuha'nasatc 144 ha u2 lExalxa'yu 145 hE 25 tclwal. Nle'hi 146 la u 98
Ear in that one was put in the fire. With it goes his
x-na'at. 147 LE 25 xa a p ha'kwal 148 hE'mtset, 149 i 8 la u2 tlkwi'tsa. 140
quickness The water as if (to) lay bare, when that kicked it.
(he runs). caused, it was, one
Mandj 150 hats 8 g'i'mtset 151 lE'tsix'. 152 K u mene'iletc 153 iJxa'na 154
Already Just (to) rain caused right here. Brush into (he) threw it,
it was
IE 25 tclwal. KIwe'hetc 155 la u2 Llxant. 156 Hats 8 Llxant, 156
the fire. Willow into that threw it. Just (he) threw it,
one
mandj 150 Ikwi'Iitu. 157 Tso 8 aso' 150 il 6 wu'txe tsi'x'ti. 158
already to blaze, it begins. Now again they returned here.
Xtemi'towetc 159 Ml 160 ntciwa'le. 161 Xtemi'towetc 159 towe 162
From that time on they with fire are. From that time on usually
g-i'mit. 163 La u2 xwandj 21 towe 162 g'i'mit 163 Xwandj 21 La 164
(it) rains. That (is) thus (the usually (it) rains. That way only
manner how)
kwee'myem. 165 Tso 8 tcl 30 a'wixEm. 166
know it (indefinite). Now there end, condition.
[Translation]
The earth was full of people. All kinds of people lived in a
mixed -up fashion. They had no fire or water. Whenever they
wanted to eat, they would put the food under their arms (in order
to heat it). They would dance with it, or the old people would sit on
it. And when the food became warm, then they would eat it. When-
ever salmon came ashore, they used tfo scoop it out.
ut!kw- TO KICK; -ts transitive ( 26); -a indirect object pronoun ( 49).
"13;- modal ( 24); plx-- TO GO HOME; -eetc modal ( 36; also 3).
uiLowahai- TO BUN; -t transitive (26).
i Plural formation ( 78).
mkuha'nas EAB; -etc local ( 68, 7).
i to- TO BE INSIDE (singular object); -ayu past passive (39, 83, 54).
"671- adverbial ( 21); -IE article (17); -I instrumental ( 80, 10).
"7 See 118.
"8 Syntactic particle (88).
whEm- TO LAY OPEN; -ts transitive ( 26); -et causative passive ( 41).
iso Temporal adverb ( 105).
i5i g-im- TO KAIN; -ts transitive (26); -et causative passive ( 41).
i&2te article ( 17); tslx' HEBE, local adverb ( 104).
lfa kumene'U BBUSH; -etc local ( 68).
iML'xan- TO THBOW; -a indirect object pronoun ( 49).
^k.'wehe- WILLOW; -etc local ( 68, 9).
WL.'xan- TO THBOW; -t transitive (26).
wikwtt- TO BLAZE; -t transitive; -u transitional ( 35, 114).
las Local ad verb (104).
ux- FBOM, locative ( 22); temltowetc (see 106).
i> ta article ( 17); U personal pronoun 3d person plural ( 96) .
i6i n- WITH, instrumental ( 21); tdwal FIBE; -e auxiliary ( 44).
isz See 87.
IBS grim- TO BAIN; -t transitional (26, 114).
164 Syntactic particle (94).
v*kwaan- TO KNOW; -aya non-active object pronoun ( 47); -Im suffix defining the subject ( 30, 7).
i66ou>- TO FINISH, TO END; -xEm generic ( 30).
428 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
In this manner they had hardly any food. They were all the time
talking about fire. u How would it be if we should go after fire?"-
"Let us go." They went. When they arrived, they found the fire
burning; and one of them saw the water. The chief of the people
(to whom they came) was sitting indoors. He was sitting sideways.
"Halloo, cousin!" said the earth-chief. "Let us gamble (for the fire
and water)!" The sky-chief acted as if he did not hear. The earth-
chief sat down opposite him. After a short time the sky-chief looked
up and said, "You belong to a different tribe, so in what way are you
my cousin? You must tell a story." But the earth-chief answered,
"You are older than I," and he went out. After a while he came
back and said, "Halloo, cousin! Look! this here is your Indian cra-
dle. 1 Your Indian cradle 1 is new, while mine is old. And this here
is your shinny-club, 2 while that there is my shinny-club. 2 This is
your ball, 2 and that one is my ball. 2 Your ball 2 is new, but mine is
old. Is it not so ?" Then he put all these things before him. The sky-
chief looked at them, and said, " Indeed, it is so, O cousin! Sit down
here, we will gamble."
They began to play. -The earth-chief thought to himself, "With
what shall I point my finger at the player who puts his hand behind his
back ? Suppose I put a piece of abalone shell into my eye ? I will
sleep in the inside part of my eye." Then he said to his followers,
"You shall support me when I put my hands behind my back;" and
what he demanded was done.
Then he pointed his finger at him (the sky-chief) when he put his
hand behind his back. Two men were supporting him. Thus things
happened. Maggots began to eat up his (the sky-chief's) anus, his
face, his nose, his ears. Soon the maggots ate him up; but he did
not notice it. He kept on sitting there. Two men were still sup-
porting him from the back. He had an abalone shell in his eye, and
was sleeping in that inside part. Now it seemed as if the sky-chief
were looking at it. To his surprise, he saw an abalone shell in the
other man's eye. By this time only bones had remained of him, for
i" Cradle" or "bed" is a piece of canvas (in former days tanned hide) spread on the ground and
stretched by means of pegs or nails, before which the player participating in the so-called "game of
guessing" was squatting, while mixing the sticks in his hands, which were held behind his back. Upoq
receiving the guessing-signal from a player of the opposite side, the sticks were thrown on the "cradle/'
usually one by one, while the marked stick was laid bare.
2 The informant was mistaken in the use of these terms. " Club " and "ball " are used in a game
of shinny, while the game played by the two chiefs was the favorite game of " guessing."
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 429
the maggots had eaten up almost half of his bod} 7 . The earth-chief
was sitting there for a while, and began to think, "With what shall
I point my finger at him? It seems that I ought to point at him with
some very terrible thing." The sky-chief still did not look at the
maggots. Only his bones, joined together, were sitting there. Still
he did not look.
Now the earth-chief said to his people, "Don't forget to seize the
fire as soon as we win the game. And you take hold of the water."
One of his men said, " I will run away with the water, and you ought
to run with the fire." The earth-chief said to the head man of the
sky-people, "Now it is your turn to put your hands behind your
back." All the time he was thinking to himself, "With what shall I
point my finger at him? It seems that nothing terrifies him. It will
be very good if I point at him with a snake."
In the mean time the fire kept on burning. He then pointed at him
with a snake. But he (the sky-chief) was on the lookout. The snake
coiled around his thigh. Still he did not mind it. It crawled up to
his waist and threatened to go into his mouth, all the while sticking
out its tongue. Soon it seemed as if it were about to enter his nose.
The sky-chief became afraid when he saw this. He shook off the
snake and ran away. People were shouting at him.
The earth people quickly seized the fire. A very poor man ran away
with the fire, while a little man kicked the water. They were running
homewards. The man put the fire into his ear while running. As
soon as the water was spilled, it began to rain. The fire was thrown
into some willow-brush, and soon began to blaze. Thus they returned.
From that time on, people have had fire; and from that time on, it has
rained. Thus only the story is known. This is the end of it.
SIUSLAWAN (LOWER UMPQUA)
BY
LEO J. FRACHTENBERG
431
CONTENTS
Page
Introduction 437
1. Distribution and history 441
2-17. Phonology 443
2. Vowels 443
3. Consonants 444
4. Sound groupings 445
5. Accent 447
6. Phonetic laws 447
7-12. Vocalic processes 448
7. Diphthongiaation of I and u 448
8. Consonantization of i- and u- 449
9. Contraction 450
10. Vocalic hiatus 452
11 . Vocalic harmony 452
12. Effects of accent 452
13-17. Consonantic processes 454
13. Consonantic metathesis 454
14. Consonantic euphony 455
15. Simplification of double consonants 455
16. Modifications of t and k 456
17. Minor Consonantic changes 458
18. Grammatical processes 459
19. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes 459
20-136. Morphology 461
20-21. Prefixes 461
20. Prefix of relationship m- 461
21. Discriminative q- (qa- ) 462
22-105. Suffixes 463
22. General remarks 463
23-81. Verbaleuffixes 465
23. Introductory 465
24-26. Pronominal suffixes 467
24. The subjective pronouns 467
25. The objective pronouns 472
26. Position of pronouns in verbs accompanied by adverbial
forms 479
27-48. Objective forms 480
27. Introductory 480
28-31 . Indicative suffixes denoting personal interrelations . 481
28. Direct object of third person -un (-afin) 481
29. Direct object of first and second persons -uts (-a%) . 482
30. Indirect object of third person -ux (-a%) 483
31. Indirect object of first and second persons -Emts. . . 483
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 28 433
434 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
20-136. Morphology Continued P age
22-105. Suffixes Continued
23-81. Verbal suffixes Continued
27 48. Objective forms Continued
32-37. Indicative suffixes expressing possessive interrela-
tions between object and subject 484
32. Introductory 484
33. Suffix indicating that the object forms an insepa-
rable part of the subject -itx (-aUx}> -tx 485
34. Suffix denoting that the object is possessed by the
subject, but separable from it -utsm- (-a^tsm-) 487
35. Suffix indicating that the object is possessed by a
third person object -ul (-a^l) 489
36. Suffix expressing an object possessed by a first or
second person object -ults ( -a^lts ) 490
37. Suffixes denoting possessive interrelations for tenses
other than the present -islti, -a w lti, -yaxaHi 491
38-39. Passive suffixes indicating pronominal and posses-
sive interrelations 493
38. Passive suffixes for verbs requiring in the active a
double object -ims, -urns ( -a^mE] 493
39. Passive suffixes denoting possessive relations of the
subject -ultx, -xamltx 494
40-48. Imperative forms denoting pronominal and posses-
sive interrelations 496
40. Introductory 496
41. Exhortative suffixes expressing the direct object of
the third person -yun, -iwyun, -ml 497
42. Imperative suffix expressing the direct object of
the first person -its (-aHs) 499
43. Imperative suffix indicating the indirect object of
the third person -yux 500
44. Imperative suffix denoting the indirect object of
the first person -imte 501
45. Imperative suffix denoting that the object is pos-
sessed by a third person -il 501
46. Imperative suffix indicating that the object is pos-
sessed by a first person -ills 502
47. Imperative suffix expressing possessive interrela-
tions between object and subject -tsx 503
48. Exhortative suffix expressing possessive interrela-
tions between object and subject -itsms (-aHsrrtE) . 504
49-64. Modalsuffixes 504
49. Introductory 504
50. Reciprocal -naw( a), -mux u - 505
51. Distributive -It' ax 507
52. Tentative -fc' 508
53. Negative -ll (-c#) 508
54-59. Modal elements of the passive voice 509
54. Introductory 509
55. Present passive -xam 509
56. Future passives in -atam, -I (-a 1 ) , -aau 510
57. Past passive -xamyax 512
58. Passive verbs in -utn- (-afltn-), -unE (-a^'nE) 512
59. Durative passives in -isutn- (-mt'nE) -usn- 514
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 435
20-136. Morphology Continued Page
22-105. Suffixes Continued
23-81. Verbal suffixes Continued
49-64. Modal suffixes Continued
60-64. Modal elements of the imperative and exhortative
modes 516
60. Introductory 516
61. Imperative suffix for intransitive verbs -Em 516
62. Imperative suffix for transitive verbs -is (-a?s) 517
63. Intransitive exhortative -Ixmi (-atxmi) 518
64. Exhortative -I 519
65-74. Temporal suffixes 520
65. Introductory 520
66-70. Semi-temporal suffixes 520
66. Inchoative -si 520
67. Terminative -tea* (-a*a:a) 521
68. Frequentati ves -ath, -itx ( -aHx) 522
69. Curatives -Is (-a l s) , -us 524
70. Intentionals -awax, -a^uri 526
71-74. True temporal suffixes 527
71. Introductory 527
72. Present-^ 527
73. Future -tux 528
74. Past-yaz 529
75-77. Verbalizing suffixes 531
75. Verbalizing -a*, -u*> 531
76. Auxiliary -s, -t 532
77. Suffix transitivizing verbs that express natural phe-
nomena -L! 533
78-80. Plural formations 534
78. Introductory 534
79. Plural -, -uwi 535
80. Plural -tx 537
81. Irregular suffixes -n (-in), -myax (-TO) 538
82-105. Nominal sufhxes 539
82. Introductory 539
83. Diminutive -isk'in 539
84. Augmentative -il'ma 540
85-87. Case-endings 540
85. Introductory 540
86. The locative case -a, -us 541
87. The relative or genitive case -sml t -Em 544
88. The possessive suffixes 545
89-96. Adverbial suffixes 549
89. Introductory 549
90. Local suffix indicating motion -tc 549
91. Local suffix indicating rest -u (- fi ) 551
92. Local suffix -ix (-a l x, -yax) 552
93. Local suffixes -ya, -HE 553
94. Adverbial suffixes indicating modality -itc (-otto), -'na. 554
95. Adverbial suffixes indicating time -fita, -Ita 556
96. Modal adverbs in -a 557
97-105. General nominalizing suffixes 557
97. Nominal -ii (-a) , -upi 557
98. Nominal -I (-a?) 559
436 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
20-136. Morphology Continued Page
22-105. Suffixes Continued
82-105. Nominal suffixes Continued
97-105. General nominalizing suffixes Continued
99. Nouns of quality in -t'uu (-'&) 560
100. Nouns of agency in -yaVx, -ll (-aH), -tf, -t!wi 561
101. Nouns in -ax 562
102. Nouns in -uni (-cfini) 563
103. Nominalizing suffix indicating place -a mu 563
104. Adjectives in -t 564
105. Irregular suffixes -Em, -1st, -wt, -yuwi, -iwi 564
106-109. Reduplication 566
106. Introductory 566
107. Duplication of the initial syllable 567
108. Duplication of final consonants 567
109. Duplication of stems 569
110-112. Vocalic changes 569
110. Introductory 569
111. The discriminative case 570
112. Intensity and duration of action 572
113-115. The pronoun 575
113. The independent personal pronouns 575
114. The possessive pronouns 577
115. The demonstrative pronouns 579
116-117. The numeral 586
116. The cardinals 586
117. The decimal system 587
118-121. The adverb 588
118. Introductory 588
119. Local adverbs and phrases 588
120. Temporal adverbs 589
121. Modaladverbs 589
122-133. Particles 589
122. Introductory 589
123. Pronominal particles 590
124. Numeral particles 591
125. Conjunctions 591
126. Temporal particles 593
127. Particles denoting degrees of certainty and emotional states... 594
128. Particles denoting connection with previously expressed ideas. 596
129. Exhortative particles 597
130. Restrictive particles 598
131. Miscellaneous particles 598
132. The suffixed particle -u (-aft] 601
133. The stem L!CL' 602
134. Nouns and verbs as qualifiers 603
135. Particles as verbs 604
136. The conditional clause 604
137. Vocabulary 606
138. Structure of sentences 607
139. Idiomatic expressions 608
Texts.. 611
INTRODUCTION
In 1884 J. Owen Dorsey spent a month at the Siletz reservation,
Oregon, collecting short vocabularies of the Siuslaw and Lower Ump-
qua, as well as of other languages. Prior to Dorset's investigations
the linguistic position of Siuslaw and Lower Umpqua was a debated
q uestion. Some investigators believed that these two dialects belonged
to the Yakonan family; while others, notably Latham and Gatschet,
held them to form a distinct stock, although they observed marked agree-
ment with some features of the Yakonan. After a superficial inves-
tigation, lasting less than a month, Dorsey came to the conclusion
that Siuslaw and Lower Umpqua were dialects belonging to the
Yakonan stock. This assertion was repeated by J. W. Powell in his
"Indian Linguistic Families" (Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau
of American Ethnology, p. 134), and was held to be correct by all
subsequent students of American Indian languages. This view, how-
ever, is not in harmony with my own investigations. A closer study
of Alsea (one of the Yakonan dialects) on the one hand, and of Lower
Umpqua on the other, proves conclusively that Siuslaw and Lower
Umpqua form a distinct f amity, which I propose to call the Siuslawan
linguistic stock. 1 The term " Siuslaw" was given preference over
"Umpqua "or " Lower Umpqua," in order to avoid the ambiguity of
meaning which might arise from the fact that we have become accus-
tomed to call the Athapascan dialect, spoken on the upper course of the
Umpqua river, the " Upper Umpqua."
The material on which the following sketch is based was collected,
under the joint auspices of the Bureau of American Ethnology and of
Columbia University, on the Siletz reservation, Oregon, during the
months of March, April, and May, 1911.
My principal informant was Louisa Smith, a Lower Umpqua
Indian over TO years of age. Her advanced years, her absolute
lack of knowledge of the English language, her ill health, and, above
all, the fact that prior to my arrival on the reservation she had
lit is not at all impossible that this stock, the Yakonan. Kusan, and perhaps the Kalapuyan, may
eventually prove to be genetically related. Their affinities are so remote, however, that I prefer to
take a conservative position, and to treat them for the time being as independent stocks.
437
438 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
not used her native tongue for a considerable period, rendered her
a poor, though willing informant. In the course of this investiga-
tion it was therefore necessary to employ such additional inform-
ants and interpreters as were available. By far the most important
of these was William Smith, an Alsea Indian and the husband of
Louisa, who had spent his childhood among the Siuslaw Indians,
from whom he had gained a fairly good knowledge of their language.
But he, too, was far from being an ideal informant. His command
of English was imperfect, his degree of intelligence rather limited,
his pronunciation of Lower Urnpqua was affected by Alsea pho-
netics, and he was only too often unable to keep apart the Siuslaw,
Lower Umpqua, and Alsea forms of a given word. However, in
spite of these deficiencies, his services proved highly valuable,
because, having previously assisted me in my work on the Alsea
language, he knew more or less what was wanted of him. My
other informants were Spencer Scott, a son of Louisa; Louis Smith,
a full-blooded Lower Umpqua Indian; and Hank Johnson, the son
of a Lower Umpqua father and of an Alsea mother. The three
last mentioned were, comparatively speaking, young men, whose
knowledge of Lower Umpqua was imperfect and rather vague.
They were employed solely for the purpose of settling questions
that pertained to phonetics, and of disentangling the frequent diffi-
culties that were involved in the collection and translation of texts;
and if I add that throughout the progress of this work, Louisa
Smith was suffering from a severe ear-ache (which at times ren-
dered her absolutely deaf), that William Smith had to undergo
frequent surgical operations because of a poisoned finger, and that
my other informants could give me only part of their time, I shall
have mentioned all the difficulties under which the following mate-
rial was collected. Should this sketch, therefore, be found deficient
in completeness of treatment and clearness of interpretation, it will
have to be accounted for by the extraordinary circumstances under
which the work was conducted.
But if the actual work involved in this investigation was rather
trying and tiresome, there were other features connected with it that
rendered it pleasant and enjoyable. These features consist of the
many courtesies and helpful assistance received from the inhabitants
of Siletz ; and it is a great source of pleasure to me to record my deep
gratitude to these kind friends. My greatest obligations are due to
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 439
Superintendent and Mrs. Knott C. Egbert, to the former for his
untiring efforts to assist me, both officially and personally, in
whatever way he could, and to the latter for the motherly care with
which she attended to my personal wants throughout my stay at the
reservation. My sincere thanks are also due to Dr. Maximilian F.
Clausius, the physician of the Siletz agency, for the numerous tokens
of friendship received at his hand.
COLUMBIA UNIVEKSITY,
September^ 1911.
SIUSLAW AN (LOWER UMPQUA)
By LEO J. FRACHTENBERG
1. DISTRIBUTION AND HISTORY
The Siuslawan stock embraces two closely related dialects Lower
Umpqua and Siuslaw that were spoken by the people living on the
lower courses of the Umpqua and Siuslaw rivers, in the southern part
of Oregon. Their northern neighbors were the Alsea Indians 1 (whom
they called Hani's kite 2 ), on the east they came in contact with the
Kalapu} 7 a (chiefly the Yonkalla tribe, known to them as the Qat'xgax),
and on the south they were contiguous to the Coos ( Qu'yax). The terri-
tory- of the Lower Umpqua was bounded on the north by Five Mile lake,
on the south by Ten Mile lake, while on the east they claimed the whole
region adjoining the Umpqua river as far as Scottsburg. The posses-
sions of the Siuslaw Indians extended as far south as Five Mile lake, on
the north they bordered on the Yahach river, and eastwards they
extended as far as Mapleton. Thus it may safely be assumed that
these two dialects were spoken in the western parts of what are known
today as Lane and Douglas counties. No information pertaining to
the previous strength of these two tribes could be obtained. Their
numbers have been so great!} 7 reduced, that, besides the four indi-
viduals who served as my informants, and the two or three Siuslaw
Indians said to be living near Florence, Lane county, there are no
other members living; and since these people no longer converse
in their native tongue, the Siuslaw family may be looked upon as an
extinct linguistic stock.
1 One of the two members of the Yakonan family.
2 For explanation of alphabet see pp. 443, 444.
441
442 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY. [BULL. 40
The Lower Umpqua call themselves Qu'ltc, and refer to their lan-
guage as Qu'ltcax wo! as. These terms are of native origin, and are
formed from the stem qu'l or qo'l SOUTH. The Alsea called them Tkul-
ma k', and they were known to the Coos as BUdjl'ysx, i. e. NORTHERN
Indians. The Siuslaw refer to themselves as Ca'yucLa, and were
called CafyucLe by the Coos and Qwas or Kwas by the Alsea Indians.
The etymology of these names could not be ascertained.
Judging from the scanty notes on Siuslaw obtained by Dorsey and
myself, the differences between this dialect and Lower Umpqua were
very slight and of a purely phonetic and lexicographic character. No
distinct morphological formations were found. The chief phonetic
feature that seems to separate these two dialects is the change of a
Lower Umpqua n into I in Siuslaw.
Lower Umpqua Siuslaw
pa'nu pa'l'u well, spring 76.12
qanl'nal 19.6 qali'nal knife 50.19
qa'nm qa'lni (D.) 1 face
tsna'wi tsla'we (D.) bone
Ikwa'nuqP Ikwa'l/ukP (D.) hat
The lexicographical differences cover a limited number of stems and
words, of which only a few examples may be quoted here.
Lower Umpqua Siuslaw
la'n- 23.7 Itdvn,- to call by name
xip- y%q!a u - to split (pitch wood)
LI'U- 8.3 xumc- to come, to approach 23.2
t.'amc 40.19 tft'lmfo (D.) child
xwa'ka 29.5 qami'Lis (D.) head
ti't.'a* 34.23 wUsfu'we (D.) food
Jcfwl'yos 2 cqa'xtc* dog
Jco'tan 4 34. 10 ta u 'wEx (D.) 5 horse
Texts of myths and tales in the Lower Umpqua dialect were col-
lected by the author, and were published by Columbia University. 6
All references accompan}dng examples refer to page and line of that
publication.
1 Words marked (D.) are quoted from Dorsey's manuscripts in possession of the Bureau of American
Ethnology.
* Coos kwl'yos,
8 Apparently related to Alsea tcqenx.
4 Chinook jargon.
6 Related to Alsea t.'awa'yu.
6 Lower Umpqua Texts, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, vol. 4.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF* INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 443
PHONOLOGY ( 2-17)
2. Vowels
The vowels have short and long quantities. Resonance vowels,
marked here by superior vowels, are employed often, as is also the
obscure vowel E, which seems to be related to short a. In some in-
stances, due to contact phenomena, the obscure vowel partakes of the
quality of a short o, and is represented here by . The open e vowel
appears to be lacking, while the long e frequently glides from e to I
and resembles a long I. Significant pitch appears in a few cases (see
p. 447).
The a 1 - and a u diphthongs occur in two distinct forms, one with the
initial element short or long (a\ a u , a*, a w ), and the other with the
first element short and the second long (a* and dF). The latter two
forms are closely related to the long I and u with which they constantly
interchange. This interchange usually takes place after a, A, m, n, q,
x, and /, although numerous instances will be found where the substitu-
tion of a 1 and a* for I and u respectively has taken place after vowels
and consonants other than those enumerated, or where the interchange
does not occur at all.
Examples of interchange between I and a 1 :
inq/a'l 30.23 rnqla'a 1 river 30.20
mtta'ltin gamtta'aHmmy mother 100. 12
sVnxit G.18 ci'nxaH he thinks 90.15
tl'Jc E nx here thou 56.19 ta l 'k E ns here we two (incl.)
56.6
katjl'xam he was asked 66. 16 skwahtf'xam it is placed (in)
tsl'k/yan Jvi'sltl lio> I am very tct'fana aya'qattl sl'xa 1 here
glad 25. 8 we two (incl.) shall leave
our canoe 56.5
Examples of interchange between u and a* 1 :
waa'un 7.4 waa'aFn he says to him 20.7
waxaf yutsmE he gave him tkwlhaf haPtsmE he buried his . . .
his ... 76.9 40.22
Jcftmutf'Lun k/imoPif'Lun I am hitting him
MyatsVtsun he put it on 11.8 aqa'qaPn he took it off 13.1
pttq u tsu'ni made of raccoon hamxcfi'ni made of tied (grass)
(hides) 70.23, 24 8.6
Jcaflutun I tire him out ka'lcfitin I am tired
yakfistfinu' L/aya' on a small mlklcfi' L/aya' in a bad place
place 38. 19 12.10; 13.1
2
444 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The Siuslaw 1 system of vowels and diphthongs may be represented
as follows:
Vowels Semi-vowels Diphthongs
o
a (e) i % o u ft w y a 1 a u
d a e i d u & d u u*
The umlauted a occurs rarely, and is pronounced like a in German
wahlen; i is pronounced like the Slavic short y-vowel; and u indicates
very short quantity.
3. Consonants
The consonantic system deviates in a great many respects from
those of the neighboring tribes. Its chief characteristics are the total
absence of the anterior palatal series (gr, 7r, &/, a?'); the absence of
all sonants excepting d; the presence of a palatal lateral (); and,
above all, the occurrence of a double series of glottalized explosives
differing in the quality and amount of stress employed in their
production. The real explosives are followed in this sketch by the
sign of exclamation (!), while the glottalized stops of ordinary strength
will be found accompanied by the apostrophe ('). The latter seem to
be confined to the consonants of the dental series and to k. The surds
t and Jc occur also as aspirated consonants.
The following table illustrates the Siuslaw consonantic system:
Sonant Surd Fortis Aspirated Spirant Nasal
Velar q q! x
Palatal k(w) k!(w) V
Alveolar d t tf,t' t' s, c n
Affricative - ts,tc &/, tc!
to', t<?
Labial... - p p! (?) ra
Lateral - L L! I, I', I
Glottal stop e
Aspiration
y h w Ti u
The palatal l m is pronounced like I in the English word lure. The
glottal stop occurs seldom, and seems to be associated with the explo-
sive character of the consonants following it, although I did not suc-
ceed in verifying this connection definitely. The aspiration corre-
1 Whenever the term " Siuslaw" is used, it is to be understood as referring to the whole group, and
not to the dialect only.
$ 3
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 445
spends to the character of the vowels and consonants that precede or
follow it: that is to say, after palatal vowels it is of a palatal character;
while before the vowels &, 0, and u, and before velar consonants, it
becomes guttural. When followed by a vowel, it is changed into an h.
tutc- to spear 62.2 tuhatca'yun he spears it
qaqun- to hear 30. 18 qa'q u hantun he heard it 36.23
si* to grow (intr.) 98. 10 slhl'tcm xintyax I began to grow
up 100.17
qnu- to find qnu'hun (they two) found it 56.9
wa'^tux again shall ... 11.2 waha'hun fcyatsi'tsun again he put
it on 12.1
In some instances the aspiration results from the dropping of a t
before a following n (see 16, 58, 59).
4. Sound Groupings
Clusters of two consonants are admissible, except w + any conso-
nant other than n. Whenever a w is followed by a consonant other
than n, it changes into a voiceless w, represented here by hu . Clusters
of three or more consonants may occur medially or finally, provided
a nasal or lateral forms the initial sound of such groupings.
When, owing to grammatical processes, three consonants that can not
form a cluster come into contact, an obscure or weak vowel (mostly
, a, or i) is inserted between two of the three consonants, thus facili-
tating the pronunciation of the cluster.
A similar insertion takes place in initial clusters beginning with m
or n, and between two consonants belonging to the same series. The
latter rule applies to clusters in initial, medial, and final position.
Examples of clusters consisting of w + consonant:
a^cnaw- to trade mutually + aHcna'^tuxts you two will
-tux + -ts trade mutually
Ldlnaw- to hit mutually + -Em Ldlna fjiu matd you hit one an-
+ -tci other!
xnl' w na he does 11.11
Examples of avoidance of clusters in initial position:
m- (prefix of relationship) mita father 54.22
+ ta father
m- (prefix of relationship) mila mother 54.23
+ la mother
4
446 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Examples of avoidance of clusters in medial position:
winx- (to be afraid) + -nawa u x win E xna'wa u x they two were
afraid of each other 86.1,2
qatx- (to cry) + -tux qa'tx a tux he will cry
Examples of avoidance of clusters in final position:
qatc&nl'tx (to keep on going) qatcinl'txan I keep on going
+ -n <
qatx (night) + -nx qa ir x E nx (at) night thou . . .
70.18
ta l Jc (here) + -ns ta l 'k E ns here we two (incl.) 56. 6
hatq (ashore) + -nxan ha i 'q E nxan ashore we (excl.)
88.13
hatJa'yun (he asked him)
tcln- (to come back) + -nx td'nanx they came back 72.23
Examples of avoidance of clusters of consonants belonging to the
same series:
fcumi'ntc (not) -\--tc Jcumi'ntc E tc not his 92.15
ants (that one) + ca'ya ants E ca'ya that penis
plula'wax (he intends to hunt) plula f wax u xun we two (excl.)
\--xiln intend to go hunting 54.22
lit!- (to eat) +-tux ll't! l tux (you) will eat 50.2
tchnt (how much) +tsx ta\,nt E tsx suppose 38.20,21
8*a*l (such) +L/a' ai s*a!t* L/a' ai such a place 15.1
Examples of clusters permissible in medial or final position:
Final Medial
tsinqJt poor 16.10 tsi'nq/tanx you are poor
lakwa'ultx (their) . . . was lakwa'ultxan my . . . was
taken away 50.22 taken
loJcwl' xamltx his . . . was lakwl' xamltxa u x their two . . .
taken away from him 54.14 were taken away from them
The only consonantic cluster that does not seem to be permissible is
the grouping of nx + 7c. Whenever these three consonants would
appear together in the above-named order, the x is always changed
into a.
tstya'L/lnx (you will be shot) ts^a^L/lna lc u na you might get
+ ~k u na shot
k u wa'mnx(they will be beaten) Tc u wa n nlna ~k u na they may be
+ Jc u na beaten
4
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 447
An exception to this rule is found in the following sentence:
Vkwa! yuncmx ~k u Wl'<L l you may get (some) salmon 48.18
In like manner the combination nx + u is changed into a* (see 132).
ya'quyunanx (thou art seen) yaquyu'nana? thou art seen
+ -u (a' a ) here
5. Accent
Siuslaw exhibits a stress accent, represented here by tne acute mark
('); and a pitch accent, designated by the mark f). Only a limited
number of enclitic and proclitic particles show no accent whatsoever.
The pitch accent occurs mostly in monosyllabic words that have a
short vowel, and lends to the syllable a sharp, abrupt intonation. Both
accents are freely shifted from one syllable to another. It seems,
however, to be a fixed rule that in the past tense the accent is placed
on the first syllable, and that the locative case-endings and the adver-
bial suffixes must be accented.
hatqa'q he goes ashore 58.17 hat'qiqyax (having) cornea-
shore 56.13
qafxi'x it gets dark 64.19 qat'xixyax it became dark 34.4
twatci f tcuna u x they two are Pwa'tcbtcyaxaPn I have been
spearing it 56.15, 16 spearing it 66.17
tsfaln pitch 26.6 tsltinaf (locative case) 94.18
ll't/a 1 food 34.23 ltt!aya' (locative case) 13.7
Iqaftu log 32. 21 Iqatuwlyu's (locative case)
88.16
pVl'tl lake 62.18 pltltlyu's (locative case) 34. 11
sl'xa 1 canoe 56.5 SExcfi'tc into the canoe 34.5
qafxun above, up 34.21 qaxuntel'tc upwards
s E a'tsa thus 8.7 s E atsl'tc in that manner 8.1
yaPktt'stfln very small 36.23 yakttsttinu' in a very small
. . . 38.19
6. Phonetic Laws
In both dialects a number of phonetic laws are found which affect
both vowels and consonants. All phonetic processes are due either
to contact phenomena or to the effects of accent. They may be sum-
marized as follows:
VOCALIC PROCESSES:
(1) Diphthongization of I and u.
(2) Consonantization of i- and u-.
5-6
448 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
(3) Contraction.
(4) Vocalic hiatus.
(5) Vocalic harmony.
(6) Effects of accent.
CONSONANTIC PROCESSES I
(1) Consonantic metathesis.
(2) Consonantic euphony.
(3) Simplification of double consonants.
(4) Modifications of t and k.
(5) Minor Consonantic changes.
7-12. Vocalic Processes
7. Diphthongization of I and u
This is by far the most important phonetic change, owing to the fact
that it gives rise to a double form of stems that contain these vowels,
and because it is employed in certain grammatical processes (see
111, 112). The principle may be described as follows: For the
purpose of expressing (in nouns) the discriminative case and (in
verbs) intensity or duration of action, long I and u are changed into
ya and wa respectively.
Examples of diphthongization of i:
hlna'yunhQ brings him 23.2 htya'nyutsanx I'll take thee
along 58.6
hltsl'xam it is put on 11.8 htyatsi'tsun he is putting it on
11.8
llqa 1 ' he digs 84.2 a'ntsuxya'lgaPnthosQtwo (who)
are digging (a hole) 84.5
ditx- to flop tfyatx it flops around 36.23
ya'q u hltunx thou shalt see yoq u *ya'wax he intended to see
36.25 70.8
u l E nx kH'ntflt they went to k/in&ya'wax(l) intend to go and
look for 60.5 look for 60.5
Qa'aftcfafi along the North Fork qa ut xtinyax along the sky 32.19
32.19
Examples of diphthongization of u:
qunl'xamlmE it was poured qwaf^nyux pour it into his . . .
into his ... 29.2 29.2
L/xu r xu u n he knows it 40.16 kumi'ntc w ax ts'q Llx u 'wax u not
they two anything knew it
54.16
7
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 449
laM'kun he takes it lakwa'Tcu u n he took it 64.10
tutca'yun he spears it 64.12 twatcV tcuna u x they two are
spearing it 56.15, 16
u la u x tkuma'yun the} 7 two u lns tkwa'mlsun we two (incl.)
made a dam 48.8 will keep on making dams
48.14
u'ltl snow 76.10 wait it snows
psku'ya xdL/a if L/a' ai people a'ntsux paJcwa'wax those two
make shinny-sticks 78.5 (who) are about to play . . .
shinny 78.10, 11
Owing to the interchange between I and a 1 and u and aP (see 2),
these diphthongs are subject to the same amplification.
hl'q!a l t he started 22.6 hlq/ya'a? it will be started 32.1
mEq/aHx they dance 72.13 mEq/yafwax (I) intend to dance
72.12
qaftkin IE atqa'qaPts (from) ta l 'Jc E ns aya'qyun here we two
here he left me 60.4 (incl.) will leave it 56.16, 17
IcaPf&'s he keeps on following Wvia^yv! tsanaP you will follow
92,7 me 92.3
The change of I into ya often takes place in the third person sin-
gular, which ends in -I (see p. 468).
Ll'watUn I come frequently Ll'wat/l 68.5, (Li'wat!ya) he
came frequently
ci'nxyat/in I am thinking (<A r n l {Byat!l\ d'ri i xyat!ya 17.6
he is thinking
ka'Tcwatttn 1 fall frequently (ka'Jcwat/l), ha'lcwatfya 90.12 it
falls continually
xi'l'xcin I work xi'l'xd 50.9, (xil'xeya) he was
working
psll'tcfin I (am) ahead psll'tcya he was first 48.11
ya'q u hin I look ya!q u *ya he looked 70.16
si'nxin I want si'^xya he desires
8. Consonantization of i- and u-
The i- and u- elements of the diphthongs are changed into the semi-
vocalic consonants y and w whenever they are followed by vowels of
different qualities. This law affects also the simple short or long i-
and u- vowels.
8
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 29
450 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Consonantization of i-:
pitca? (he goes over) + -a u x pitca'ya u x they two go over 88.15
ll't/a 1 (food) + -a ya! xatd > lst ls nx llt/aya' for food
you will always try to look 13.7
ku l (not) + -a u x ku'ya u x not they two . . . 98.11
qnuhu*'- (he finds) + -a 1 qnuhu'yun (they) found it 60.7
tExmu'm (male) + -a la'kukyax tExmvfnya she took a
mortal man 60.23
xil'xci- (to work) + -a* xtt'xcya?' (they two) worked 48.10
t!l (bear) + -uni tllyu'ni made of bear (hides) 70.24
si'nxl- (to desire) + -un si'nfxyun I want it 15.8
Consonantization of u- :
Llya'a u (fire) + -a + -tc haf'gmas Llya'watc alongside of the
fire 25.4, 5
wllu- (to affirm) + -axam wllwa'xam he was assured 30. 11
xa'u (he died) + -ll kurm'ntc xa'wll not he dies 15.8
xafts/u (two) + -a u x xa'ts! u wa u x two of them 40.18
A peculiar case of Consonantization seems to have taken place in
the objective case td'wa 32.20, formed from the noun td WATER 36.20.
9. Contraction
Contraction of two or three vowels following in immediate suc-
cession does not seem to be of regular occurrence, and there are no
fixed rules governing this process. The following usages may. how-
ever, be stated to prevail:
(1) Short or long i or u following a vowel of different quality form
diphthongs.
a
The combination i + u^ however, does not form a diphthong (see
10).
tsmu'- (to assemble) + -lie tsmu^tc xint (they) assembled
30.15, 16
qa'ntcya (from where) + -lie qantcya l 'tc from where
gatcu- (to drink) + -itxcfin qatcu if txcfin (they) drink (from) it
76.12
(2) A short vowel preceding another short vowel or a diphthong is
contracted with the following vowel into a short or long vowel or
into a diphthong.
9
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - SIUSLAWAN 451
a'tsa (thus) + -a u x a'tsa u x thus they two . . .
waana'wa (to talk to each waana'wa u x they two talk to each
other) + -a u x other 10. 4
s e a (this) + -a l xa u x s E a l 'xa u x on tnis they two . . .
88.18
xafts/u (two) + -a u x xa'tsfux they two . . .
y alga' a" 1 (a hole) + -un ya'lqcfin (they) dig holes 84. 5
a u 'tclsi (camas) 4- -a u x a u 'teisa u x yuwa}' camas they two
dig 96.18
(3) The obscure vowel E is contracted with all vowels preceding
it into a vowel of a clear
hau- (to quit) + -Em, ha'um quit!
na (I) + -Eml nam E l of me 20.6
s E a ir na (him) + -Eml s^^na'ml of him
An exception is
wa- (to speak) + -Em wa'am speak!
(4) Two long vowels of similar qualities immediately following each
other are contracted into one long vowel.
psku- (to play shinny) + -us pEku' u s (locative case) 78.18
A peculiar case of contraction has apparently taken place in the
genitive case lqlanu ir ml OF HIDES 102.1, composed of Iqla'nu HIDE, and
-Eml, the genitive case-ending (see 87).
Another process of contraction takes place whenever a personal pro-
noun (see 24) is added to the suffix -yaxs, which expresses the past
durative tense (see p. 526). In such cases the suffix -yaxs is invaria-
bly contracted into -Ixs. Attention may be called to the fact that in
this case we are dealing with a process that is of a character opposite
to the diphthongization of -$, which has been discussed in 7.
a u s- to sleep 24.1 a u 'slxsbn I have been sleeping,
instead of a u 'syaxs^n
qatcu- to drink 76.13 qa'tcwcfixsin I have been drinking,
instead of qa'tcuyaxsin
psku'- to play shinny 9.4 pa!~ku l xsanx you have been play-
ing shinny, instead ofpa'kuyax-
sanx
lit!- to eat 13.10 ll't/lxs he has been eating, instead
of ll't!yaxs
9
452 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
10. Vocalic Hiatus
In cases where contraction has not taken place, two vowels occur-
ring in immediate succession are separated by means of an inserted h
or by means of the accent. No definite rules could be found that
would show under what circumstances either of these processes may
be employed. Separation of two vowels by means of an inserted h
occurs more regularly than separation by means of accent.
M!q!a (dentalia shells) + -a% hiq/ahaFni consisting of dentalia
shells 70.6
Lxau' (pole)-f-w.E Lxa u 'hmE with a spear (in his
hand) 64.11
mrMl' (mother-in-law) + -Itin instill' hltin my mother-in-law
Ifi'a 1 (salmon) + -anx Wlat'anx xaya 1 ' salmon they catch
82.13, 14
LI'U (he came) + -un Llu'un he arrived 16.3
11. Vocalic Harmony
The tendency towards vocalic euphony is so inconsistent in Siuslaw,
that one is almost tempted to deny the presence of such a process.
The two examples I have been able to find are extremely unsatisfac-
tory and do not permit the formulation of any clearly defined rules.
haf'mut (all) + -Eml hatmutu'ml of all
qa'xun high up, above 34.21 ga u 'xun on top 32.19
$12. Effects of Accent
Besides the frequent tendency to lengthen the vowel of the syllable
on which it falls, or to lend to it a clear quality, the loss of accent
shortens or obscures the quantity of the stem-vowel as soon as it is
shifted to one of the suffixed syllables. This law appears with such
regular frequency as to make it a characteristic trait of Siuslaw
phonology.
While examples covering the whole vocalic system could not be
obtained, the following rules seem to prevail:
(1) The -, i-, and u- vowels of the stem, when they lose their
accent, are changed into open i (written here $) or obscure vowels
whenever they precede or follow non-labialized consonants.
(2) These vowels are changed for the sake of harmonization into
short u whenever they appear before or after labialized consonants
or 10.
10-12
BOAS]
HAHDBOOK OF INDIAN LAHGtTAGES SlU^LAWAN
453
(3) The unaccented diphthongs lose the second element, especially
in cases where the stem-vowel is followed by the accented verbalizing
suffixes -a* and -u* (see 75).
Examples showing the change of a-, *-, and u- vowels before or
after non-labialized consonants:
maftl dam 48.10
tsfaln pitch 26. 6
ma a tc it lay 32.22
yax- to see 34.4
tcin (they) came back 7.7
' arrow 50.1.1
sl'xa 1 boat 56.5
smut''- to end 20. 5
hu u n- to be dark 34.8, 9
sun- to dive 64.21
mitl'yu' u the art of making dams
48.11
mEtl'txa u x they two always made
dams 50.12, 13
ts/Una'tc with pitch 24.1
mitcu fwi many were lying 36.27
mEtcafwanx they intended to lie
down 38.23
yixa'yun he saw it 58.13
tcEnl'tc xint he went back 58.15, 16
t&L/a? he shot 50.20
tsiL/l'tc by means of an arrow 15.8
SExaP'tc into (a) boat 34.5
smWu*' it ends 14.6
hwinu 1 ' it is dark
sinu*' he dives
Change of a-, i- (and u-) vowels before or after labialized conso-
nants or 10:
md'q u L crow 34.23 m u gwa f LEm of crow 34.21
ya'wlsun (you) will pick 36.18 yuwa 1 ' he digs 96.18
Uqwa' a tmi trunk of a tree Uqutml'a u x qaa if into the stem
the}^ two went 92.6
m u kwa ir he cuts
92.5, 6
ml'k u tux he will cut
Treatment of diphthongs:
xaftc- to roast (meat) 90.8
o hunt 15.3
xatca*' he roasts (meat)
u l E nx paLnl'tx they are hunting
82.16, 17
am*' he sleeps 70.2
tc!hacu ir he is glad
qutfa 1 ' he dreams
Shortening of the stem-vowel frequently takes place after the suf-
fixation of an additional syllable, regardless of whether the accent
had been shifted or not.
12
a u s- to sleep 23.9
tc!ha u c- to be glad 23.3
- to dream 68.21
454 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ya^xa* much, many 8. 5 ya'xtux (ye two) will multiply 32.6
yExa l 'tc w ax xi'ntls they (dual) con-
tinually multiply 98.12
t/amc infant 40. 19 ttt'mct/Hux (they) will raise chil-
dren 32.3
tdmtca'mfi ax 27.10 tdmtd'mya (locative case) 29.1
In a few instances accent and suffixation have caused the loss or
addition of a vowel, and hence that of an extra syllable.
qmtcu'ni woman 30.21 qlutcnat' (when) he marries 76.8
mit/a'sk'tn step-father m^.VsPm'^mmystep-fatherlOO.5
waa i 'mux u (they two) talk to waa'ysmxust (they two) begin to
each other 10.7 talk to each other 56.4
waat'mxustx (they) began to talk
to each other 64.20, 21
qayu' wi nts stone qay u na' ts l tc upon the rock 62.11
13-17. Consonantic Processes
13. Consonantic MetatJiesis
This change affects mostly the subjective suffix for the third per-
son dual -a u x (see 24), and (very seldom) the Consonantic combina-
tion n -\-s or n + ts.
In the first instance -a u x is transposed into - w ax (contracted some-
times into -ux) or whenever it is added to stems or words that pre-
cede the verbal expression (see 26). This transposition never takes
place when the pronoun is suffixed to the verb.
tsim (always) + -a u x tsi'm w ax always they two . . .
50.10
pEm's (skunk) + -a u x ants pEm's w ax those two skunks
88.6, 7
ants (that one) + -a u x a'ntsux those two 52. 3, 5
s*atsl'tc (thus) + -a u x s E atsl'tc w ax thus they two 50. 15, 16
u l (and, then) + -a u x u 'l w ax and they two
an'tsitc (this his) + -a u x a'ntsitcx u these their two 50.4
This transposition is seldom absent; and parallel forms, like a'ntsa u x
and a'ntsux 50.12, stl'ma u x 50.21, and stl'm w ax 52.20, are extremely
rare. As a matter of fact, the tendency towards the metathesis of
-a u x is so great that it takes place even in cases where -a u x is suf-
fixed to stems ending in a vowel.
13
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 455
qwoa'txa 1 (beaver) + -a u x qwoa'txa ax they two (he and)
beaver 52.4
tsiml'l'd (muskrat) + -a M a? ts&mU' a! wax they two (he and)
muskrat 54.19
The transposition of n -f s and ts actually occurs in a few instances
only, although 1 have no doubt that under more favorable con-
ditions a greater number of cases could have been collected (see
also p. 599).
ants . . . ha i qa if . . . when tsafnd" Ll'utux when it will come
he comes ashore 82.5 (this way) 62.21, 22
. . . ants tkiva'myax when it tsa'ntci if you ... 74.8
closed up 78.3
faZ*' nats if not ... 29.7
14* Consonantic Euphony
This law requires that the consonants of the ^'-series should corre-
spond to the quality of the vowel preceding or following it. Hence
all velar and palatal ^-sounds following a w-vowel become labialized.
Owing to the fact that Siuslaw does not possess anterior palatal
sounds, harmonization of consonants does not take place after or
before ^'-vowels.
lk!anu'k u screech owl 86. 1 Ikwa'nuf hat
tcu'x u s vulva 90.16 tfa'ntuq/wl moccasins
qo'x u m off shore 34.6 ts/u'xwl spoon
cuqwa'an roast 90.12 Jc!u x wma 1 ' ice appears 76.13
qo'q u knee cu'kwa sugar 1
15. Simplification of Double Consonants
Double consonants, when not kept apart by means of an inserted
weak vowel (see 4), are usually simplified. This process especially
takes place between two t and n sounds, in which case the repeated
consonant is dropped. This phonetic law is of great importance; and
it should always be borne in mind, because it affects the subjective
suffix for the first person singular -n, when following the transitive
form in -un. In such cases the subjective pronoun is invariably
dropped; and since the third person singular has no distinct suffix, it
becomes at times rather difficult to comprehend by which of these two
persons a given action is performed ( 24, 28).
i English loan-word.
14-15
456
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
hated I (tall, long) + -'u
ytikt (big) + -*V*
wan (now) + -nxan
si'^xyun (he wants it) -f -n
anxa'xa u n (he gives it up) + -n
mi'ltc&st (he begins to burn) +
tx
yak/l'tc (in pieces) + -yax +
-aam
Compare, on the other hand,
Vkwa'yun (he takes it) + -nx
L/wa'nisun (he keeps on tell-
ing him) + -nx
ha'tcu' u a long (time) 48.3
yikfu' wi large size
wo 1 nxan now we (excl.) 30.13
si'nixyun I want it 30.4
anxa'xa^n I give him up 60. 1 1
mi'ltcfefa Lad his mouth be-
gins to burn 29.3
yak/ltcya'xam into pieces it
was cut 29.4
VJcwa'yunanx you get it 48.18
L/wa'nlsunanx you keep on
telling him 17.2
16. Modifications of t and k
Siuslaw seems to have a tendency to avoid as much as possible
the clusters tn and Jen. Since the phonetic character of certain
suffixes causes t and n to come into contact frequently, there are
many cases of sound shiftings due to the influence of n upon the pre-
ceding t. Combinations of this kind are the passive suffixes -utnE and
-IsutnE (see 58, 59). In these cases the closure is not formed,
but replaced by a free emission of breath, thereby changing these suf-
fixes into -unE and -IsunE respective^. It is not inconceivable that
this process may have a dialectic significance, differentiating the Lower
Umpqua and Siuslaw dialects, because it was noticed that William
Smith (who spoke the latter dialect) never used the forms -utns and
-Isutns; while his wife * (a Lower Umpqua Indian) invariably hesi-
tated to acknowledge the correctness of the use of -UUE and -Isuns.
But as I had no other means of verifying this possibility, I thought it
advisable to discuss this change as a consonantic process. The dialectic
function of the process under discussion may be borne out further by
the fact that in a good many instances these two suffixes occur in
parallel forms.
waa if he says 8.9 waa'yutns 20.6
d'nxl- to desire 18.5 sVrixyutnE IS. 4
waa'yuns he is told
72.3
si'^xyuns it is de-
sired 20.4
16
1 See Introduction.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 457
hate* - to ask 66.16 hattfa'yutnE 68.3 hattfayu'^uE he is
xnl' w nutnE 62.9
xnl w n- to do 10.5
waa ir he says 8.9
Ll'u- to come 8.3 L/iL/wl'sutnE 26.2
gaLx- to count 8.5 qa'Lxutns 62.8
Jcfaha*' he invites
tutca 1 ' he spears
62.2
hdkwa 1 ' he drops
tqulu ir he shouts
92.6
haWtx they shout
13.11
asked 66.23
xnl' w nunE it is done
wacfi'sunE he is con-
tinually told 23.10
Ll'wlsunE he is con-
tinually approached
26.6
qa'LxlsunE (they) are
continually counted
62.11
tanx Ic ! aha! yutnE this one you are invited
24.3
tutca'yutnE it is speared 8.7
hakwa'yunE it is thrown 8.7
tqulu'yunE he is shouted at 78.3
Utah'suns he is continually shouted at
14.2
cfcl'x- to move 27.3 cftfl'xisutnE he is continually shaken 27.2
li l yats- to put on Wya'tslsutnE it is continually put on 11.7
11.8
The verbal suffix -t expressing periphrastically the idea TO HAVE, TO
BE WITH SOMETHING (see 76), is very often dropped when followed
by the subjective pronouns that begin with n (see 24; see also 88).
atsl'tcfitin ha 1 thus 1 think s E atsl'tcfin ha 1 thus 1 think 21.7
na'm E lltin wa'as my language na'm E lln wa'as my language
36.13
L/a'itanxan our residence na'm E llnxan our . . . 102.5
100.3
hl ir slnxan hltsl ri good (was) our
house 100.13
The same tendency of dropping a consonant prevails in clusters con-
sisting of k + n.
ta a k (this here) + -nx tanx this one thou 20. 6
tcP~k (this here) -\--nxan ta'nxan these ones we ... 25.3
The dropping of k in these instances may also be explained as
having resulted from the abbreviation of ta a k into IE (see 115);
the more so, as an analogous case is furnished by the local adverb
16
458 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
stlmk THERE, which usually loses its ~k before all following sub
jective suffixes (see 119).
stlmk (there) 30.18 +~nx stl'm s nx there they . . . 32.3
stlmkts (there you two) 32.12 stlmts there you two . . . 32.6
stl'mtd there you (pi.) 32.8
17. Minor Consonantic Changes
In this section those changes affecting the consonants will be dis-
cussed, for which not enough examples could be found to permit the
formulation of clearly defined rules.
Here belongs in first place the apparent change of a sonant into a
fortis in initial reduplication, a process exemplified by only three
cases.
Ll'u- to come 9.2 L/lL/wl'sutnE he is continually ap-
proached 26.2
L/lL/wa'xam he is approached
16.3
tEinu'- to assemble 7.8 t/Emtlma'xam people assemble
about him (passive) 23.3
Another sporadic change is that of q and q! into k before the suffix
of place -a mu (see 103).
yaq u *- to look 9.1 yikyaFmu a place from where one
can see, a vantage point
ma'q/l- to dance 28.7 mEkyaPmu a dance hall
Compare, however, on the other hand,
yaq u *ya'waxan I intend to look 25.8,9
mi'nq/yEm buy a woman!
A third doubtful process consists in the change which the modal
adverb feu? xyal'x ALMOST, NEARLY (see 121), undergoes whenever
used with the subjective pronouns for the second person singular or
third person plural (see 24). In such cases the form obtained is
always 7cwl'n E x yal'x THOU ALMOST, THEY ALMOST, which may be ex-
plained as a result of a simplification from Jcu i + -nx j rxyal'x (see 15).
ku* xyal'x smu'ffa it almost is hm f n E x yal'x Jcu*na' w un you almost
the end 10.9, 11.1 beat him
Jcfunnx yal'x Ll'iml they had al-
most arrived 66.25
17
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 459
18. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
All grammatical categories and syntactic relations are expressed in
Siuslaw by one of the following four processes:
(1) Prefixation.
(2) Suffixation.
(3) Reduplication.
(4) Phonetic changes.
Prefixation as a means of expressing grammatical categories is
resorted to in only two instances. Almost all grammatical ideas are
expressed by means of suffixes. A singular trait of the suffixes in
Siuslaw is presented by the fact that the adverbial suffixes are added
to the locative form of the noun and must precede the pronominal
suffixes. Reduplication is practically confined to the formation of
intensive and durative actions; while phonetic changes are employed
for the purpose of forming the discriminative case and of expressing
duration and intensity of action.
19. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
By far the majority of stems that constitute the Siuslaw vocabulary
are neutral, receiving their respective nominal or verbal significance
from the functional character of the suffix that is added to them. All
stems expressing our adjectival ideas are in reality intransitive verbs.
Of the two prefixes employed as a means of expressing grammatical
categories, one indicates relationship, while the other points out the
performer of an action.
The suffixes are overwhelmingly verbal in character; that is to say,
they indicate ideas of action and kindred conceptions. Hence they
are employed for the purpose of expressing activity, causation,
reciprocity, the passive voice, the imperative and exhortative modes,
etc. The pronouns denoting both subject and object of an action are
indicated by suffixes, as are also the possessive relations that may
exist between the object of a sentence and its subject. All temporal
ideas are conveyed by means of suffixes, and Siuslaw shows a remark-
able development of this category, having distinct suffixes that
express inception, termination, frequency, duration, intention of
performing an action, as well as the present, future, and past tenses.
Other ideas that are expressed by means of verbal suffixes are mainly
18-19
460 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
modal in character, indicating distribution, negation, location of
action, and the attempt to perform a given act.
Nominal suffixes are, comparatively speaking, few in number, and
express chiefly adverbial ideas, such as local relationships and instru-
mentality. They are used, furthermore, for the purpose of forming
abstract concepts, diminutive and augmentative nouns, and also ex-
press cases of nouns.
Ideas of plurality are hardly developed; for, with the exception of
two suffixes that express plurality of the subject of the sentence,
Siuslaw has no other grammatical means of indicating plurality of
action or of nominal concepts. Distinct verbal and nominal stems for
singular and plural subjects or objects, such as are employed in other
languages, do not exist. Plurality of subject and object is sometimes
indicated by particles.
Reduplication expresses primarily repetition and duration of action;
while phonetic changes serve the purpose of denoting the performer
and intensity of action.
The grammatical function of particles covers a wide range of ideas,
pertaining chiefly to the verb. Some express finality of action, sources
of knowledge, emotional states, connection with previously expressed
ideas, others have an exhortative and restrictive significance.
In the pronoun, three persons, and a singular, dual, and plural, are
distinguished. Grammatical gender does not exist. The first per-
son dual has two distinct forms, one indicating the inclusive (i AND
THOU), and the other the exclusive (i AND HE). In like manner the first
person plural shows two separate forms, one expressing the inclusive
(i AND YE), and the other the exclusive (i AND THEY).
The demonstrative pronoun, while showing a variety of forms, does
not accentuate visibility or invisibility, presence or absence, and near-
ness or remoteness, in relation to the three pronominal persons.
The numeral is poorly developed, exhibiting forms for the cardinals
only. Means of forming the other numerals do not exist. They are
expressed mostly by the cardinals. The ordinals are sometimes indi-
cated by means of an adverbial suffix.
The syntactic structure of the sentence presents no complications.
The different parts of speech may shift their position freely without
affecting the meaning of the sentence. Nominal incorporation and
19
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 461
words that are compounds of independent stems do not exist, and
words denoting nominal or verbal ideas can be easily recognized
through the character of their suffixes.
MORPHOLOGY ( 20-136)
Prefixes ( 20-21)
Siuslaw has only two prefixes, -a fact that stands out most conspicu-
ously when we consider the large number of prefixes that are found
in some of the languages spoken by the neighboring tribes. Of these
two prefixes, one is employed for the purpose of denoting nouns of
relationship, while the other forms the discriminative case of nouns
and pronouns.
20. Prefix of Relationship m-
This prefix is found in a limited number of terms of relationship.
All these terms occur also in Alsea, 1 and it is quite conceivable that
they represent loan-words assimilated by means of this prefix. By
far the majority of nouns expressing degrees of relationship occur
without the prefix m-. Owing to the fact that Siuslaw does not permit
an m to appear in initial consonantic clusters, the prefix is often
changed into mi- (see 4).
The following is a complete list of all terms employed in Siuslaw
for the purpose of denoting the different degrees of relationship.
English Siuslaw
Father mtta 2
Mother mtta 3
Elder brother mat/I' 4
Younger brother m u u'sk u 5
Elder sister ntisi'a 1 8
Younger sister mictd fi
Grandfather LipL, LipL'ma, (see 84)
Grandmother TcamL, TcamL'ma (see 84)
Grandson llml'stfin (see S3)
Granddaughter Itskd'n
Paternal uncle, stepfather mit/a'stfin (see 83)
Maternal uncle t!a' a sits!V
Paternal and maternal aunt ku'la
1 See p. 437, note 1. * Alsea hdft!. Alsea sofa.
2 Alsea fl. 5 Alsea mu'Mk: 7 Alsea tfd'atsa.
a Alsea M.
20
462 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Parent-in-law mskll' x
Son-in-law mu'n(%) 2
Daughter-in-law te'mxan (f)
Brother-in-law, sister-in-law ta'maxt 3
Stepmother mUastfi'l'ma, (seo 83, 84)
Stepbrother mu u sku'l'ma (see 84)
Stepsister (?)
Nephew (son of brother) lip
Nephew (son of sister); step- tfat*
son
Niece (daughter of brother) li'pxan (?) 5
Niece (daughter of sister); tinl*
stepdaughter (?)
Term of relationship, by mar- xayu'sL 7
riage, after the death of the
person that caused this kin-
ship
In addition to these terms of kinship, I have obtained a few other
stems, whose exact rendering did not seem to be very clear in the
minds of my informants. Thus, William Smith maintained that
gfaWntl* denoted ELDER SISTER; while Louisa Smith thought she
remembered that taq/l'iob signified BROTHER-IN-LAW. Other terms that
may belong here are the nouns tcma'nl (rendered by my interpreter
by COUSIN), that seemed to be used in addressing a non-related member
of the tribe; ts'il'mu't FRIEND, referring to a person outside the
consanguinity and affinity group; tsi'mqma PEOPLE, FOLKS; and ts'q
RELATIVE (see 123).
21. Discriminative q- (qa-)
This prefix is added to all terms of relationship and to all independ-
ent pronouns for the first and second persons, whenever they are the
subject of a transitive action or whenever the presence of both a
nominal subject and object in one and the same sentence necessitates
the discrimination of the subject. The discriminative case of nouns
1 Alsea mak-l.
2 Alsea mun.
a Alsea temxt SISTER-IN-LAW.
4 Likewise so by Dorsey for "nephew." The use of this term for "stepson " contradicts the term for
"stepfather."
5 Frequently rendered COUSIN.
8 Th same contradiction as mentioned in note 4.
7 Coos xa'yustatc.
2 Alsea qa'sint.
21
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN
463
other than terms of relationship is formed by means of an internal
phonetic change (see 111). The same case for the independent per-
sonal pronouns for the third person will be found discussed in 113
(pp. 575 et seq.). The rules of consonantic clusters change this prefix
frequently into qa- (see 4).
mita father 54.22
m u u'sk u younger brother 56.6
mtta mother 54.23
na 1 21.8
na'han I 40.14
qamita'to wi'ltcwtun her father
sent her 92.20
w l wan waha'haPn qa'msk u tc now
again (said to him) his younger
brother 56.20, 21
a'l a q qlutci'l'ma ta'yun qamila'-
a l tin one old woman kept (in
her house) my mother 100.12
tsri'Tdyanx qna s%'ri i xyuts very
much thee I like 22.7
L/xu'yun qna'han I know it 19.9
hl if sanx ma'nlsuts qnl'x a ts well
thou shalt always take care of
me 22.2, 3
u lnx qnl'xPts xriV w riisun and you
will continually do it 98.10
qna'xun Lslu'yuts we two (excl.)
hit thee
qna'nxan ya'q u hlsuts we (excl.)
will watch thee 72. 6
qwatc L/xu'yun he who knows it
44.8
Tcumi f ntc*nl qioatc Tcu^nlsuts not
us (excl.) anybody will ever
beat 72.17
Suffixes ( 22-105)
22. General Remarks
Besides the few ideas that are conveyed by means of other gram-
matical processes (such as prefixation, reduplication, etc.), Siuslaw
employs sufiixation as a means of forming practically all of its mor-
phological and syntactic categories. These suffixes are either simple
or they are compounded of two or more distinct formative elements.
The compound suffixes usually have the cumulative significance of
their separate component parts. In many cases, owing to far-reaching
22
na u 'xun we two (excl.) 36.15
na'nxan we (excl.)
watc who, somebody 10.1
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
phonetic changes, the derivation of the compound suffixes can not be
given with cer taint} 7 .
From a functional point of view all suffixes may be divided into a
verbal and a non-verbal group; the former used in the formation of
verbal ideas, the latter employed for the purpose of conveying gram-
matical concepts of a nominal, adjectival, or adverbial character. In
one or two instances we do find a suffix denoting both verbal and
nominal ideas. This is especially true of the suffix -u u , -u wi , which
may indicate an act performed by several subjects, or else the abstract
concept of that action (see 79, 97); and of the auxiliary -tf, which is
also employed in the formation of a number of words denoting adjec-
tival ideas. (See 76, 104.) While it might have been more proper
to discuss such suffixes in a separate chapter as "Neutral Suffixes,"
practical considerations have induced me to treat them in accordance
with their functional values, notwithstanding the fact that this treat-
ment entails some repetition.
The majority of Siuslaw stems are neutral, and receive their respec-
tive nominal or verbal meaning from the nature of the suffix that is
added to them. There are, however, a few stems denoting adverbial
ideas that can under no circumstances be amplified by nominal suffixes.
Furthermore, it seems to be a general rule that nominalizing suffixes
can not be added to a stem that has already been verbalized by some
verbal suffix; while numerous instances will be found where a stem
originally developed as a verbal idea, and nominalized by means of
suffixes, can again be verbalized by adding to the derivative noun an
additional verbal suffix.
The following examples will serve to illustrate the three possibilities
that prevail in the derivation of verbs and nouns.
(1) NEUTRAL STEMS:
Stem. Verb
tslL/- to shoot 8.6 ts%L!a ir he shoots 10. 3
Vt!a 1 ' he eats 44.19
hfa/a/tnu!** they live
wait it snows
tsxaya 1 ' L/a'a* day
breaks 50.3
a'ntsux ya'lqa^n they
two dig (the ground)
84.5
$/- to eat 13.10
kits- to live
ult- to snow
tsxa 1 - to shine (?)
llq- to dig 80.6
Noun
tsl'L/l arrow 50.7
ll'tfa 1 food 34.23
hltsl H house 25.2
u'ltl snow 76.10
tsxayu' wi day, sun
7.3
yalqa'a^ hole (in the
ground) 84.6
22
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN
465
(2) ADVERBIAL PARTICLES:
s E a'tsa thus 8.7
waha! again 19.5
(3) NOUNS:
qi'utc female
52.17
plctc-f
waa- to speak 7.1
Noun
glutcu'nt
30.21
plctcEm
46.11
wa'as language
34.21
yaftsa s E a'ts E yax for a long time
he did it thus 11. 3, 4
s E atsl'xamyax thus it was done
32.16
waha'haPn qa'msk u te again (said
to him) his younger brother
56.21
wa'^tunx m u qwa' LEmtc wa'as
you will again (talk) Crow's
language 38.8, 9 1
Verb
glutcna? (when)
he marries 76.8
plctclma? (when)
it gets summer
54.2
s E a i na / mltG wa'as
wa a ' syaxa^n his
language he
spoke 36.14
woman
summer
Verbal Suffixes ( 23-81)
23. INTRODUCTORY
The study of the verbal suffixes of Siuslaw brings out a strong ten-
dency to phonetic amalgamation between different groups of suffixes,
by which the component elements are often obscured. For this
reason the question of an ultimate relationship between many of the
suffixes that occur in Siuslaw can not be ascertained as easily as
might seem at first sight, owing chiefly to the fact that in most of the
compound suffixes the originally separate elements have undergone
considerable phonetic changes and have become to a large extent
petrified. However, a careful examination of the phonetic composi-
tion of those suffixes that convey kindred psychological and gram
matical concepts will show that certain phonetic elements of a given
suffix may have served originally to conduce one leading idea, and
have amalgamated, in the course of time, with other suffixes, thereby
showing a genetic relationship between many of the verbal suffixes.
i See also 135.
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 30
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
Thus, -u may have had primarily a transitive indicative function
occurring in the suffixes -un (see 28), -uts (see 29), -ux (see 30), etc.
In like manner, -ts- may have been the proto-suffix that indicated pro-
nominal relations between subject and object, being present in suffixes
like -uts (see 29), -smts (see 31), -utsm- (see 34), -ults (see 36),
-Its (see 42), etc.; and -I- seems to have been originally a modal
suffix, denoting chiefly the possession of the object of the verb by
another person or thing, because it is found in suffixes like -ul
(see 35), -ults (see 36), -ll (see 45), -llts (see 46), etc. To all
appearances -I must have been an independent suffix implying a com-
mand, for it enters into composition with imperative and exhortative
suffixes like -Is (see 62), -Us (see 42), -Imts (see 44), -ll (see 45),
-llts (see 46), -lxm% (see 63), -Inl (see 41), etc.; and -to was
undoubtedly the general adverbial suffix.
The following table will best illustrate the plausibility of relation-
ships between some of the suffixes that occur in Siuslaw. The forms
marked with an asterisk (*) represent the probable original suffix,
while the other forms indicate the suffixes as they appear today.
*-u indicative
-un direct object of third per-
son (see 28)
-uts direct object of first and
second persons (see 29)
-ux indirect object of third
person (see 30)
-utsm object possessed by sub-
ject, but separable from it
(see 34)
-ul object possessed by a third
person object (see 35)
-ults object possessed by a first
or second person object (see
36)
-yun, -l w yun exhortative (see
-a w un intentional (see 70)
*-ts pronominal relations be-
tween subject and object
23
-uts direct object of first and sec-
ond persons (see 29)
-smts indirect object of first and
second persons (see 31)
-utsm object possessed by subject,
but separable from it (see 34)
-ults object possessed by a first or
second person object (see 36)
-Its imperative with direct object
of the first person (see 42)
-Imts imperative with indirect ob-
ject of the first person (see 44)
-llts imperative with object pos-
sessed by a first person (see 46)
-tsx imperative expressing posses-
sive interrelations between ob-
ject and subject (see 47)
-Itsms exhortative expressing pos-
sessive interrelations between
object and subject (see 48)
*-l imperative
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN
467
-l w yun, -ml exhortative with
direct object of the third
person (see 41)
-Us imperative with the direct
object of the first person (see
42)
-Imts imperative with indirect
object of the first person (see
44)
-ll imperative denoting that
object is possessed by a third
person (see 45)
-llts imperative denoting that
object is possessed by a first
person (see 46)
-ItsmE exhortative with posses-
sive interrelations between
object and subject (see 48)
-Is imperative for transitive
verbs (see 62)
-Ixmfi intransitive exhorta-
*-l possessive interrelations be-
tween object and subject
-ul object possessed by a third per-
son object (see 35)
-ults object possessed by a first or
second person object (see
36)
-ultx, -xamltx passive with posses-
sive relations of subject (see
39)
-ll imperative denoting that object
is possessed by a third person
(see 45)
-llts imperative denoting that
object is possessed by a first
person (see 46)
-Z (?) exhortative (see 64)
*-tc adverbial
-t<? tentative (see 52)
-tc local (see 90)
-lie modal (see 94)
tive (see 63)
In discussing these suffixes it seems convenient to begin with the
group that appears in the sentence in terminal position and proceed
backwards with our analysis. According to this treatment, we may
distinguish
(1) Pronominal suffixes.
(2) Objective forms.
(3) Modal sufiixes.
(4) Temporal sufiixes.
(5) Verbalizing sufiixes.
(6) Plural formations.
(7) Irregular suffixes.
PRONOMINAL SUFFIXES ( 24-26)
24. The Subjective Pronouns
The pronouns denoting the subjects of an action, transitive and
intransitive, as well as pronominal objects, are expressed by means of
sufiixes that invariably stand in terminal position. The third person
singular has no distinct form. The first persons dual and plural have
24
468 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
distinct forms for the inclusive and exclusive. The same pronouns
are used for all modes and voices. In the imperative the second per-
son singular is omitted.
The following table will serve to illustrate what may be called the
fundamental type of the subjective pronouns:
Singular Dual Plural
1st person sing. . ] ,
to , , . . -n -ns -nl
Inclusive du. and pi. J *
2d person nx -ts -tci
3d person - -a u x -nx
Exclusive du. and pi. . -a u xun, -axun -nxan
It would seem that the exclusive forms are derived from the third
persons dual and plural and the first person.
These suffixes appear also in the independent personal pronouns (see
113). The suffix for the first person singular, -n, disappears regularly
after the transitive -un (see 15), and the confusion that might arise
from the fact that the transitive form for the third person singular
ends in -un also, is avoided by accentuation of the first person singular
as the subject of an action by the additional use of the independent
pronoun that either precedes or follows the verb.
The second person singular and the third person plural happen to
consist of the same phonetic elements, -nx. Ambiguity of meaning in
both forms is avoided* by addition of the independent personal pro-
nouns. The suffix for the third person dual undergoes frequent
changes, which have been fully discussed in 13.
The rules regulating consonantic clusters require the insertion of an
obscure (or weak) vowel between stems ending in a consonant and
any of the subjective suffixes that begin with a consonant (see 4).
According to the manner in which the subjective pronouns are
added to a given verbal stem, the verbs may be divided into the five
following distinct groups:
(1) Verbs that add the pronominal suffixes directly to the stem or
that take them after the verbalizing suffixes -a 1 and -u l .
(2) Verbs that end in -I.
24
BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 469
(3) Certain verbs that end in x.
(4) Verbs that express the third person singular by means of stem
amplification (see 112).
(5) Verbs that end in -a.
The first group presents no difficulties whatsoever. The subjective
pronouns are added directly to the stem or else follow the verbalizing
suffixes -a* and -u* (see 75) .
A number of verbs seem to end in -$, which undergoes a pho-
netic change whenever the pronominal suffixes are added to it. Thus,
it is shortened when followed by the pronoun for the first person
singular, and it undergoes the process of diphthongization (see 7)
whenever a pronoun for any of the other persons is added to it.
Whenever the third person singular is to be expressed, the verb
appears with 4, which is often diphthongized into -ya. Verbs that
take the tentative suffix -ttf (see 52) and the frequentative -at!l
(see 68) are treated similarly.
A peculiar treatment is accorded to certain verbs that end in x.
Here belong only such verbs as have been amplified by means of the
modal suffix -Itfax (see 51) and of the temporal suffixes -awax, -tux,
and -yax (see 70, 73, 74). These suffixes do not change their pho-
netic composition when followed by the pronouns for the first person
singular and second persons dual and plural. However, as soon as
the subjective pronouns for any of the other persons are added to
them, the final x disappears. An exception to this rule is offered by
the future -tux (see 73) when followed by the pronoun for the third
person dual. In this case the final x is always retained. Whether
the disappearance of the x is due to contraction or to other causes,
can not be said with any degree of certainty.
The last two groups comprise verbs the stems of which undergo a
process of amplification whenever the third person singular is to be
expressed. Verbs belonging to the fourth group show an internal
change of the stem, while those of the fifth group add an a to the
bare stem. A full discussion of the phonetic character of these two
processes will be found in 112, p. 574.
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
In accordance with these five types of verbs, the following tabular
arrangement of the pronominal suffixes may be presented:
1st type
2d type
3d type
4th type
5th type
Singular . . .
-71
-in
-xan
-n
-71
1st person
Dual (incl.) . .
-ns
-yans
-ns
-ns
-ns
Plural (incl.) .
-nl
-yanl
-nl
-nl
-nl
Singular . . .
-nx
-yanx
-nx
-nx
-nx
2d person
Dual ....
-ts
-yats
xts
-ts
-ts
Plural ....
-tct
-yatct
-xtci
-tct
-tct
[Singular . . .
, -ai, -ui
-I, -ya
-X
/ Amplified!
\ stem /
-a
3d P erson JDual ....
-anx
-yaux
-xaux,-aux
-aux
-aux
[plural ....
-nx
-yanx
-nx
-nx
-nx
Exclusive
IDual ....
{-av-xtin
-axtin
-yaxtin
-axun
-ax&n
-axtin
Plural ....
-nxan
-yanxan
-nxan
-nxan
-nxan
(1) Pronominal suffixes added directly to the stem or following the
verbalizing -a* and -u l :
vAnx- to be afraid 17.6
waa- to speak 7. 1
winx- to be afraid 17.6
lna u w- to be rich 76.3
Iqaq- to pass wind 86.7
tsinq f- to be poor 16.10
Vtfa? he eats 46.5
tsinq!- to be poor 16.10
tain- to come back
skwa- to stand 10.9
tqul- to shout 52.8
smutf- to end 8.8
qa't^nt he goes 12.
vdnt- to start 23.1
tsinqf- to be poor 16.10
yuwa*' he gets pitch 96.18
nEqu il tx- to be cold
I was afraid 58.22
waa if n I say
wfrnxins we two (incl.) are afraid
lna u 'wanl we (incl.) are rich
Iqa'qanx thou passest wind 86.14
tsi'nq/ats you two are poor
IH/a'yats you two eat
tsi'nqfatch you are poor
tsinq! he is poor
tdn he returned 7.7
skwahaP he stands 14.4
tquW he shouted 92.6
it ends 14.6
they two go 23.1
vd'ntanx they started 88.20
tsi'nq!a u x / iln we two (excl.) are
poor
yuwa'ya u x^n we two (excl.) will
get pitch 94. 17, 18
nsqu ir txanxan we (excl.) are cold
76.20
24
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN
471
(2) Pronouns added to verbs that end i
xi'l'xel- to work 50.3
si'nxl- to desire 18.5
wi'nkl- to work 50.6
to work 50.3
xi'l'xcin I work
xVl'xcyafis we two (incl.) work
x&'l'xcyanl we (incl.) work
sftnixyanx (if) you desire 44.6
si'nfosyats you two desire
wftfnkyatcfc you are working
wi'nlcl he is working
xi'l'xal (xi'l'xcya) he is working
50.9
xVl'xcya u x they two work
xVl'xcyanx they work
xi' l'xcya u xun we two (excl.) are
working
tt&'l'xcyanxan we (excl.) are work-
ing.
(3) Pronouns added to certain verbs that end in x:
qatc s n- to go, to start 8.2
aq- to run away 52.10
Ll'u- to come 8.3
aq- to run away 52.10
XWIL!- to return 12. 6
hutc- to play 8.8
Ll'u- to come 8.3
ttf it lives 32.21
mlku'- to cut 82.14
tsmu'- to assemble 7.3
Ll'u- to approach 8.3
aq- to run away 88.3
ta* it lives 32.21
Ll'u- to approach 8.3
aq- to run away 88.3
- qa'ttfntuxan I shall go 22.2
aqa'waxan I intend to run away
90.21
Ll'uyaxan I came
a'qtuns we two (incl.) shall run
away 92.2
aqa'wans we two (incl.) intend to
run away 90.23
Jtunl we (incl.) shall return
60.9
I'L !yanl we (incl. ) have returned
fiu'tctunl we (incl.) shall play 7.2
Llwa'wanx you intend to come 25.8
ta if yanx thou didst live
ml'k u tuxts you two will cut 90.5
tEmu'tuxtci you shall assemble 30.7
Ll'utux he will come 8.9
aqa'wax he intends to run away
86.15
to? yew (if) he lives 44. 12
Llu f tuxa u x they two will come
Ll r uya u x they two came
aqa'wa u x they two intend to run
away 86.18
24
472 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
aq- to run away 88.3 a,qa'wa u xtin we two (excl.) intend
to run away
Ll'u- to approach 8.3 m'utunxan we (excl.) will come
30.11
Li'uyanxan we (excl.) have come
(4) Amplification of stem:
llq- to dig 80.6 yalq (they two) dig 84. 7
ciltoi}- to flop tfyatx (they) flop (around) 36.23
ha ul - to be ready 8.10 ha'wa it is ready 23.10
Lion- to tell 16.9 L/wa a n he relates 16.6
(5) Verbs that end in -a:
hau'- to quit 11.4 ha'wa it is ready 23.10
wa- to speak 7.1 waa' he said 12.10
qa'tdn- to go 12.1 qa'tcpna he goes 36.1
wllw- to affirm 17.7 wllwa' he affirms 58.9
25. The Objective Pronouns
The same forms as those discussed in 24 are used to express the
pronominal objects. In these terms the verbal stem is followed by
an objective element, which in most cases is followed first by the
pronominal object, then by the pronominal subject. In all cases
where this composition would bring two consonants into contact they
are separated by a weak vowel (a or i).
The objective elements here referred to are -un, which expresses the
relation to the third person object, and -uts, which indicates the rela-
tion to the first and second persons. These will be treated more fully
in 27-29.
In all forms that express a relation of a second person subject or of
an exclusive subject to a singular pronominal object, the latter is
omitted, and the pronominal subject follows directly the objective
element before referred to. Perfect clearness is attained here, since
the objective element defines the person of the object. Thus the
forms THOU, YE TWO, YE, acting upon either first or second person,
can refer only to the first person; I AND HE, and I AND THEY, only to
the second, for otherwise they would be reflexives. In the combi-
nation I-THEE the subject is omitted. In the combinations I-HIM,
I-THEM TWO, I-THEM, the subject pronoun -n seems to have been con-
tracted with the n of the objective element (see 15); while in
THEY-ME the order of subject and object is reversed.
25
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 473
These phenomena may be indicated in the following tabular form:
I. OBJECTIVE FORMS FOLLOWED BY SUBJECT
Third person object
First and second persons objects
Subjects
Subjects
Singular
Dual
Plural
Singular
Dual
Plural
Inclusive .
Exclusive .
2d person .
3d person .
-unanx
-un
-unans
-unauxun
-unats
-unaux
-unanl
-unanxan
-iinatct
-unanx
Inclusive .
Exclusive .
2d person .
3d person .
-utsanx
-utsa^xun
-utsats
-utsanxan
-utsatci
II. SUBJECT OMITTED
I-THEE utsanx,
III. INVERSION OF SUBJECT AND OBJECT
THEY-ME utsanxin.
iv. SEQUENCE: OBJECT-SUBJECT
All dual and plural objects; all third person subjects (except THEY-
ME).
The following table may serve to illustrate more fully the forms
that are used in Siuslaw to express relations between subject and object.
Suffixes marked with an asterisk (*) are forms reconstructed by analogy.
SINGULAR
I
Thou
He
it
Me
-utsanx
-un
-utsanx
-unanx
-utsin
-utsanx
-un
Thee
Him
13
a
ft
Inclusive ....
Exclusive. . . .
You . . .
-utsatsin
{-unauxin
-tin
*-utsauxunanx
-unauxanx
-unanx
-utsans
-utsauxun
-utsats
-unaux
-fm
Them
1
S
Inclusive ....
Exclusive. . . .
You. .
-utsatcin
f -unanxln
I -fin
*-utsanxananx
-unanxanx
-unanx
-ulsanl
-utsanxan
-utsatcl
-unanx
-un
Them
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DUAL
Inclusive
Exclusive
Ye
They
Me
rt
It
Thee ....
-
-utsauxun
-
*-utsanxaux
Him ....
-unans
-unauxun
-unats
-unaux
Inclusive . .
_
_
_
-utsansaux
Exclusive . .
-
-
-fitsauxunats
*-utsauxuna u x
1
You ....
_
-iitsatsauxun
_
*-utsatsaux
ft
-unauxans
-unauxauxun
-unauxats
Them
-unans
-una^xun
-unats
-
Inclusive . .
_
_
_
*-utsanlaux
-
Exclusive . .
-
-
-iitsanxanats
-utsanxanaux
G
3
You ....
-
-utsatcyaxun
-
-utsatcyaux
PM
f -unanxans
-unanxauxun
-unanx&ts
-unanxaux
Them .
i
[ -unans
-unauxun
-{mats
-una^x
PLUKAL
Inclusive
Exclusive
You
They
| -fitsatct }
Me
-
-
[ -utstnatct \
-iitsanxtn
Thee ....
-
-utsanxan
-
*-utsanxanx
Him ....
-unanl
-ftnanxan
-unatci
-unanx
Inclusive . .
_
_
_
*-utsansanx
Exclusive . .
-
-
*-utsauxunatci
*-utsauxunanx
3
You ....
_
"utsatsanxan
_
*~utsatsanx
ft
{-unauxanl
-una^xanxan
-unauxatci
-unauxanx
Them ....
-unanl
-unanxan
-{matci
-unanx
Inclusive . .
_
-
_
-iitsanlanx
-
Exclusive . .
-
-
-utsanxanatct
*-utsanxananx
3
You ....
-
-utsatcyanxan
-
-utsatcyanx
s
-unanxanl
-unanxanxan
-unanxatcl
-unanxanx
Them
-unanl
-unanxan
-unatci
-unanx
While all these forms may actually appear suffixed to the verb,
there prevails a tendency (discussed on p. 479) to suffix the subjective
pronouns to adverbial terms preceding the verb rather than to the
verb itself. This transposition of the suffixes for the subject of the
action considerably lessens the syllabic quantity of the whole verbal
expression.
The pronoun I-THEE coincides phonetically with the form for
THOU-ME; and in order to avoid ambiguity of meaning, the subjects
25
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 475
of these combinations may be indicated by means of the discrimina-
tive forms of the independent personal pronouns (see 21, 113).
All forms having a third person as the object do not, as a rale,
indicate the number of the subject. This is rather done by means of
the numeral xa'ts!u TWO for the dual, and the numeral particle hat'mut
ALL for the plural.
The difficulty arising from the fact that the suffix -unanx may
express THOU-HIM, etc., and THEY-HIM, etc., is bridged over by
the additional use of the independent pronouns for THOU and THEY
(see 113). This rule applies to all cases, so that it may be stated
that, whenever, by some process of contraction, simplification, or
abbreviation, two or more suffixes expressing identical relations be
tween subject and object are phonetically alike, their subjects are
indicated by the use of the independent pronominal forms. Thus,
for instance, the form -utsanx may express I-THEE, THOU-ME,
and HE-THEE. These are usually distinguished by means of the
pronouns gnal, qmx a ts THOU, and s E as HE (see 113), that are placed
before or after the verb, denoting that the first, second, or third
person respectively is the subject of the action.
The third person singular has no subjective element, owing to the
fact that Siuslaw has no distinct form for that pronoun (see 24).
si'nxl- to desire 18.5 si'nfasyutsanx qua hutca'wax I
want thee to have fun 21.6
waa*' he says 19.3 s E atsl'tc E nx waa'yuts (when) thug
thee 1 tell 36.19
Vkwa 1 ' he gets, he takes 82.6 s E a'tsanxtanxl i ~kwa'yutsqna that's
why I (came to) get thee 21.3
Am- to take along 9.5 Wya'nyutsanx hltsi' stein I'll take
thee into my house 58.6
tcaq- to spear 68.18 ycfk u sin tcaqa' qcfin a seal I was
spearing 68.8
yag u *- to look, to watch 9.1 ya'quyutsatsqna I will look at you
two
yax- to see 34.4 yixa' yuna u x%n qua I see them two
xrii w n- to do 9.7 s E a'tsa u xm xmyunl' w yun thus to
them two I will do it 88.17
tsmu'- to assemble 7.3 lcumi'ntc*tei nfatetftc ta'td tsmu'-
uts not you in vain these you I
assembled 30. 18, 19
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s E a'tsa thus 8.7
waa*' he says 8.9
'- to assemble 7.3
tqul- to shout 52.8
man- to take care of 38.13
L/wa a n- to tell 16.5
LElu 1 ' he is hitting
waa'- to speak 7.1
hln- to take along 9.5
L/XU- to know 19. 9
yax- to see 20.10
skwa- to stand 10.9
yax- to see 20.10
LEl'u 1 he hits
yax- to see 20.10
xbntm- to travel 13.3
Jcun- to beat 78.18
25
s s atsa'utsatc% thus I (do it) for you
32.14
ha i 'mut i nxan waa'yun (to) all them
I tell it
temu'unanxin 1 assemble them
tqulu 'yutsanx qm'x a ts thou art
shouting at me
htf'sanx ma'nlsuts qm'xats well
thou shalt always take care of
me 22. 2, 3
L/'wa'iwsunanx s E atsl'tc thou wilt
keep on telling him thus 17.2
Ina'tinx LElu' yutsa u xun alwaj^s
thou art hitting us two (excl.)
LElu'yunanx tu'a u x xa'ts/u thou art
hitting those two
ya f q u h1sutsanxan hl ri sa thou shalt
always watch us (excl.) well
70.14, 15
ya'quyunanx qm'x a ts thou wilt
look at them
waa'aPtsin he told me 58.18
atsl'tcin waa'aPts thus me he told
58.20
^n s E as Jd'nlxcfits qa i ha'ntc and
me he took way off 66.18
L!XU' yutsanx s E as thee he knows
td'Jc E nx ybxa'yuts ma'q u L u l E nx
wa'a^suts tsim wherever thee
sees Crow, to thee he will keep
on talking always 38.16, 17
skwaha'ha^n s E as he set it up
yixa'yun he sees it 70.2
LElu'yutsans s E as he is hitting us
two (incl.)
yixa' yutsa u xun he is looking at us
two (excl.)
u la u x xi'ntmlsun he takes them
two along 92. 16
lcumi'ntc E nl qwatc Icu^nlsuts not
us (incl.) any one will ever beat
72.17
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN
477
yaq u *- to look 9.1
Ll'u- to come 9.2
he hits
xnl w n- to do 9.7
1 ' he hits
xau' he died 40.21
LElu ir he hits
ya' qu yutsanxan s E as he looks at
us (excl.)
Mya'tc^nxan L/l'L/uts people us
(excl.) came (to see) 100.8
LElu'yutsatd he is hitting you
s s a'sutsatc& LElu'yuts he is hitting
you
LElu'yunanx s E as he is hitting them
s E as ha ir mut LElu'yun he hits all
xnl w nl' w yuns 10.5 (abbreviated
from xnl w nl' w yunans) we two
(incl.) will do it
LElu'yutsa u xun we two (excl.) are
hitting thee
qna'xun LElu'yuts we two (excl.)
are hitting thee
xau'na u xun ants ml'k/a kite we
two (excl.) killed that bad man
96.8.9
qna u 'xun LElu'yutsats we two
(excl.) are hitting you two
qna'xun LElu'yun we two (excl.)
are hitting him
LElu'yuna u xun tu' a u x xafts/u we
two (excl.) are hitting those two
qna'xun LElu'yutsatch we two
(excl.) are hitting you two
qna'xun u lxun LElu'yun tu'a L/a' ai
we two (excl.) are hitting those
(many)
LElu'yutsats qnl'x^ts you two are
hitting me
LElu'yunats you two are hitting
him
qnl f x a ts LElu'yutsa u xun you two
are hitting us two (excl.)
LElu'yunats tu'a u x xa'ts/u you
two are hitting those two
qnl'xts E ts hat'mutfnxan LElu'yuts
you two are hitting us (excl.) all
LElu'yunats ha ir mut you two are
hitting (them) all
s E a's w ax LElu'yutsfai they two are
hitting me
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ya'x- to see 20.10
qnu- to find
he hits
L/xmlr/a 1 ' he kills
~k!a- to invite 16.3
hate'- to ask 66.16
yaq u *- to look 9.1
si'nxl- to desire 18. 5
Lxul'- to dr^ 60.19
LElu ir he hits
anx- to give up 54.12
yaq u *- to look 9.1
hate'- to ask 66. 16
yaq u *- to look 9.1
waa ir he says 19.3
25
yixa'yuna u x they two saw him
62.20, 21
u la u x qnu'hun they two find it 56.9
s E a's w ax LElu'yutsans they two are
hitting us two (incl.)
s E a's w ax LElu'yutsanxan tney two
are hitting us two (excl.)
tua's w ax LElu'yutsatci those two
are hitting you two
tua's w ax LElu'yun haf'mut those
two are hitting (them) all
L/xmlya'yunanl we (incl.) will kill
him 28.3
qnanlL/xmlya'yun tu'anxwQ (incl. )
will kill those (all)
s E a'tsanxan kfaha'yuts that's why
we (excL) invite thee 24.10
a'tsanxan IE hatrfafyuts qua that's
why we (excl.) ask thee 74.15
qna'nxan ya'q u hlsuts we (excl.)
will continually watch thee 72.6
si'ntxyunanxan Ll'utux we (excl.)
want him to come 17.2, 3
ya a 'xa i nxan Itfl'a 1 Lxuyu'yun lots
we (excl.) salmon dry it
qna'nxan Lslu'yutsats we (excl.)
are hitting you two
qna'nxan LElu'yun tu'a u x xa'ts/u
we (excl.) are hitting those two
qna'nxan LElu'yutsatci' we (excl.)
are hitting you (pi.)
ha i 'mut i nxan LElu'yun qna we
(excl.) are hitting (them) all
a! nxaHsatcl you (shall) let me
alone 27.5
yaq u "yl' w yutsatct haya'mut } r ou all
shall look at me 72.11, 12
hatc'a'yunatcb you (shall) ask her
74.10
ya'q u *yutsa u xun qnl'xts E tc$ you are
looking at us (excl.)
atsl'tc E nxan waa'yuts thus they
told me 46.20, 21
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - SIUSLAWAN 479
l- to desire 18.5 L/xma'yanxm si'rixyuts (to) kill
me they want 21.9
ts^ha'yun he kills it 46.5, 6 ts^ha'yunanx ants ifimnctq they
kill that elk 82.17, 18
L/wa a n- to tell 16.5 tua's E nx L/ona'yutsanl these told
us (incl.)
26. Position of Pronouns in Verbs Accompanied by Adverbial Forms
As has been stated before (see p. 474), the pronominal suffixes stand
in terminal position, and theoretically are added to the verb; but
whenever an adjective, an adverb, or a particle precedes the verb, the
pronouns are preferably suffixed to these and precede the verbal
expression. The verb appears in all such cases in what ma\ T be called
the fundamental type (see pp. 470, 474).
ni'ctcim because 18.8 m'ctcimin mEq!ya'wax because I
intend to dance 72.12
kumi'ntc not 12.2 kum% 'ntcPnx plna if not you are sick
86.14
ta l k here ta l 'k E ns aya f qa l tl tE si'xa 1 here we
two (incl.) will leave this (our)
canoe 56.5
sqa l k there 14.6 sqa l kts qa'tc E ntux, sqa l kts t!im-
ct/Hux there you two shall go,
there } 7 ou two shall raise chil-
dren 32.5
s E atsl'tc thus 8.1 s E atsi'tc w ax waana'wa thus they
two speak to each other 10.1, 2
ha ir na different 58.9 licPnanl hu'tctux differently we
(incl.) will play 11.2
ya^xa 1 much 8.5 ya a ' xa l nxan kutcu if lots (of games)
we (excl.) play 70.19
trtJc where 34.2 twfktd hutcu 1 ' ', s E atsa'td xnl' w nls
where (ever) you play, thus you
will keep on doing it 72.20, 21
u l and, then 7.4 u lnx wan td^i then they finally
returned 60.10, 11
The same tendency to suffix the subjective pronouns to adverbial
expressions that precede the verb is shown even in cases where a
verbal expression is preceded by a nominal subject or object.
Wya'tc people 60.25 h { ya f tc E nx ll't/lsuts txti people thee
will eat just 13.10
L/wa'x messenger 7.7 Lwa'x E nxan tE Liu' (as) messen-
gers we (excl.) these come 30.6, 7
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Uqwa a 'tEm root, alder tree Uqutml'a u x qaa 1 ' an alder tree they
92.5, 6 two entered 92.6
ya k u s seal 62.4 yEku's E nx tutcd 1 ' sea-lions they
spear 62.2
qatx night 40. 14 qa ir x E nx a'l'du ya'q u hltux (at) night
likewise you will watch 70.18, 19
OBJECTIVE FORMS ( 27-48)
27. Introductory
In sentences containing subject and object the interrelation between
them is expressed with great definiteness by means of suffixes that
precede the subjective and objective pronouns. My original inten-
tion was to treat these suffixes as pronominal elements; but the chief
objection to such a treatment lies in the fact that the pronouns, sub-
jective and objective, are repeated after them. Hence it was found
advisable to treat them as objective elements. In the expression of
the relations a distinction is made between third person objects on the
one hand, and first and second persons on the other. Furthermore,
the indirect object is distinguished from the direct object, and the
same classification of persons is found. The possessive relations
between the subject and the two objects are also expressed with great
clearness ; and, finally, a sharp line of demarcation is drawn between
the indicative, imperative, and passive modes.
It would seem that the following table represents all the suffixes
belonging to this group:
INDICATIVE
IMPERATIVE
PASSIVE
Personal Interrelations
Object
1st & 2d per. 3d per.
1st per. 3d per.
Direct . .
Indirect . .
-uts -un
-Emts -ux
-Us -yun, -inl
-Iwyun
-lints -yux
-Imn,
-umE
Possessive Interrelations
Forms of
possession
Not own
Own insep. .
Own sep. .
-ults -ul
-itx, -tx
-utsm
-Uts -11
-Itsx
-Itsm
-ultx
-xamltx
27
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 481
Some of these forms are applicable to the present tense only, show-
ing different suffixes in other tenses. Thus, an entirely divergent
treatment is accorded to the suffixes denoting possessive interrelations
for the durative, intentional, and past tenses (see 37) .
For the purpose of greater clearness, these forms have been sub-
divided into the following four groups:
(1) Indicative forms denoting personal interrelations.
(2) Indicative forms expressing possessive interrelations between
object and subject.
(3) Passive suffixes indicating pronominal and possessive interrela-
tions.
(4) Imperative forms denoting pronominal and possessive interrela-
tions.
Indicative Suffixes Denoting Personal Interrelations ( 28-31)
28. Direct Object of Third Person -On (-a*n)
This suffix transforms nouns into verbs, transitivizes all verbs
expressing intransitive actions, and changes a transitive idea into a
causative concept. In all these cases the object must be a third person.
All stems ending in /-diphthongs change the i of the diphthong into y
before adding the transitive suffix (see 8). This suffix immediately
precedes the subjective pronouns, and hence invariably follows the
tense signs. For the interchange between -un and -cfin see 2.
~k!u x wina 1 ' ice appears 76.13 Tc!u x wi'nun L/a' ai ice he made all
over 94.2, 3
L! trap 100.4 tskfa'lcL/un he sets traps
hole 84.6 a'ntsux yaflqraPn those two (who)
dig holes 84.5
s E a!tsa thus 8.7 s E atsa!un thus (he does it)
hl if sa well 12.2 hlsa'un he cures him
'unnx he is afraid 17.6 wVnxcfin she was afraid of him
86.1
dl'x it shook 36.10 ci'l'xun she shook him 58.4
inaltc- to burn 25.2 ma'ltcu u n Llya'wa he made a fire
94.23
xau' he died 40.21 xau'un he killed him 96.13
ma a to it lay 32. 20 qaPx ma'tcun on top (they) put it
80.9
3045 Bull. 40, pt 216 31
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
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xnl' w nE (they two) do 48.12
L/wa a n he tells 16.5
waa! he says 12.10
waa 1 he said 8.9
Vt!a v he eats 44.19
yixa ir (they) look 66.6
tutca 1 ' (they) spear 62.2
ta* it sits 32.21
qnuhu if he finds
tqutu* he shouted 92.6
ya'cphaH he looked 25.3
u la u x wl'lut they two affirmed
90.6
wa'ayax he spoke
xi'ntmiyax he traveled
xVntmls (you) will continu-
ally travel 13.3
wa'a l s he says continually 26. 8
Ll'u (they) came 9.3
xau' he died 40.21
yixa? he sees
hate'- to ask 66.16
xnl' w nun he did it 94.14
u la u x L!wa a 'nun they two told her
96.10
waa'aPn he said to him 20.7
waa'yun he told him 36.26
IHIa'yun he devoured him 15.2
u l yixa'yun and he saw it 58.13
u l E nx tutca'yun they spear (them)
62.5
ta'yun qamila'aHin my mother
kept her 100.12
ts*q qnuhu'yun something he finds
tqulu'yun he shouts at him
ya'fliaHun (I) look at them 25.5, 6
u l ma'q u L wl'lutun Crow answered
him 36.6, 7
wa a 'yaxa u n he spoke to him 36.11
u l xifntm i yaxa u n he took (them)
along 92.13
qnl'xts E nx xi'ntmwun you will
always carry it 14.3
wo! a 1 sun (you) keep on telling him
19.5
Lm'un he got (there) 16.3
xau'na u xun we two (excl.) killed
him 96.8, 9
yixa' 'yuna u x they two see it 62.20,
21
hatda'yunatci you ask her 74.10
29. Direct Object of First and Second Persons -uts (-a^ts)
This suffix indicates that an action has been performed upon a first
or second person as object. The person of the actor is expressed by
suffixing to -uts the corresponding subjective pronouns (see 24). Its
use corresponds to that of -un for the third person object.
An explanation for the interchange between -uts and -aPts will be
found in 2. This suffix follows all other verbal suffixes excepting,
of course, the subjective pronouns. The u unquestionably denotes
the indicative mode, and is identical with the u in -un^ -ux, -ults, -ul, etc.
(see 23,28, 30, 35, 36).
This suffix has been referred to in 25, where a tabular presentation
of the different combined subject and object pronouns will be found.
S 29
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 483
si'nxl- to desire 18.5 s&' ntxyutsanx qua hutca'wax I
want you to have fun 21.6
yaqu- to look 9.1 yafqiiyutsats qna I will look at
you two
man- to take care 38.13 hl'sanx mafnlsuts wellthou shalt
always take care of me 22. 2
yaqu- to look 9.1 ya' q u hlsutsanxan hl fi sa thou
shalt always watch us (excl.)
well 70.14, 15
woof- to speak 7.1 waa! aPtsin he told me 58.18
yax- to see 13. 7 tc$'k*nso yixa'yuts ma'g u L where-
ever Crow sees thee 38.16, 17
For further examples see 25.
30. Indirect Object of Third Person -ux (-a*x)
Each language has a number of verbal expressions that require the
presence of a direct and indirect object. Such verbs are, as a rule,
distinguished from other stems by means of some grammatical con-
trivance. Siuslaw uses for that purpose the suffix -ux added to the
bare stem. This suffix, however, is used only when the third per-
son (singular, dual or plural) is the indirect object of the sentence.
As soon as the first or second person becomes the indirect object,
another suffix, -Emts, is used (see 31).
The pronoun expressing the subject of the action always follows
the suffix -ux.
waxax- reduplicated stem of u l waxa'xaPx ants mi'^xwl then he
wax- to give 18. 5 gave him that lightning 38. 2 (for
ux = a u x see 2)
hamts- to dip out s E as ha'mtsux he dipped it out for
him 46. 6
Wyate&'ts- reduplicated form Wyat&'tsuxan I put it on him
of hits-, htyats- to put on,
to wear 11.8
lak u - to take, to fetch 7.5 laJcwa'Jcuxan I took it away from
him
hamx- to tie 8.6. hamxi'xux he tied it on him
31. Indirect Object of First and Second Persons -Emts
This suffix is used only with verbal stems that require a direct and
indirect object. The direct object expressed by this suffix is always
the third person, while the indirect object must be either a first or
SS 30-31
484 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 4C
a second person, regardless of number. The suffix expressing the
same idea with the third person as the indirect object has been dis-
cussed in 30. The pronominal suffixes denoting the subject of the
action and its relation to the direct object are the same as those used
in connection with the suffix -uts (see 29). The verbal stem to which
this suffix is added has frequently terminal reduplication.
hamx- to tie 8.6 hamxi' xsmtsanx I tie it on thee
wax- to give 18.2 qna'hamts E nx wa'xa l SEmts to thee
I will keep on giving it 44.15
waxa' xEmtsanxin they gave it to
me
hltsa 1 ' he put it on hltsa'yEmtsanx qmx a ts you put it
on me
s E a'sin Jtfyatsi'tsEmts he put it on
me
s E a's E nx hltsa'yEmts he put it on
thee
a l q- to leave 56.5 a i qa'qEmtsin he left it to me
wax- to give 18.2 waxa' xEintsanx ta'la he gives thee
money
Indicative Suffixes Expressing Possessive Interrelations Between Object
and Subject ( 32-37)
32. Introductory
The phenomenon of expressing possessive interrelations between
object and subject of a sentence through the medium of distinct suf-
fixes is by no means of uncommon occurrence in the American Indian
languages. 1 From a logical point of view such a formation is per-
fectly justifiable, and may be said to have its origin in the actual
difference that exists between the concept of an act performed upon a
given object and the conveying of the same act performed upon
an object that stands in some relation to the subject of the sentence.
Thus the English sentence I WHIP MY HORSE states a fact that is
fundamentally different from the sentence I WHIP THE HORSE, in so
far as it expresses, besides the act performed by the subject upon the
object, also the possessive relation that exists between object and sub-
ject. In the Indo-European languages, in which each idea maintains
an independent position in a complex of grammatical concepts, such
1 See, for example, Sioux, Chinook, Kutenai.
32
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 485
relations are indicated by means of independent words, as a rule pos-
sessive pronouns; but in Siuslaw these relations are relegated to the
verb, and consequently we find them conveyed by means of certain
suffixes that are added to stems denoting verbal ideas.
The possessive relations that may exist between object and subject
of a sentence are of a threefold nature. The object may form an
inseparable part of the subject (I WASH MY FACE); the object may be
separably connected with the subject (I LOSE MY KNIFE); or the ob-
ject may stand in a possessive relation to another object (I LOSE HIS
KNIFE). Siuslaw distinguishes clearly between these three types of
relationship, and expresses each of them by means of a distinct suffix.
33. Suffice Indicating that the Object Forms an Inseparable Part of
the Subject -itx (-a*tx), -tx
This suffix indicates that the object of the sentence is inseparably
connected with the subject. Hence all stems expressing an action
performed by the speaker upon any part of his own body (and even
upon his name) occur with these suffixes. Now and then they will
be found added to stems denoting actions that do not necessarily
involve an integral part of the subject as its recipient. All such
formations must be looked upon as ungrammatical ; that is to say, as
due either to analogy or to an unintentional mistake on the part of
the informant. 1
The verbal ideas which are expressed in this manner need not
always be transitive in our sense of the word. They may, and as a
matter of fact they do, denote conditions and states in which an inte
gral part of the subject may find itself. Such expressions are possi-
ble, because to the mind of the Siuslaw they convey transitive ideas.
Thus the sentence I AM SORRY expresses, according to our interpre-
tation, an intransitive idea. The Siuslaw treats it as a transitive
sentence, and expresses it by saying I MAKE MY MIND SICK. In
the same manner Siuslaw conceives of our expressions MY HAIR
BURNED, HIS CHILD DIED, IT is COLD, etc., as transitive sentences,
and renders them by (I) BURNED MY HAIR, (HE) CAUSED HIS CHILD
TO DIE, THE EARTH MAKES ITS BODY COLD, etc.
No specific reason can be given for the occurrence of the parallel
forms -Itx and -fce, nor has any distinction been detected in the use of
1 My informant made such mistakes rather frequently, but corrected them promptly whenever her
attention was called to them.
33
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
the two forms. It seems, however, that -tx tends to appear after
other suffixes, while -ttx is added to bare stems.
This suffix must not be confounded with the frequentative -Itx (see
68). -Itx interchanges frequently with -a l tx. For an explanation
of this interchange see 2.
kuts- to paint
Ik!- to open (mouth) 28.2
skwa- to stand 14.4
kutsat'txan qa'nm I paint my face
lk!a l tx Laa' he opened his
mouth 96.1
ha if mut E nx lat'qat skwaha l 'tx
xwakl' they all had feathers on
their heads (literally, all they,
feathers to stand caused on their
heads 10.9
k!u x wina l 'tx L/a' ai ice appeared
(literally, ice made on its body,
the earth) 76.10
plna l tx ha 1 they were sorry (liter-
ally, sick they made their minds)
15.4
ya'xa l txan ha 1 I am crafty (liter-
ally, much I have in my mind)
20.7
tcanhatl' mxutxa u x q u Ll'm t ants
psni's they two were clubbing
each other's anus, those skunks
86.9
tlntx ha 1 his heart cooked 96.9, 10
ha'm i xtxan hl'qu* I tie my hair
mi'ltcfotx hal'mut hl'qu 1 his hair
began to burn (literally, it began
to burn on him his all, hair)
29.4
ha if na hau'tx ha 1 his mind had be-
come different (literally, differ-
ent on him it had made itself,
his mind) 60.21
In the following examples, terms of relationship are treated as in-
separable parts of the subject:
k!u x wm- ice 76.11
pin- to be sick 40.21
much 8.5
tcanhati- to club
tin- to boil, to be ripe 98.7
hamx- to tie 8.6
mi'ltc&st he commenced to
burn 29.3
haw- to end, to make 14.6
pin- to be sick 40.21
33
pla a ntx ants t/amc (he) got sick
his boy 40.20
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 487
si' nan- to desire 18.5 si'nxltx ants t/amc xun'L/tuxtc he
wanted that his child should
come back (literally, he wanted
his, that child, return shall his)
42.5, 6
waa'- to say T.I s E atsi'tc w ax waa l 'tx ants mtta thus
their (dual) mother told them
(literally, thus their two, told,
that mother) 54.23
Aant*- to call ha'nt'ltx matll' he called his elder
brother 58.16
xau' he died 40.21 tE<fnx xawa l 'tx (when) their rela-
tives died (literally, relatives
they, die theirs) 68.13
waa'- to say T.I s E atsl'tc wa'a l tx ants L%a u ' i yaxthus
he said to that his friend 42. T, 8
34. Suffice Denoting that the Object is Possessed by the Subject, but
Separable from it -utsm- (-a fl tsm-)
This suffix seems to be a compound consisting of two separate suf-
fixes, -uts- and -m. While the original function of the second element
is unknown, the first component is undoubtedly the suffix expressing
the direct object of the first and second persons (see 29 and also 23).
It expresses a transitive action whose recipient is possessed by the
subject without forming an integral part of it. Terms of relationship,
and all concrete nouns, excepting those nominal stems that denote
parts of the body, are thus considered; but, owing to frequent errors
on the part of the informant, this suffix will be found used also in con-
nection with objects expressing parts of the body. 1 All subjective pro-
nouns are added to this suffix by means of a connecting weak vowel,
as a result of the law regulating the use of consonantic clusters (see
4) ; and, as the third person singular has no distinct form, this suffix
appears in final position as -utsms. The u of this suffix often inter-
changes with the diphthong a a (see 2). The suffix follows the tense
signs, and is frequently added to reduplicated stems.
la'lc u - to take, to get T.5 lakwa'lcutiimin k s a'ni I take my
bucket
qnu'- to find 56.9 qnu'hutsmin qal'tc I found my
knife
L/xma 1 '- to kill 15.3 Lfxma lr yutsmanx m u u'sk u you
killed your younger brother
See 33, p. 485.
34
488 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
lak u - to take 7.5
L!OX- to send 16.10
waa 1 ' he says 8.9
[BULL. 40
lakwa'lcutsmE ~k E a'nl she took
her bucket 90.21
L/oxa'xaHsmE kite he sent his
people 30.1, 2
atsl'tc waa'yutsms ql'utc thus he
said to his wife 48.17
yaP'xa' 1 tE ll'tfa 1 Lliol 'wutsms
lots (of) this (their) food (they)
are bringing 100.9, 10
Llu'utsmE kltsi'stc she came to
her (own) house 58.7, 8
waa'aPtsmE ants L !a' ai kite he said
to his many people 7.1
mi'ltcist he begins to burn u l q/a'll mi'ltc&stutsmE then her
29.3 pitch began to burn 90.22
xi'l'xcl- to work 50.9 xfcl'x<n'yutsma u x a'nts E tc w ax ma'tl
they two worked at their (dual)
dams 48.10
In the following instances this suffix has been used in connection
with nouns that form an integral part of the subject:
(they) come 9.3
waa - to speak 8.1
t/Emx u - to cut
pax- to close (eyes) 36.16
ya'fhaH he looked 58.1
he begins to send
pin- to be sick 40.21
mtnx u - to lighten 38.5
t&'til wind
u l E nx t ! Emxu' yutsms hl'qu' 1 then
they cut their hair 68.14
paxa'xutsmE Icopx he shut his
eyes 36.20
yo' quhaHu u ' tsms kopx he opened
his eyes (literally, he looked
with his eyes) 36.20
wVltclstu' tsinE wa'as he began
sending his message (word)
92.19
planya^tfotutsmE ha l tc he was
sorry (literally, he begins to
make sick, his mind) 40.21
u l wan m% nxa u tu f tsmE L/a fai now
he made lightning (literally,
then finally caused to lighten
her body, the world) 38.6
tcfct'a't'utsmE L/a' ai ants tsxu'n-
pm TsxunpLi made a wind
(literally, caused to blow his
world, that TsxunpLi) 94.6, 7
34
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 489
35. Suffix Indicating that the Object is Possessed by a Third
Person Object -ul (-a^l)
This suffix expresses an act performed upon an object that forms an
integral part of or that is separably connected with another object.
Hence it indicates the possessive relation that exists between two
objects as seen by the subject of the sentence. The possessor of the
object of the action must be the third person, regardless of number.
If, however, it is absolutely necessary to indicate the number of the
possessor, this is accomplished by means of suffixing to the possessed
object the possessive suffixes for the third person singular, dual or
plural (see 88). It is noteworthy that the possessed object appears
in the absolutive form, and not with the locative case endings, as might
be expected. The pronominal suffixes expressing the subject of the
action follow the suffix -ul; and as this suffix ends in a consonant, and
some of the subjective pronouns begin with a consonant, the pronouns
are frequently preceded by a connecting, weak vowel (see 4).
There exists undoubtedly an etymological connection between the u
of this suffix and the u of the direct object of the third person -un
(see 23, 28). For the u of -ul the diphthong eft is quite frequently
substituted. This interchange has been discussed in 2.
sl'nxl- to desire 18.5 sVrixyuln hltsl ri I like his house
hamx- to tie 8.6 ha'mxaHn tdL I tie his hands
yax- to see 34.4 ylxa'yulanx mUa you see his
father
kin- to take along 23.2 hlna'yulanx L/xml'tl you took
his bow along
ya'q u '- to see 23.9 u l ya'fyul mVcttla 1 and he
saw her vulva (bad thing)
90.10
yax- to see 34.4 yaxi'xula u x tcu'x u s he saw their
(dual) vulvas 90.15
ya a ~k!- small 36.23 yakfl'tcHul xwa'ka she cut his
head into pieces 96.11
haw- to end, to make 14.6 ha 1 ' no, hau'ul ha 1 different she
made his mind 58.9
lak u - to take 7.5 tfl'ya 1 lakwa'kul ants mat!l'
bear had seized that his older
brother 58.16
35
490 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
qwa'*n- to pour 29.2 u l wan qwaf'nul Laayaftc s tc (they
two) now pour it into his
mouth 96.7
katd- to ask 66.16 u ltci hatda'yul ha 1 you ask her
(literally, and you ask about
her mind [opinion]) 74.8
36. Suffix Expressing an Object Possessed by a First or Second
Person Object -ults (-a^lts)
This suffix has the same function as -ul, but differs from it in so
far as the possessor of the object must be either a first or a second per-
son. The number of the possessor, when required, is indicated by the
possessive suffixes added to the possessed object (see 88). Owing to
the variability of the person of the possessor, this suffix conveys,
besides the idea of a possessive relation between two objects, also the
connection that exists between subject and object. Hence it assumes
a function, limited in scope, but similar in character to the suffix for
the combined subject and object pronouns. This functional similarity
is indicated even in the phonetic composition of the suffix, -ults is
undoubtedly a compound suffix consisting of the previously discussed
-ul and of the suffix for the subject and object pronoun -uts (see 29).
It is not inconceivable that the original form may have been -uluts,
contracted later on into- ults. A comparison of the Siuslaw transi-
tive indicative suffixes shows that the majority of them have the u
in common. Hence it may be claimed that the u originally con-
veyed the idea of a transitive indicative action (see 23); and as the
u was already present in the first element of this suffix (-til), it may
have been omitted as superfluous in the second part.
Owing to this additional function of this suffix as a medium of ex-
pressing subject and object pronouns, the subjective pronouns are
added to it in a method similar to the one employed in the suffixation
of the subjective pronouns to the suffix -uts (see 25). After certaio
consonants this suffix is changed into -aPlts (see 2).
kin- to take along 23.2 hlna'yultsanx L/xml'tl I take along
thy bow
yax- to see 34.4 yixa' yultsanx qa'nni I look at thy
face
L/X(U)- to know 40.16 L/xu'yutsanx mita qua I knov
thy father
36
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - SIUSLAWAN 491
wax- to give 18.2 waxa'yultsanx ta'Mn
will give thee my lightning
38.1, 2
L/xmal- to kill 15.3 L/xmal'yultsanx m u u f sJc u qmx a ts
you killed my younger brother
tsxan- to comb tsxana'yultsanx Jil'qu* you combed
my hair
lak u - to take 7.5 Vkwa' yultsin ants qal'tc he took
that my knife
L!X(U)~ to know 40.16 L/xu'yultsin mita he knows my
father
s^as L/xu'yullsanx mita he knows
thy father
yax~ to see 34.4 nfo yfaa'yultsanx qa'nm he looks
at thy face
37. Suffixes Denoting Possessive Interrelations for Tenses other
than the Present -isiti, -a w iti, -yaxa*ti
When possessive interrelations that occur in tenses other than the
present are to be expressed, the Siuslaw language resorts to an inter-
esting form of composition of suffixes. Thus the durative suffix -Is
(see 69), the intentional (see 70), and the past -yax (see 74), are
combined with the possessive suffix -iti (see 88), forming new com-
pound suffixes -Islti, -a w lti, and -yaxa l ti, that indicate semi-reflexive
actions performed constantly, or about to be performed, or performed
long ago. In these new suffixes no sharp line of demarcation is drawn
between objects that are inseparably connected with the subject, and
objects that are possessed by the subject.
ya a 'Jc/- small 36.23
yak!ls he is constantly (get- kwl'td ya'k/lsfitl ha 1 don't ye be
ting) small downhearted! (literally, not you
small always make your mind)
66.5
haw- to finish 14.6
ha u 'wls he makes continually u l E nx kumi'ntc atsl'tc ha u 'wlsiti
ha 1 and you don't believe it thus
(literally, and you, not thus,
make continually your mind)
46.24
qa'xantc ha u 'wisiti ha 1 downward
make continually your hearts
8.10
37
492
BtTBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
hm- to take along 23.2
hl'nls he always takes along
nlx a ts u l E nx qanl'nal Mmsltl you
will take along your knife (liter-
ally, you, and you, knife, take
along will always yours) 50.16,
17
u l E nl xm' w msitl still we will keep
on doing our . . . 72.17
hamxa tw ltin hl'qu 1 I intend tying
nry hair
pdxa' w iti?i kopx I intend to close
my eyes
yaxatc'a u 'wUm t/amc JC! E 'LU I in-
tend to try to look for my boy
tomorrow 60.1, 2
u l E ns tquya' w ltl we will cook (our
camas) 98.3
ha'mxyaxaHl hi'gu* he tied his hair
xm w n- to do 10.5
xnl' w nls (we) always do it
72.15
hamx- to tie 8.6
hamxa w ~ to intend to tie
pax- to shut (eye) 36.16
paxa w - to be about to close
ya'xatc*- to try to look 13.7
yaxattfa" 3 - to intend to try to
look
tquya w - to intend to boil
hamx- to tie 8.6
ha'mxyax he tied
pax- to close 36.16
pa'xyax he closed pa'xyaxa l tin kopx I closed my eyes
A similar process is resorted to whenever the prohibitive mode
(see 40) of an action denoting that the object is possessed by the
subject is to be expressed. In such cases the durative -Is (see 69)
is combined with the possessive -iti- (see 88) , and the whole verb is
preceded by the negative particle &*', kumi'ntc NOT (see 131).
kwlnx tsxa'nwlsltl hl'qu 1 don't
comb thy hair!
kuHs lJc!a'a l sltl Laa' don't you
(pi.) open your mouths!
kwlnx hi'nlsltl sl'xa 1 don't take
thy canoe along!
Jcumi' 7itc E t(fi qa' xantc ha u ''unslfl
ha 1 don't ye be continually
downhearted (literally, not ye,
downwards, make continually
your, hearts) 8.10
37
tsxanu- to comb
Ik! a- to open 28.2
kin- to take along 23.2
haw- to finish, to work 14.6
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - SIUSLAWAN 493
Passive Suffixes Indicating Pronominal and Possessive Interrelations
( 38-39)
38. Passive Suffixes for Verbs Requiring in the Active a Double
Object -IniE, -umE (-a a mE)
This suffix invariably follows the verbalizing -I or -a* (see
75), and seems to express the passive voice of verbs that require in
the active the presence of a double (direct and indirect) object,
although it will be found suffixed to verbal stems that do not neces-
sarily require such a double object. Whenever the subjective pro-
nouns are added to it, the obscure E of this suffix is changed into a
weak a or i. The form -ImE occurs in terminal position only. This
suffix follows all temporal suffixes.
wax- to give 18.2 waxafylmanx qanl'nal it (will) be
given to you, (a) big knife 19.6
hl'q/a waxa'yuslmE a'nts E tc mita
dentalia shells are usually given
to him, to that her father 74.19
fdts- to put on 11.10 hltsa'ylmin it is put on me
haw- to end, to make, 14.6 txunx hl l 'sa hawa'ylms ha 1 they
are just good-minded toward
thee (literally, just thee well it
is made towards, mind) 21.1
In two instances this suffix has been added to a stem without the aid
of the verbalizing -I (-a 1 ).
ha' us easy atsl'tc ha'uslmE thus it was agreed
upon (literally, thus it was
[made] easy) 24.1
haw- to finish, to end 14.6 ha'uslmE ants ts/aln ready (made
for him is) that pitch 26.5, 6
This suffix may be preceded for the sake of emphasizing its passive
function by the present passive -xam (see 55). In such cases the
verbalizing suffix is omitted.
hits- to put on 11.8 waa' ants hltsl'xamlmE said that
one on whom it was put on 11.10
qun- to pour u l wa?i qunl'xamlms and now it
was poured down into his . . .
29.2
aq- to take off 13.1 aqa l 'xamlmE it was taken off him
* 38
494 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
has the same function as -ims, and is used in connection with
similar verbal stems. It differs from it only in so far as it is added
directly to the stem. An explanation of the parallel occurrence of
-ume and -aFniE has been given in 2.
wax- to give 18.2 is'* gin waxaP'mE what do you give
me (literally, something to me,
it is given?) 18.2
qanl'nal waxcfi'manx a big knife is
given to you 21.4
pl'u- to be noisy 36.24 wa l ya af xa i ts*q u l pi' urns they
made noise with everything (lit-
erally, although many things
[they have], still it is made noise
with) 29.1
5.9. Passive Suffixes Denoting Possessive Relations of the Sub-
ject -u.lt x, -xamltx
These suffixes express, besides the passive voice, also the fact that
the recipient of the action is either possessed or forms an integral
part of a given object.
-ultx seems to be composed of the suffix -ul, which indicates that
the object forms an integral part of or is possessed by another object
(see 35), and of the suffix -&B, denoting that the object is an integral
part of the subject (see 33). If this is the origin of the compound
suffix, the amalgamation of these two independent suffixes into one
new formative element that expresses the passive voice, and at the
same time contains the idea of a possessive relation between object
(grammatical subject) and object, presents a problem that must remain
unexplained. The person of the possessed subject is indicated by the
suffixed subjective pronouns (see 24). The stem to which this suffix
is added occurs frequently in an amplified form (see 112). Stems
ending in i (short or long) change it into y before adding the passive
suffix (see 8).
lak u - to take, to get 7. 5 ~kumi'ntc w ax lakwa'ultx ants ql'utc
not their (dual) were taken,
those wives 50.22
lakwa'ultxa u x ta'tc w ax ql'utc taken
away were these their (dual)
wives 52.3, 4
$ 39
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - SIUSLAWAN 495
tu- (also t!u) to buy 74.8 ~kum%'ntc E nx txu tluha'ultxanx
t!amc not for nothing will they
buy your child (literally, not
[of] thee just bought [will be]
thy child) 74. 5
XOLL!- to make 50.8 s%ri i xyu' u xaL/a'ultx they try to
find some remedy (literally, they
desire [that] made [cured] be
his mind) 15.5
huya'ultx ha 1 his mind will be
made different 19.2
sVnxl- to desire 18.5 si' ntxyultxanx t/amc thy child is
desired (asked for) 74.4
tsi'nxl- to scorch u la u xtsina f x i yuttxq u Ll'mt and their
(dual) anus [will] be scorched
00 ft
OO. (
hatd- to ask 66.16 ha'tdyaxoFttx ha 1 ants qlutcu'ni
(when) asked was her opinion,
that woman 74.16
(-a a ltx = -ultxsGG 2)
In many instances this suffix is preceded by the verbalizing -a* (see
75, 8).
skwaha 1 ' he stands 14.4 u l skwahafyultx tEqyu' u then is
stood up its (of the house)
frame 80.7
ikw%- to bury 80.10 tkwlha'yultx qaw u ntl'yuwitc ants
hltsl' 1 dirt is put on both sides
(of) that house 80.10, 11
hate*- to ask 66.16 . . . ants hatda'yultx ha 1 (when
of) that one is asked his opinion
74.4, 5
waa if he says 8.9 waa'yultxan mita my father is
spoken to
-xamltx is undoubtedly composed of the suffix for the present
passive -xam (see 55), of the abbreviated -ul (see 35), and of the
suffix -tx (see 33). When it is remembered that this suffix can be
added only to verbs that require a double object, the amalgamation of
these three independent formative elements into one suffix for the
purpose of expressing the passive voice of an act whose recipient
(grammatical subject) stands in some possessive relation to one of
39
496 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
the three persons (speaker, person spoken to, or person spoken of),
becomes at once apparent.
The use of this suffix may be illustrated by an example. The verb
TO PUT ON requires a double object, because it implies the idea TO PUT
SOMETHING ON SOMEBODY, or vice versd. Hence Siuslaw renders the
English sentence HIS HAT WAS PUT ON (really, HIS HAT WAS PUT ON
HIM) by a complex consisting of the verbal stem and the compound
suffix -xamltx. In this suffix the first element, -xam, indicates that the
action is passive (performed by somebody upon the recipient); the sec-
ond element, -Z-, denotes that the direct object (in this case the noun
HAT) is possessed by the recipient of the action; while the last element,
-tx (which when used alone indicates that the object forms an integral
part of the subject), serves to bring out the idea that the action is per-
formed upon the indirect object (ON HIM) which (in this case) can no
be separated from the (logical) subject (HIS HAT).
The persons that are implied in the possessive relations as indicated
by this suffix are expressed by means of the subjective pronouns
added to it (see 24). Since the first element of this compound suffix
is the present passive -xam, the manner in which it is added to the
verbal stem is similar to that employed in the suffixation of -xam
(see 55).
ay- to take off 13.1 aya 1 ' xamltxan lkwa'nuq u taken off
(me) is my hat
hits- to put on 11.8 hltsl' xamltxan lJcwa'nuq u put on
(me) is my hat
t/Emx u - to cut off t/Einxwa'xamltxanx tdL cut off
(thee) was thy hand
lak u - to take (away) 7.5 s E atsVtc w ax waa'xam a'ntsux lo-
~kwl f xamltx ql'utc thus were told
those two from whom the wives
were taken away (literally, thus
they two were told, those two
[of] whom taken away were
[those their dual] wives) 54.14
Imperative Forms Denoting Pronominal and Possessive Interrelations
( 40-48)
40. Introductory
In the following sections there will be discussed suffixes that express
not only the imperative mode, but also the exhortative.
40
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 497
Besides separate suffixes indicating the imperative of intransitive
and transitive verbs (see 61, 62), Siuslaw shows distinct suffixes
that express the pronominal and possessive interrelations between
subject and object.
Another interesting feature that may be noted in connection with
the formation of the imperative mode is the presence of a distinct
negative form of the imperative or prohibitive mode, and the man-
ner in which it is expressed. Generally speaking, the durative suffix
-Is (see 69), used in connection with the subjective pronouns for the
second persons (see 24), and in addition to the particle of negation
(see 131), expresses the prohibitive mode. This idiomatic expres-
sion may be justified by the fact that a prohibitive command addressed
to the second person has much in common with the negative form of
a durative action performed by the same person.
Owing to the fact that the imperative suffixes express other cate-
gories than a command, the prohibitive form of the imperative
referring to such categories is expressed by adding to the durative
-Is the respective suffixes that denote the non-imperative idea (see
29, 30, 33, 35, 36, 37). Examples of the prohibitive mode and a
detailed description of its formation will be found in 60-62, 42-46.
41. Exhortative Suffixes Expressing the Direct Object of the Third
Person -yun, -i^yun, -mi
These three suffixes express an admonition to perform an action
having a third (not mentioned) person as its object. The difference
between -yun and -l w yun could not be traced to any particular cause,
owing chiefly to the fact that the latter form occurs very seldom. The
informant always rendered the first two suffixes by a transitive future,
and they seem to have been employed quite extensively in this second-
ary function.
-yun is suffixed to verbs expressing transitive ideas only, and the
stem to which it is added always occurs in an amplified form (see 7,
112).
atq- to leave 56.6 ta l 'Jc E ns aya'qyun IE If I'd 1 here we
two (incl.) will leave this salmon
(literally, let us two leave)
L/OX- to send 16.10 L!wa'xyun kite I will send these
people (literally, let me send)
30.19
41
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 -- 32
498 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
anx- to give up 60.11 TcumVntcinl ana'xyun not we (incl.)
will give it up (literally, don't
let us two) 16.8
L/xmal'- to kill 15.3 L/xmlya'yunanl we (incl.) will kill
him (literally, let us kill him)
28.8
l l t!- to eat 15.2 kumi'nto ll'tllyun not he will eat
it (literally, don't let him eat it)
34.22
Jia/mx- to tie 8.6 hama'xyun he will tie it (literally,
let him tie it)
~1 w yun exercises apparently the same function as the first suffix,
but does not necessarily require amplification of the stem to which it
is added.
xnl w n- to do 11.11 xnl w m' w yuns we two (incl.) will do
it (literally, let us two doit) 10.5
xmyum' w yun I will do it (literally,
let me do it)
qattfn- to go 12.1 qatcirii' w yun I will make him go
(literally, let me make him go)
kwa hu n- to bend down 13.5 kunl' w yun I will bend it down
In an analogous manner Siuslaw seems to have formed an exhorta-
tive suffix expressing the direct object of the first person. This is
done by substituting -ts (see 23) for the -n. As but few examples
of this formation were obtained, a full discussion is impossible. The
examples follow.
yaq u "- to look, to see 25.3 yaq u *yl' w yutsatd ye look at me
72.11/12
L!XU- to know 40.7 L!x u wa!x u yutsa'tci ye shall know
me 30. 17
ka u s- to follow 92.7 Wwastyu'tsanaF you shall follow me
92.3
kin- to take along 9.5 Mya'nyutsanx I will take you along
58.6
-in! is suffixed to transitive verbs, and is always used in connec-
tion with the exhortative particle qcfl (see 129). The subjective
pronouns for the first and third persons as the performers of the
action are always added to the particle (see 26). This suffix appears
frequently as -a l m (see 2).
41
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 499
lak u - to take, to seize 7. 5 qa i! la u x lakwl'nl let them two take
(them)! 52.12, 13
waa'- to speak 7.1 qaft waa l 'nl let him speak to him!
tqul- to shout 52.8 qa l 'l E ns tqull'nl let us two (incl.)
shout at him!
hits- to put on 11.8 qa if l E rixh i 'yatsi f m\etthQmpu.tikoii\
tun- to invite 1 6.2 qa ir l E nl tunl'nl let us (incl.) invite
42. Imperative Suffix Expressing the Direct Object of the First
Person -its (-alts)
This suffix is added directly to the stem, and commands the person
addressed (subject) to perform an act upon an object which must be
one of the first persons. The -ts of this suffix is undoubtedly identi-
cal with the -ts found in all suffixes that express first and second
persons objects (see 23, 29, 34, 36). The combined pronominal
forms that are added to this suffix can be only those indicating the
second persons as the subject and the first persons as the object of
the action (see table, pp. 473, 474). In this connection the following
peculiarities may be noted:
(1) The singular subject is not expressed, being understood in the
command.
(2) Dual and plural objects are not expressed in the suffixes, but are
indicated by means of the independent personal pronouns for the first
persons.
(3) For a singular object the subjective pronoun for the first singu-
lar (-n) is added to the imperative suffix.
(4) For dual and plural subjects the subjective pronouns for these
persons are added to the imperative -Us.
The following table will best serve to illustrate these four rules:
Thou
Ye
You
Me
-itsln
-Itsats
-Itsatcl
Us two (exclusive) . .
-Itsanxtin
-Itsats
-Itsatcl
Us (exclusive) . . .
-Itsanxan
-itsats
-Itsatct
The subjective pronouns beginning with a consonant are added by
means of a weak &-vowel (see 4, 24).
This imperative suffix occurs often as -a l ts (see 2).
42
500 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
waa'- to speak 7.1 wa'cfitsin ta'Tdn wa'as speak to me
(with) this my language! 36.10
hln- to take along 23.2 hl'nlts&n take me along!
L/wan- to tell 7.3 L/wa'riitskn tell me!
L/wa'nltsanxan tell us (excl.)l
yacf*- to look 23.9 ya! quJtitsats IE no, look ye at me!
a l q- to leave 56.5 a*' qa l tsat<& you leave me!
The prohibitive form is expressed by combining the durative -Is
with the objective form -uts and by placing the particle of negation
&iZ% Tcumi'ntC) before the verbal expression (see 69, 29, 60). The
pronominal suffixes are those used to express the second person as the
subject, and the first person as the object, of an action (see 24 and
table, pp. 473, 474).
hm- to take along 23.2 Jcwlnx hl'nlsuts don't take me
along!
~kwl'nxan hl'nlsuts don't take us
(excl.) along!
qn u "- to find 34.12 kunnx qnu'^wlsuts don't find me!
43. Imperative Suffim Indicating the Indirect Object of the Third
Person -yux
This suffix is etymologically related to the suffix -ux discussed in
30. It is added to verbs requiring the presence of a direct and in-
direct object, and it expresses a command that involves the third person
(singular, dual and plural) as the recipient of the action.
wax- to give 18.2 wa'xyux give it to him!
wa'xyuxanxgiw it to them!
qun- to pour 29.2 qwa'*nyux Laaya'tc pour it down
into his mouth! 29.2
hits- to put on 11.8 ttya'tsyux put it on him!
hamx- to tie 8.6 ha'mxyux tie it on him!
The prohibitive mode is obtained by combining the durative -Is (see
69) with the suffix -ux (see 30) and by placing the particle M* or
kurrti'ntc (see 131), before the verbal expression.
wax- to give 18.2 kwlnx wa'xa l sux don't give it to
him!
hits- to put on 11.8 Jcwinx Jtfya'tslsux don't put it on
him!
qun- to pour 29.2 Jcfum$ntc*nx qwa^msux don't pour
it (into his mouth) !
43
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 501
44. Imperative Suffice Denoting the Indirect Object of the First
Person -Imts
This suffix expresses a command to perform an act the indirect
recipient of which is the first person. It is etymologically related to
the imperative suffix -Its (see 42) and to the objective form -smts (see
31), being composed of the initial element of the former suffix and
of the whole of the latter formation (see 23). The method of adding
the pronominal forms to this suffix is identical with the method dis-
cussed on pp. 472-475.
wax- to give 18.2 wa'xlmtstn give it to me!
wa' xlmtsanxan give it to us!
hits- to put on 11.8 Wya'ts&mtsfai put it on me!
hamx- to tie 8.6 ha' mxlmtsatci you (pi.) tie it on
me!
The suffixed particle -u (see 132) is frequently added to this com-
bined suffix. In such cases it denotes an act performed near the
speaker.
/- to return 12.6 wwlL/l'mtsinu give it back to me!
hamx- to tie 8. 6 hamxl'mtsinu tie it on me !
The prohibitive mode is expressed by combining the durative -Is
(see 69) with the suffix -Emts (see 31 and also 40).
wax- to give 18.2 kwlnxwa'xa l SEmts don't give it to
me!
hits- to put on 11.8 kwlnx Wya'tslsEmts natc don't
put it on me!
45. Imperative Suffix Denoting that the Object is Possessed by a
Third Person -II.
This suffix indicates that the possessor of the recipient of the action
is the third person singular. Duality and plurality of the possessor is
expressed by suffixing the subjective pronouns for the third persons
dual and plural (see 24) to the possessed object (see 35). This
suffix is added directly to the stem, and is related (phonetically and
etymologically) to the suffix -ul, indicating that the object is possessed
by a third person object (see 23, 35). Duality and plurality of the
subject of the action are expressed by adding the subjective pronouns
-ts and -td (see 24) to the suffix -ll ; and as these pronouns begin with
44-45
502 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
a consonant, they are merged with the imperative suffix by means of
a weak <z-vowel (see 4).
yu wi L. f - to break 94.4 yu'L/ll qal'tc break his knife!
tsxanu- to comb tsxa'nwll kl'qu i comb his hair!
km- to take along 23.2 hi' nil L/xml'tl take along his bow!
Ian- to call 23. 7 la' nil ll'ntc w ax call their (dual)
names!
hamx- to tie 8.6 ha'mxll td'Lt&nx tie their hands!
hamxl'lats tclL you two tie his
hands I
t/E'mxu- to cut 48.12 t ! Emxu^latd xwa'lca you cut (off)
his head!
The prohibitive mode is expressed by combining the durative -Is
(see 69) with the suffix -ul (see 35) and by placing the negation
lcu\ Jcwni'ntc NOT before the verb (see 40).
yu wi L/- to break 94.4 Icwlnx yu'L/lsul qal'tc don't break
his knife!
Jiamx- to tie 8.6 Tcumi' nt&nx ha'mxlsul tdL don't
tie his hands!
tsxanu- to comb Tcwlnx tsxa'nwlsul hl'qu 1 don't
comb his hair!
46. Imperative Suffix Indicating that the Object is Possessed by
a First Person -ilts
It expresses a command to perform an action, whose recipient is
either possessed or forms an integral part of the first person. It is
related to the imperative -Its (see 42) and to the suffix -ults discussed
in 36. The combined pronominal forms that are added to this suffix
for the purpose of indicating the number of subject and possessor are
identical with those discussed on pp. 472-475.
XOLL!- to make 50.8 xa'L/lltsin qal'tc fix my knife!
xamL- to wash xa' mmltsin gw'nnt wash my face!
hln- to take along 23. 2 hl'nlltsatci sl'xa 1 you take my canoe
along!
hamx- to tie 8.6 ha' mxlltsanxan tciL tie our (excl.)
hands!
The prohibitive form is obtained by combining the durative -Is
(see 69) with the suffix -ults (see 36). The negative particle Jcu\
Jcumi'ntc NOT must precede the verb, while the pronouns expressing
46
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 503
the person spoken to may be suffixed either to the negation or to the
combined suffix (see 40, 26).
tsxanu- to comb kunnx tsxaf nwlsults hl'qu* don't
comb my hair!
hamx- to tie 8.6 Jcwmi'ntcFts ha'mxlsults tclL don't
you two tie my hands!
hln- to take along 23.2 kun'tch hl'nlsults L/xml'tl don't
you take along my bow!
4:7 Imperative Suffice Expressing Possessive Interrelations between
Object and Subject -tsx
In the imperative the suffix -tsx is used for expressing possessive
interrelations between object and subject in both cases, when the object
forms an integral part of the subject and when it is only separably con-
nected with it. Considering that actions involved in such a command
presuppose the presence of a pronominal subject arid object, it is not
improbable that the suffix -tsx may be related to the suffixes -uts
and -Itx (see 23, 29, 33). For subjects other than the second person
singular, the different subjective pronouns are added to -tsx (see
24, 4).
M'n*k!y to rain 78.1 hi'n k!ltsxL!a' ai cause (thy) rainto
come down! 76.18
tsxanu- to comb tsxa'nutsx hl'qu i comb thy hair!
Ik! a' a- to open 28.2 lk!a'atsx Laa' open thy mouth!
lak u - to take 7.5 la'kutsx k E a'm get thy basket!
L/OX- to send 16.10 L/oxtsx kite send thy man!
pax- to close 36.16. paxtsx kopx shut thy eyes!
minx u - to lighten 38.5 mi'nx u tsx L/a' ai make lightning!
38.5
tftc- to trade 36.4 aHend hu tsxan8 let us two (incl).
trade !
lak u - to get 7.5 la'kutsxats ql'utc you two take
your wives! 52.17
hi'n*k!y- to rain 78.1 hi'n s k!ltsxats L/a' ai you two cause
your rain to descend 76.19
hin s k!l'tsxatd L/a' ai you fellows
make rain!
For the formation of the prohibitive mode see 37.
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48. Exhortative Suffix Expressing Possessive Interrelations Be-
tween Object and Subject -ItsmE (-a*tsmE)
This suffix may be called the imperativized form of the suffix -utsm
denoting that the object is separably connected with the subject (see
23, 34). It expresses, however, possessive relations between subject
and object regardless of the kind of possession, and is used only
in connection with the particle qaft (see 129). By its means Sius-
law expresses a desire addressed to the first and third persons that a
certain act be performed upon an object that either forms an integral
part of or else is separably connected with the third person. All
subjective pronouns are added to the particle qaH (see 24, 26).
Siuslaw has no distinct suffixes for the purpose of expressing posses-
sive relations with the first or second persons as the possessor, or rela-
tions between subject and object. For the interchange between -ItsmE
and -aHsmE see 2.
qatl paxa 1 ' tsmE kopx let him shut
his eyes!
qa ir l E ns xaL/i'tsms hltsl' 1 let us two
(incl.) fix his house!
qat'lnx xamLl'tsmE qa'nnfr let them
wash their faces!
qa if la u x Wyatsl'tsmE Ikwanu'f let
them two put on their (dual)
hats!
pax- to close 36.16
XOLL!- to build 50.8
xamL- to wash
hits- to put on 11.8
MODAL SUFFIXES ( 49-64)
49. Introductory
In the succeeding chapters will be discussed, besides the suffixes
that indicate the passive voice and the imperative and exhortative
modes, also the formative elements expressing such concepts as recip-
rocality, distribution, and tentative and negative actions. A separate
section might have been devoted here to a discussion of the formative
elements -u and -a, the former expressing the indicative and the latter
indicating the imperative mode. Since, however, these two elements
never occur alone, and since they have been fully discussed in connection
with other suffixes (see 23, 28, 29, 30, 34, 35, 36, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46,
48), it has been thought advisable to call attention here to their modal
functions, but not to treat them separately.
48-49
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN
505
- to hit
50. Reciprocal -naw(a), -mux-
-naw(a) precedes all other suffixes, and is followed by the subjec-
tive pronouns. Owing to the fact that Siuslaw does not permit clus-
ters of w+ any consonant (excepting n), the w of this suffix changes
into a voiceless w (written here hu ) before all consonants except n (see
4). For that reason the reciprocal -naw(a), when followed by the
present -t (see 72), the future -tux (see 73), or by the imperative
-sm (see 61), is heard as -na hu t, -na hu tux, and -na hu m respectively.
The stem to which this suffix is added is not infrequently followed by
the reflexive particle ts^ims (see 123). The full form -nawa is added
when the suffix stands in final position; that is to say, when it ex-
presses the subjective pronoun for the third person singular (see 24).
Ldlna'wans we two (incl.) hit each
other
Ldlna'wa u xunts > ims we two (excl.)
hit each other
Lolna'wats ts'ims you two hit each
other
win E xna'wa u x they two were afraid
of each other 86.1,2
waana'wa u x they two talk to each
other 10.4
s E ats1'tc w ax waana'wa thus they
two speak to each other 10.1, 2
waana'wisaPx ants m a a'tithey two
keep on talking to each other,
those chiefs 78.8, 9
a'tsanl kumi'ntc ml'kfa^na sin*x-
na'wls thus we (incl.) won't try
to abuse one another (literally,
thus we not badly will desire
[to abuse] one another continu-
ally) 78.12, 13
win E xna'wanxan ts^ims we (excl.)
are afraid of one another.
tqulna'wanx they shout at one an-
other.
a i tcna' hu tux E ns we two (incl.) will
trade 36.7
u la u x a i tcna'ha u t then they two
traded 36.7
winx- to be afraid 17.6
waa f - to speak T.I
sVnxl- to desire 18.5
wlnx- to fear 17.6
tqul- to shout 52.8
otic- to trade 36.4
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506 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
to hit Ldlna' hu tu%ts you two will hit each
other
Lolna IJlu mats you two hit each other !
tqul- to shout 52.8 tqulna' hu tunxan we (excl.) will
shout at one another
yaq u *- to look 23.9 yaq u hma' hu matc/i look you at one
another!
waa f - to speak 7.1 waana' hu txanx wa'as they speak
one another's language
In two instances this suffix is followed by the verbalizing -a 1 imply-
ing the commencement of a reciprocal action. For an explanation of
this inchoative idea see 75.
waa!- to speak 7.1 atsl'tc w ax waanawa 1 ' thus they two
(begin to) talk to each other
78.13
Jcun- to beat 72.17 u l E nx wan fauna' wa* now they
(begin to) beat one another 80. 1.
In a few instances this suffix is used to express distribution of
action.
t/E'mxu u - to cut 48. 12 u l t ! Emx u na' w u u n he cut it into
pieces (literally, he cut it here
and there) 52.23, 24
Iqu'nwl knot lqunwma' hu tun yd a/ xa i he made
lots of knots (literally, he made
many knots here and there)
su'qu- to join 80.9 suq u na' hu tun he joined it together
Lapq- (?) 80.15 Lapqana' hu tu?i he put them side by
side
aq- to take off 13.1 aqna' hu tun he took it apart.
-mux u - has the same function as the preceding -naw(a), but is
employed less often, and seems to be confined to a limited number of
stems. This suffix is frequently affected by the shifting of the accent
(see 12).
waa 1 ' he says 8.9 waa 1 ' f muxwa u x they two talk to
each other 10.6
8 E atsl'tca u x waa ir mux u thus they
two talk to each other 10.6, 7
atsl'tc w ax waa'yEmxitst thus they
began to talk to each other 56.4
waafyEmx u sta u x they two began to
talk to each other 48.13
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507
tcanhatl- to club
- to hit
tcan/iati f mxutxa u x q u L%'mt ants
pEni's they two were clubbing
each other's anus, those skunks
86.9
JdmaP'L/muxwanx they hit one
another
51. Distributive -It' ax
This suffix expresses the distributive of intransitive verbs. Owing
to the fact that most nouns, even without the aid of any specific device,
may have the function of intransitive verbs, this suffix will be found
added to nouns, especially to terms of relationship. The initial 1 is
frequently changed into a 1 (see 2).
The form -Iffax followed by certain subjective pronouns is subject to
a peculiar law of contraction (see 24).
- to hear 70.5 ~k! i na l 't' > axtc wo! as xaftsfu inqfaf-
a l two rivers will have one
language (literally, hear mutu-
ally their language [the people
of] two rivers) 32.6, 7
su'quftfax ants hltsl ri xaL/l'yusnE
adjoining these houses are built
80.9, 10.
alqa'tc L/aya' u l cfLn a x hltsl' 1 xa-
L/a'yuns LafpqaH^ax on one
place three houses are built side
by side 80.14, 15
nlf ctcatf a u x s%'ri i xyun (to) fight
mutually they two want (with
them) 52.2
maf shuntf a u x xafts! u wa u x younger
brothers mutually they two
(were) 40.18
nl'ctcatfa u x, mafskwltfa u x = nl'ct-
cafaxa u Xj masJc'unt' > axa u x (see
24)
ma' ctc^f anxan ( == ma' ctci^ axa/n -
xan) sisters mutually we (excl.)
are
51
suqu- to join
Lapq- (?)
nwtc- to fight
m u u f sk u younger brother 56.6
mtictei'* younger sister 40.2
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52. Tentative -tc>
This suffix indicates an attempt on the part of the subject to perform
a certain action, and may best be rendered by TO ATTEMPT, TO TRY . . .
The native Siuslaw, unable to express its exact meaning, rendered it
by various phrases, chiefly by sentences like TO DO SOMETHING SLOWLY,
TO "KIND OF" . . ., etc. Verbal stems ending in a consonant insert a
weak vowel between its final sound and the suffix (see 4). In ter-
minal position this suffix appears as -tdya (see 24).
yax- to see 34.4
Lxat- to run 12.3
Mn- to beat 72.1 7
t!uha'- to sell, to buy 74.5
lit!- to eat 13.10
mix- to swim
stl'm E nx yaxatd a' wax there they
intend to try to look 60.7
yd' ' xatc*lst E nx lit fay a' you (will)
try to begin to look for food 13.7
yaxatc*a u 'wltin tfamc I intend try-
ing to look for my boy 60.1, 2
Lxa'tatdist Jc/exu'tc L/aya'tc he
begins to attempt to run every-
where 13.8, 9
u l s E a tsl'Jc/ya kunu'tswa that one
very (hard) tries to beat (them)
78.18
t!uhatdl'ntxa u x (they two) try to
sell their (dual) many (hides)
ll't/atc'in I eat slowly
ml'xatc'ya he is "kind of" swim-
ming
53. Negative -ll (-aft)
This suffix expresses negation of action, and is used with intransitive
verbs only. Negation of transitive verbs by means of a special suffix
is not exhibited. The verbal stem to which this suffix is added must
be preceded by the negative particles M% Tcumi'ntc NOT (see 131).
An explanation of the parallel occurrence of -ll and -a l l is given in 2.
TcumV iitc E nxan a u 'sll not we (excl.)
sleep 70.19
Icumi'ntc nl'Jc/a xi'ntmll not alone
a u s- to sleep 23.9
xintm- to travel 12.10
cfifnxl- to think
he traveled 94.11
Icumi'ntc nictd'tc ci'nxll not (of)
anything he was thinking 60.
20, 21
d'l'x- to move, to shake 27.2 leu* d'l'xll not he moved 27.2, 3
52-53
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - SIUSLAWAN 509
wllw- to affirm, to answer 17.7 ku { yaftsa wl'lwll not (for) a long
time he answered 74.4
tat- to live 32.21 squ'ma u l Icumi'ntc ta'll inqta'ltc
pelican did not live in the bay
44<1
sinqf- to be hungry 44.11 u ln Icumi'ntc sVnq!a l l I (am) not
hungry 44.15, 16
xau- to die 40.21
Modal Elements of the Passive Voice ( 54-59)
54. Introductory
Siuslaw employs a great number of suffixes for the purpose of
expressing the passive voice. Many of these suffixes express, besides
the passive idea, some other grammatical category, and according to
this secondary function they may be divided into the following classes:
(1) Pure passive suffixes.
(2) Suffixes conveying the passive voice and temporal categories.
(3) Passive suffixes indicating pronominal and possessive interrela-
tions.
The suffixes of the last category have been fully discussed in 38
and 39.
55. Present Passive -xam
It expresses the present tense of the passive voice, and may be added
directly to the stem or may be preceded by the verbalizing suffix -a*
(-1) (see 75, 2). In the latter case it conveys an inchoative passive
idea. In narratives this suffix assumes the function of an historic pres-
ent. Stems ending in a consonant insert a weak vowel between their
final sound and the suffix (see 4).
L!WO,'X- to send 7.7 u l wan L/oxa'xam then finally he
was sent 16.10
qaa- to enter 44.4 SExaP'tc qaa'xam into a canoe it
was put in 34.5
waa'- to speak 7.1 waa'xam s E at$i'tc he was told thus
8.1
wllw- to affirm 17. 7 wllwa'xam he was answered ' l yes "
30.11
skwa- to stand 10.9 skwaha'xam ants xaHca'a placed
was that roast (in the fire) 90. 9
hate'- to ask 66.16 u l hatJl'xam he was asked 66.16
lak u - to get, to take 7.5 tdmtcafmi lokwl'xam an ax was
seized 27. 10
$* 54-55
510 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
In two instances the verbal stem, to which this suffix is added, has
been reduplicated (see 107).
Ll'u he comes 9.3 u l wan L/iL/wa'xam finally he was
approached 16.3
tsmu- to assemble 7 , 3 t!Emt!ma'xa?n wan they come to
see him now (literally, he is
assembled about, now) 23.3, 4
For forms in -xamltx, expressing passives with indirect object, the
grammatical subject being the property of the indirect object, see 39.
56. Future Passives in -atam, -i (-a 1 ), -aa*
These suffixes indicate the future tense of the passive voice. No
explanation for the occurrence of the variety of forms can be given.
Similarly, all attempts to correlate these different suffixes with certain
stems have been without results.
-atam is added directly to stems. Stems ending in a-vowels con-
tract this vowel with the initial a of the suffix (see 9). Final 1
and u of the stem are diphthongized into ya and wa respectively
before the addition of the suffix (see 7).
u- to assemble 7.3 n%ct<yl r tc E tc1 IE tEm^wa'tam . . .
why these you, will be -assem-
bled 30.17
qn u '- to find 34.12 qn u " wa' tarrdn I will be found
s E a'tsa thus 8.7 8 E atsa'tam%n thus it will (be done)
to me
Jc/a- to invite 16.3 Tdaha'tamanx you will be invited
waa f - to speak 7. 1 waa'tam he will be told
hln- to take along 23.2 hlna'tam it will be taken along
By adding to -atam the objective form -un (see 28) a compound
suffix -atamun is obtained which exercises the function of a causative
passive for the future tense. No examples of this formation have been
found in the texts.
hln- to take along 23.2 hlna'tamun he will cause him to
be taken along
skwa- to stand 10.9 skwaha'tamun I will cause him to
be placed
skwaJia' tamun = skwalia '
(see 15)
56
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 511
tun- to invite 16.2 tuna'tamun I will cause him to
be invited
-1 (-a 1 ). This suffix must not be confounded with the nominalizing
suffix of identical phonetic value. The stem to which it is added
invariably undergoes a phonetic change, which may be called stem-
amplification (see 112). An explanation for the parallel occurrence
of -I and -a 1 is found in 2.
hln- to take along 23.2 Wyafnln I shall be taken along
kun- to beat 72.17 k u wa"nln I shall be beaten
Lot- to hit Lwa'llnx you will get hit
hakw- to fall 8.7 u la u x tti'watc hakwa'a 1 they two
into the water will be thrown
88.7, 8
ana'x- to give up 16.8 nlctx k u a'naxa 1 suppose he be
given up 64.26
L!XUX U - reduplicated form of L/x u wa'xwln I shall be known
L!XU- to know 40.16
-aa u occurs more frequently than the two previously discussed suf-
fixes, and is added to the bare stem. Stems ending in a contract their
final vowel with the initial a of the suffix (see 9). Sometimes, but
not as a rule, the stem is amplified before adding the future passive
-aa u . This suffix usually requires the accent.
xni w n- to do 10.5 ya^xat hutca 1 ' xnl w na'a u much
playing will be done 9.6, 7
L/xmal'- to kill 15.3 u ln kumi'ntc sVrfxyun Lfxmaya'a u
I not want it (that) he shall be
killed 15. 8, 16.2
tun- to invite s E aftsa tuna f a u thus he will be
invited 16. 2
ma!q!l- to dance 28.7 atsl'tc waa'xam mEg/e i na'a u thus
it was said, "A dance will be
arranged for him" 19.1, 2
L/OX- to send 16.10 cfi'n i xyat!ya ants hltc L/oxa'a u was
thinking that man (who) was
going to be sent 19.8, 9
xau- to die 40.21 s^'n'-xyuns xawafa u it was desired
(that) he be killed 24.1
hln- to take along 9.5 wan Mna'a u now he will be taken
along 25.1
56
512 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
tutc- to spear 62.2 V>watca'a u it will be speared 62.8
lak u - to get 7.5 jum%ntc E nx txu lahwa'a u , tuha'-
a u nx ya a 'xa not for nothing they
will get you, they will buy you
big (literally, not you just taken
will be, bought you will be
much) 74.16, 17
57. Past Passive -xamyax
This suffix is (loosely) composed of the present passive -xam (see
55) and of the suffix for the past tense -yax (see 74).
qnu- to find 56.9 L$mnaf*gi qn^wa' xamyax elk was
found 34.12, 13
lak u - to seize 7.5 ants kite lokwl' xamyax that man
(who) was seized 60.12
s E a'tsa thus 11.10 S E at si' xamyax thus it was (done)
32.16
hlq!- to start 15.1 s E a'tsa Mq/a'xamyaw thus it was
started 32.16
xau' he died 40.21 xa u wl' xamyax he was killed 29.6
That the composition of this suffix is felt to be rather loose may be
best inferred from the fact that the sign of the past (-yax) may pre-
cede the passive suffix -xarn, as is shown in the following instances:
ci'nxl- to think 60.21 c%n i xyaxams E atsl'tc it was thought
thus 27.6
ku 1 - (?) to lose 7iu if yaxan (I) got lost 68.2
yak!l'tc- in pieces 96.11 yak fttcy a' xamxwa'katc into pieces
was (cut) his head 29.4, 5
tc!ha u c- to be glad 27.1 tc!lia u cya'xam wan gladness was
felt now 23.3
In all these instances the suffix -yaxam, has resulted from an origi-
nal -yaxxam (see 15).
58. Passive Verbs in -utn- (-a^tn-), -u'nE (-afl'nE)
These suffixes are extensively employed in the formation of the
passive voice; alone they do not express any particular tense.
They ma} r be added either directly to the stem, or to the stem ver-
balized by means of the suffix -a 1 (see 75). The subjective suffixes
are added to these suffixes by means of a weak vowel (see 4); but
since the third person singular has no distinct form, and as clusters of
57-58
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN
513.
consonants in final position are inadmissible, the form of this suffix in
terminal position is always -utnE (-aPtnE).
The form -uns has resulted from the change of the t of -utn- to a
weak aspiration (see 16). The interchange between u and a has
been discussed in 2.
- to count 8.5
xnl w n- to do 10.5
u l qa'Lxutns then it was counted
% E a'tsa xm' w nutnE thus it was done
62.9
kumifntc nwtel'tc wa^a^tns noth-
ing was said 18.3
pa'l'u qatcrt'txa^tnE (from the)
well it is drunk 76.12
lhall'tx- to shout continually lhafo' txa^tns he is continually
waa- to speak 7.1
gatcv^'tx he drinks
11.10
waa ir he says 8.9
tutca if he spears 62.2
he makes 50.8
xm w n- to do 10.5
mtttc- to burn 26.9
waa 1 ' he says 8.9
xcbL/a 1 ' he makes 50.8
k!a- to invite 16.3
sVnxl- to desire 18.5
L/onltx- to tell continually
shouted at
atsl f tc l n waafyutnE thus I am told
20.6
tutca'yutnE it is speared 8.7
tsi'L/l L/a' ai u l xaL!a'yutnE
many arrows are m^de 78.6
s E aftsa xnl' w nunE thus it is done
74.2
ma'ltcun.E ants liltsl' 1 a fire was
built (in) that house 25.2
s E atsl'tc waa'yuns ants hltc thus
was told that man 30.2, 3
Jcllx tE*q xaL/a'yunE everything
is made 78.5, 6
kfaha'yumn I am invited 17.9
Jc/aha'yunanx thou art invited
16.3
Ic ! aha' yu natci you are invited
30.10
si'^xyunanx Ll'utux you are
wanted (to) come 19.7, 8
atsi'tc L/onl'txa^nE thus it is fre-
quently said 16.9
When preceded by the sign of the past tense, -yax (see 74), these
suffixes denote the passive voice of the past tense.
hate*- to ask 66.16 atsl'tc waa 1 ' ants ha'tdyaxaP'tnE
thus said that one (who) was
asked 66.24, 25
58
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 33
514 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
haw- to finish 14.6 ... antskltsl' 1 ha u wa if styaxaPtnE
(when) that house began to be
finished
59. Durative Passives in -Isutn- (-Isu'nz), -usn-
-Isutn- (-Isu'nE). This suffix is composed of the durative -Is (see
69) and of the passive -utn- (see 58). It denotes a passive action
of long duration. Owing to its durative character, the verbal stem to
which this suffix is added is frequently amplified (see 112) or dupli-
cated (see 107). -Isutn- interchanges constantly with -a l sutn- (see
2, 69). The subjective pronouns are added by means of a weak
vowel. In final position it occurs as -Isutns, because a final cluster of
t + n is inadmissible (see 4). The change of the t to a weak aspi-
ration in -IsunE has been fully discussed in 16 (see also 58).
Ian- to call by name lafnlsutns ants Jiltc he is constantly
called, that man 23.7
cll'x- to shake 27.3 ti'l'xlsutnEhe is constantly shaken
27.2
waa f - to speak 7.1 atsl'tc wa'a l suns thus he is always
told 24.2
kits- to put on 11.8 Wya' tslsutnE it is frequently put
on 11. 7
LI'U (they) come 9.3 L/lL/wl'sutnE he is being ap-
proached 26.2
yaq u "- to look 23.9 ya'q u hlsunE he is continually
watched 26.1
qaLx- to count 8.5 qa'LxisunE it is being counted
62.11
waa'- to speak 7.1 atsi'tc waa l 'sunE thus he is being
told 23.10
hal- to shout 13.11 Ihall'sunE he is continually
shouted at 14.2
L fxu- to know 40. 16 leu* L!osu'$cu*su c nE tcaltcl'tc ants
x/int not it was known where
that one went 64.15, 16
/- is a combined suffix. Its first element is undoubtedly the du-
rative -us (see 69); while the second component seems to represent
an abbreviated form of the passive suffix -utn-, discussed in 58. It
indicates a passive action of long duration or frequent occurrence, and
may best be rendered by IT WOULD . . .
$ 59
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - SIUSLAWAN 515
This suffix is always added to the verbal stem by means of the ver-
balizing -a 1 (changed into -1; see 75). Both -I and -a 1 are subject to
consonantization before the initial vowel of the passive suffix, so that
this suffix invariably occurs as -lyusn- or -ayusn- (see 8). In a few
instances it appears as -etyusn- (see 2). The subjective pronouns
beginning with a consonant are added to this suffix by means of a
weak vowel; and as a third person singular has no special form, and
since a terminal cluster of s + n is inadmissible, these suffixes in termi-
nal position always appear as -USHE, -lyusnE or -ayusnE (see 4).
tqul- to shout 52.8 tqull'yusnE ants tcixni'nE he is
always shouted at, that raccoon
76.16, 17
hal- to shout 13.11 Ihall'yusnE he would be shouted
at 70.22
waa f - to speak 7. 1 atsl'tc waa'yusnE thus he would
be told 24.7
Ian- to call 23.7 lanatll'yusnE he is continually
called 76.17, 18
tu- to buy 74.17 tuha'yusnE she would be bought
74.18, 19
xnl w n- to do 10.15 s E a'tsa xnl w nl'yusnE thus it would
be done 76.5
llq- to dig 84.2 Uge^yusnE ants L/a' ai dug would
be the ground 80.6
XML!- to make 50.8 xaL/l'yumE ants hltsi'* made is
that house 80.13
In one instance this suffix has been added to a verbal stem by means
of the verbalizing -u i (see 75).
tcftn u - to pack tdn w u'yusnE u l qatc E nl' yusns they
pack it and go (literally, it is
packed and carried off) 100.20
In another instance the suffix appears as -WUSHE.
(they) come 9.3 L/rrd'kcu Llwi'wusnE flounder is
brought continually 100.10
This occurrence of the w before -USHE may be explained as due to
retrogressive assimilation; that is to say, the original y has been
changed into w to agree in character with the w of the stem Liwa 1 ' HE
COMES.
59
516 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Modal Elements of the Imperative and Exhortative Modes ( 60-64)
6O. Introductory
Attention has been called in 40 to the variety of suffixes that are
employed in Siuslaw for the purpose of expressing the imperative
mode. By far the majority of these suffixes indicate, besides the im-
perative idea, also pronominal and possessive interrelations between
subject and object. These have been treated as primarily objective
forms, and have been fully discussed in 40-48. In the following
sections only such suffixes will be discussed the primary functions
of which are those of an imperative mode.
Siuslaw makes a clear distinction between a true imperative, a pro-
hibitive, and an exhortative mode, and expresses these three varieties
by means of distinct formative elements.
The difference between the ideas expressed by the imperative and
exhortative is one of degree rather than of contents. The imperative
expresses a command more or less peremptory; while the exhortative
conveys an admonition, a wish. Furthermore, the exhortative rarely
applies to the second person as the subject of the action. All exhor-
tative expressions are preceded by the particle qa l l (see 129) and are
rendered by LET ME, HIM . . . , PERMIT ME TO ... , MAY i . . . , etc
61. Imperative Suffix for Intransitive Verbs -Em
This suffix is added to intransitive verbs only, regardless of whether
they express a real active idea or a mere condition. It is suffixed di-
rectly to the verbal stem; and when added to stems that end in a
vowel, the obscure E of the suffix is contracted with the vowel of the
stem. In such contractions the quality and quantity of the stem- vowel
usually predominate (see 9). The second person singular is not ex-
pressed. The imperative for the second persons dual and plural is
obtained by suffixing to -Em the subjective pronouns -ts and -td re-
spectively (see 24). These pronouns are added by means of a weak
a-vowel (see 4).
lit!- to eat 13.10 ll't/Em eat! 40.26
lewis- to wake up 40.9 Tcwl'sEm wake up! 58.5
waa'- to speak 7.1 wa'am speak!
qatc E n- to go 8.2 qa'tcnEm go!
ma'q/1- to dance 28.7 mag/ysm dance!
60-61
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUBLAWAN 517
haw- to quit, to end 14.6 ha'um quit!
qatc E n-to go 8.2 qa'tcnEmats you two go!
tqul- to shout 52.8 tqu'lsmats you two shout!
qatx- to cry 58.15 qa'txEmatci you cry!
xal i n- to climb up 12.4 xa'lnEmatcfo you climb up!
In negative sentences the imperative suffix -Em is replaced by the
durative -is (see 69). The whole phrase is preceded by the particle
of negation Jen*, Tcumi'ntc NOT (see 131), to which are added the sub-
jective pronouns for the second persons (see 24, 26).
xintm- to travel 12.10 Tcwl'nx xi'ntmls don't travel!
a u s- to sleep 24.1 Tcwlnx a u 'sls don't sleep! 23.9
qatha'ntc far 10.3 Jcwinw qa^ka'ntcis don't (go) far
away! 56.21
waa'- to speak 7.1 Icwinx s E atsi'tc wa'a l s don't thus
say! 50.1
qatc^n- to go 8.2 Jcu^s qa'tc E n1s don't you two go!
54.23, 56.1
ma'q/i- to dance 28.7 'kumi'ntc E td ma'q/ls don't ye
dance!
By suffixing to the imperative tne subjective pronouns for the first
persons dual and plural (see 24), an exhortative mode for these per-
sons is obtained.
tcafxum go! tca'xumans let us two (incl.) go!
58.5
ll't/Ein eat! 40.26 ll't! smarts let us two (incl.) eat'
1%'t/Emanl let us (incl.) eat!
na'lsm start! na'lsmanl let us (incl.) start!
62. Imperative Suffix for Transitive Verbs -Is (-ate)
This suffix expresses an imperative transitive idea. It must not be
confused with the durative suffix -is (see 69), the phonetic resem-
blance between these two suffixes being purely accidental. It must
be borne in mind that the durative -Is indicates an intransitive action,
and is made transitive by the addition of the transitive -un (see 28).
The student is easily apt to confuse these two suffixes, because in
the prohibitive mode the transitivized durative -isun (see p. 518) is
used; but this use is perfectly logical, since a transitive prohibitive is
intimately connected with the idea of a (negated) action of long dura-
tion performed by a second person as subject.
S 62
518 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The following table may best serve to distinguish at a glance be-
tween the different suffixes in -Is that occur in Siuslaw:
Not related
Related
-is transitive imperative
-Isun transitive prohibitive
Is intransitive durative
-isun transitive durative
The imperative for the second persons dual und plural is not often
expressed by suffixing to -Is the subjective pronouns -ts and -td re-
spectively (see 24), because the subjective pronouns are usually suf-
fixed to attributes and particles that precede the verbal term (see 26).
The interchange between -I and -a 1 has been discussed in 2.
waa'- to talk 7.1 wa'a l s talk to him! 76.18
L/wan- to tell 7.3 L/wa'ms tell him! 30.13
hi' said L/wa'ms well you tell
(them)! 30. 3
tutc- to spear 62.2 #>wa'tds spear it! 64.2
Tiln- to take along 9.5 hi'nlsiako, it along!
slcwa- to stand 10.9 skwa'ha l s set it up!
hamx- to tie 8.6 ha'mafis tie it!
qatcFn- to go 8.2 qa'tc E msats you two make him go!
lit!- to eat 13.10 ll't/lsatd you eat it!
In negative sentences the imperative suffix is replaced by the tran-
sitive form of the durative -Isun (see 69). The verb is preceded by
the negative particle Jcu\ Tcumi'ntc, used in connection with the subjec-
tive pronouns for the second persons (see 131, 40).
L/wan- to tell 7.3 ~kwl'nx L/wa'msun don't you tell
him! 17.1, 2
qatc^n- to go 8.2 Tcwlnx qa'tc E msun don't you make
him go!
Jiln- to take along 9.5 ~kumi'ntc i nx hl'nlsun don't you
take it along!
The exhortative for the first persons is formed b}^ adding to -Is the
subjective pronouns for these persons (see 24).
lak u - to take 7.5 la'lcwlsans let us two (incl.) take it!
haw- to quit, to stop 14.6 ha'wlsanl let us (incl.) stop it!
63. Intransitive Exhortative -Ixxni (-
This suffix expresses an admonition, addressed to a first or third
person, to perform an action that has no object. The verb must be
preceded by the exhortative particle qcfl (see 129), and the subjective
63
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 519
pronouns indicating the subject of the action are added to this parti-
cle and never to the exhortative suffix (see 26).
The reasons for the interchange between -Ixmi and -a l xmi are
discussed in 2.
qatcFn- to go 8.2 qofl qatc B nl f xmh let him go!
a u s- to sleep 23.9 qcfln a u sifxmi let me sleep!
waa'- to speak 7.1 qa ir l E ns waa l 'xmi let us two (incl.)
speak!
ma'q. fi l to dance 28. 7 qa if l E nxan maqfl'xmi let us (excl. )
dance!
hal- to shout 13.11 qa^nl hall'xmi let us (incl.)
shout!
qatcu- to drink 76. 12 qa^nx qateut'xmi let them drink !
lit!- to eat 13.10 qaft lit/l'xmi let him eat!
In one single instance the exhortative for a second person (singular)
occurs. The suffix is followed by the future passive -I (see 56), and
the exhortative particle is missing.
maltc- to burn 25.2 mUtcnfamlnw you may get burned
(literally, to burn [exhortative,
future passive] thou) 26.9
64. Exhortative -I
This suffix admonishes the speaker to perform an act, the object of
which must be one of the second persons, and may best be rendered
into English by LET ME, THEE .... The object of the action is
expressed by adding the subjective pronouns to this suffix (see 24)
by means of a weak a- vowel (see 4). Singular subjects are not ex-
pressed phonetically; duality or plurality of subject is indicated by
means of the independent personal pronouns (see 113). The particle
lc u (see 127) frequently follows these exhortative forms, and, when
preceding a form with the second person singular as the object (-lanx),
it changes the final x into a (see 4).
L/wan- to tell 17.1 L/wa'nlanx let me tell thee!
Lol- to hit Ldls'lats let me hit you two!
hate*- to ask 66.16 ha'tc'latd let me ask you!
L/wan- to tell 17.1 L!wa'nlanak u let me tell thee!
<L/wa'nlanxlc u
For other devices employed in Siuslaw for the purpose of express-
ing the exhortative mode, see 129.
64
520 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
TEMPORAL SUFFIXES ( 65-74)
65. Introductory
Siuslaw shows a rich development of the category of time, and em-
ploys a variety of suffixes for the purpose of denoting the different
tenses of actions and conditions. The simple form of the verb has
an indefinite character and is used to denote past and present occur-
rences, but otherwise the temporal classification is strictly adhered to.
All temporal suffixes may be divided into semi-temporal and true
temporal suffixes. Primarily, each of these suffixes expresses the tense
of an intransitive action only; but by suffixing to the tense sign
transitive suffixes, such as -un, -uts, etc., the same idea of time for
transitive occurrences is obtained. The only exceptions are found in
the intentional and future tenses, which show two separate forms
one for intransitive verbs and the other for transitive actions (see
41, 70, 73).
Semi-temporal Suffixes ( 66-70)
66. Inchoative -st
This suffix denotes the commencement of an action, and assumes in
some instances a transitional significance. Stems ending in a con-
sonant insert a weak vowel between the final consonant and the initial
element of the suffix (see 4). When it is desired to express the
inchoative tense of a transitive action, the transitive -un or any of the
other transitive forms is added to the suffix (see 27 et seq.).
qwaxtc- to go towards 62.8. u l qwa'xtcist tei'watc and she began
to go towards the water 90.22
maltc- to burn 25.2 mi'ltcfat he began to burn 29.3
L/xatatc*- to attempt to run Ltva'tatc'ist Idexu'tc L/aya'tc he
begins to attempt to run in all
directions 13.8, 9
qa i n u - to be tired qat'nust a'nts E tc m u u'sk u he began
to get tired, his younger brother
58.11
qatx- to cry 58. 15 u la u x stlm qa'txast and they two
there began to cry 58.17
wtttc- to send qamita'tc wi'ltdstun her father
(discriminative) began to send
her 92.20
mate- to lie 38.21 8*atsl'tc mVtcistun . . . thus he
began to fell ... 94.7, 8
65-66
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 521
hafntnlt!- to believe 78.1, 2 u l wan ha'n E m't!istun and finally
she began to believe him 46.3
In a few instances this suffix will be found added to a stem after the
same has been verbalized by means of the suffix -a 1 (see 75).
xintm- to travel about 12.10 Icfeseu'tc Lfaya'tc u l E nx xi' 'ntmatst
everywhere they began to travel
about 72.20
s h a i tu'ni psll'tc xi'ntma i stun the
big one first he began to take
along 92.18
WVM- to be sleepy wu&ya'afst ants ml'Tc/a hltc began
to feel sleepy that bad man 26.
1,2
wusya'afstin I begin to feel sleepy
26.8
lit!- to eat 13.10 wa' motto It !l' stun already he (had)
commenced to devour him 94.19
(l = a l see 2)
It sometimes follows the other true temporal suffixes, lending to the
inchoative action a definite tense.
planyaH- to be sorry (present planya 1 ' tistutsmE JiaHc he began
tense) to feel sorry for his (boy) 40.21
maltc- to burn 25. 2 u l maltdl'ust he will begin to build a
fire 90.6
In a number of cases this suffix expresses an adjectival idea.
pin- to be sick 40.21 ants plnast he (who) begins to get
sick, he (who) is sick : hence the
sick (man) 86.15
yVq!a u - to split yl'q!a u st q/a'll pitch (that) begins
to split, split pitch
fiaw- to finish 14.6 ha u wa i 'st finished
tsima'st any kind of a place (sic)
66.6
67. Terminative -Ixa 1 (-a'txa 1 )
This suffix expresses termination of an action. The stem to which
it is suffixed must be preceded by some form of the verb hau- TO END,
TO FINISH. For the interchange between -Ixa* and -a^xa* see 2.
67
522 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
pitc- to go over 88.15 hau'un pUccfi'xa 1 1 quit going over
(logs)
qatx- to cry 58.15 hau'un qatxa^'xa 1 1 quit crying
wait- to snow hau'tx waltl'xa 1 it stopped snow-
ing
hal- to shout 13.11 hau'txan hala^xa 1 1 stopped shout-
ing
hamx- to tie 8.6 hau'ln hamxl'xa i I quit tying
Ids . . .
In- to call hau'ln Intf'xa 1 lintc 1 quit calling
his name
waa'-to talk 7.1 hau'ln waa^xa 1 1 quit talking to
him
It seems that the terminative suffix is frequently subject to the law
of vocalic harmony, in spite of the fact that Siuslaw makes but little
attempt at the harmonization of its vowels (see 11). I have found
a few examples showing that the initial vowel of the suffix has been
assimilated to the quality of the vowel of the stem. Whether this rule
applies to all cases could not be determined with any degree of cer-
tainty.
xun- to snore 27.9 hau'txan xunu^xa 1 (and not xuna 1 '-
xa 1 } I quit snoring
hun- it gets dark 34.8 hau'tx kunu i 'xa i Lfa' ai (sindnot hu-
na l 'osa i ) it stopped getting dark
tEmu'- to assemble 7.3 hau'tx tEma u ya u 'xa i hltu'tc (and
not tEma ii ya l 'xa, i ) he quit as-
sembling (the) people
68. Frequentative^ -at! I, -Itx (-a*tx)
-at!l, denotes frequency of action, and may best be rendered by
FREQUENTLY, ALWAYS. In the first person singular the final long
vowel of this suffix is shortened (see 24). In terminal position the
suffix -at/I is often changed into -at!ya (see 7, 24).
cfi'nxl- to think 60.21 ci'ri i xyat!ya he is always thinking
12.4
hak'w- to fall 8.7 ha'lcwatfya it always falls down
90.12 '
qatc^n- to go 8.2 qa't^nat/ya he frequently goes
14.5
ndkwa 1 - to be poor nakwa'yatyanxan we (excl.) are
always poor 76.19
68
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - SIUSLAWAN 523
Ll'u- to come 9.2 ni'ctcfan sqa l lc Ll'wat/l because
there he came frequently 68.4, 5
ta l - to live 16.2 pl'^tsis ta'yat/l in the ocean he
always lived 44.18
qaa'- to enter 34.5 nictcl'tcanx tanx leu 1 qaaft/l in-
q!a'a l tc why do you, this one,
not frequently come into the
river? 44.3, 4
In one instance this suffix occurs as -til.
lc!ap- low tide 36.18 ts Tdapat'tH inq/a'a 1 (so that) al-
ways dry (may be) this river 38. 2
When frequency of action in transitive verbs is to be expressed,
the transitive suffixes are added to the frequentative -at! I. This
suffix amalgamates with the transitive -un into -atfyun (see 8).
cftfmxfi- to think 60.21 c&nfwyatfyun mita'ln I am always
thinking of my father
<M'x- to shake 27. 2 cftfl'xyat/yun qna I always shake it
planya 1 ' he is sorry tsl'kfya planyat't/yun ha l tc (ev-
erybody) is very sorry for him,
(everybody) hates him 19.2, 3
( < planyatya'tlyuri).
tat- to sit to live 16.2 ants t!l't!yun (<taya't!yun) that
(on which) he was sitting 94.6
~1tx has the same function as -at/I, and was invariably rendered by
CONSTANTLY, ALWAYS. It is usually preceded or followed by the tem-
poral adverb Inat ALWAYS (see 120). The phonetic resemblance be-
tween this suffix and the objective -Itx (see 33) I believe to be purely
accidental. This suffix occurs often as -a l tx (see 2).
qatc E n- to go 8.2 ya a 'xa u x L/onat' a'ntsux qatc E nl'tx
much they two talk, those two
(who) keep on going 56.7
p a a if Ln- to hunt 15.3 t&'mgmato u l E nx paLni'tx some of
them are constantly hunting
82.16, 17
ma'q/l- to dance 28.7 mEg/a l 'tx he always dances 86.2
68
524 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ml'xd- to work 48.10 xi'l'xeitxaPx a'ntsitcx u ma'tl they
two were constantly fixing those
their (dual) dams 50.3, 4
si'nxl- to desire 18.5 d'nxltx tstc mictel' 1 he always
wants that her younger sister
92.13, 14=
taqn- to be full 60.19 taqanl'tx hltu'stc it is always full
of people 70.3, 4
yixum- to watch yixumVtxana u x they two were
constantly watching him 94.1
qat&n- to go 8.2 qatdnl' txa^n Inat 1 always make
him go
In a few instances, especially when following other suffixes, the
frequentative -Itx seems to lose its initial I.
hawa ir it ends 14.6 hawa^stx ants Llya'wa he begins
to finish (kindling) that fire
(hawat'stx < hawat'st + -tz, see
15) 90.7, 8
tluhattfln- to try to sell sev- yaxa l 'txa u x ta!tc w ax Iqfa'nu u la u x
erally (?) t Inflate* I' ntxa u x (when) they
begin to multiply (have much)
these their (dual) hides, then
they two constantly tried to sell
them 100.19
yuL/- to break yu wi L/a f tx qa u xunu' it constantly
broke on the top 94.4
These three examples may also be explained as demonstrating the
application of the pronominal suffix -Itx (see 33).
69. Duratives -is (-ate), -us
Duration of action is expressed in Siuslaw by means of the suffix -s,
which, however, never occurs alone. It invariably enters into compo-
sition with other suffixes, such as the suffix for the past tense, for the
passive voice, etc., or it is preceded by either I or u. It is not in-
conceivable that this durative -8 may be related to the auxiliary -s (see
76). The difference between -Is and -us seems to be of a true tem-
poral nature.
-%s (-a 1 s) denotes duration, continuation of action of a clearly
marked future significance, and, owing to this future character, it is
employed extensively in the formation of the imperative mode (see
69
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN
525
60, 62). Transitive verbs add -un or its equivalents (see 28) to
the durative -Is. For the interchange between -Is and -a l s see 2.
td'wans xi'ntls to the water we two
(incl.) will keep on traveling 92.9
stlm tafls there he kept on staying
70.12
wa l ya'tsa u ln ma'q/ls even for a
long time I still keep on dan-
cing 72.10
s E a'tsanl xiil' w nls thus we (incl.)
will do every time 72.14, 15
atsl'tc wafa l s ants kite thus kept
on saying the man 25.9
skwa'hats ants kite continually
standing is that man 64.11
qnl'xts E nx xnl' w nlsun you will con-
tinually do it 70. 11, 12
atsl'tc wa'a l sun thus he kept on
saying to him 64.14
u lns tkwa'mlsun and we two (incl.)
still will keep on making dams
48.14
qa'Lxesun ants tsxayu' wi (they)
keep on counting those days 8.5
-us is suffixed mostly to stems that have been verbalized by means
of the suffix -at (see 75), and expresses a continuative action per-
formed in the present tense. It applies to transitive verbs having
a third person object. Examples for similar forms with a second
person object were not obtained.
a'ntsux Uqa'yus ants L/a' ai those
two (who) continually dig that
ground
u l s E as L/xmal'yus u l llt/l'yus and
he would kill and devour him
15.3, 4
tci'k w ax tkwaml'yus L/a' ai where-
ever they two were making dams
52.24
u la u x Iffl'a 1 L !IL Iwl'yus to them two
salmon continually came 98.16
ha uw a i nl'yusa u x wan they two fin-
ish it finally 84.6, 7
69
xint-to travel 23.1
ta { - to live, to stay 16.2
ma'q!l- to dance 28.7
xnl w n- to do 10.5
waa'- to speak 7. 1
slcwa- to stand 10.9
xnl w n- to do 10.5
waa'- to speak 7. 1
tkum- to make a dam 48.8
qaLX- to count 62.8
Uqa ir he digs 84. 2
(L/xmay- to kill 16.1
[lit!- to eat 13. 10
tkum- to make a dam 48.8
Ll'u (they) come 9.3
fia u wa i na i - to finish
526 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
yax- to see 20.10 yaxl'us l n tE si'xa 1 (whenever) I
saw that canoe (coming) 100. 8, 9
qn u 'w to find 34.12 vfrnx qnuwl'wus ya^xa 1 Jilted wi
they would find lots of people
(qnuivi'wus < qnuwl'yus) 66.22
By suffixing the durative -s to the sign for the past tense, -yax (see
74) a compound suffix -yaxs is obtained which denotes an action of
long duration performed in the past. This suffix is often contracted
into -Ixs (see 9).
a u s- to sleep 24.1 a u 'syaxs%n, a u 'slxsm I had been
sleeping
qatc uw - to drink 76.11 ga'tcwatxs, qa'tcwayaxs he had been
drinking
lit!- to eat 13.10 ll'tfyaxsin I have been eating
psku fu - to play shinny 9.4 pa'Tcu i xsin, pa'~k u yaxs f in I have
been playing shinny
7O. Intentionals -awax, -a w un
-awax. This suffix indicates intention to perform a certain action.
Hence it was usually rendered by I (THOU). . . AM ABOUT TO, I
(THOU) ... AM GOING TO, I (THOU) . . . WILL, I (THOU) . . .
WANT TO. It is used with intransitive verbs only; and it is contracted
with the subjective pronouns, for persons other than the first person
singular and the second dual and plural, into -awanx, -awans, -awa u x,
-awanl, -awanxan, and -awanx (see 24).
aq- to run away 52.10 aqa'waxan I intend to run away
90.21
antsplna'st u l cb'n i xyat!ya aqa'wax
that sick (man) always thought
of running away 86.15
Ll'u (they) come 9.3 Llwa'wanx you intend to come 25.8
yaq u *~ to look 23.9 yo^ya'wax he intended to see 70.8
yaq u *ya'wanxan we (excl.) are go-
ing to see
qaqun- to listen qaqtfnafwax L/a fai they were go-
ing to listen 30.18
hutc- to play, to have fun 7.2 hu'tcawans we two (incl.) are go-
ing to play 10.5
plul- to hunt plula! wax u xfan we two (excl.) in-
tend to go hunting 54.22
mlk u - to cut 90.5 mlkwa'waxts you two will cut
70
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 527
xafto- to roast 90.9 u la u x xa { tca'wa u x and they two
finally intend roasting 90.8
LI'U (they) come 9.3 Llwa'wanl wan we (incl.) are about
to arrive now 66.1
tsmu'- to assemble 7.3 tEmuafwaxtd you will assemble
ma a tc it lay 32.22 mEtcafwanx they intended to lie
down 38.23
-a w Hn. This suffix expresses the same idea as -awax, from which
it differs in so far only as it implies a transitive action that has a
third person as its object. It is probable that by some process of
contraction this suffix represents an abbreviation from an original
-awaxcfin or -awaxun.
hln- to take along 9.5 hlna' w un ants plna'st she intends,
taking along that sick (man)
88.1, 2
waa'- to speak 7.1 u l waa' w un ants kite L!a' ai and he
was about to talk to these people
lak u - to take, to get 7.5 ya a 'xa l tlamc lakiva' w un many
children he wants to have (to
get)
tEmu'- to assemble 7.3 tEmua' w un ants L/a' ai kite many
people are about to assemble
30.8
yaq u '- to look 23.9 sqaftma u x yoq^yo! w un from there
they two intended to watch
62.18, 19
True Temporal Suffixes ( 71-74)
71. Introductory
Siuslaw distinguishes between three true temporal categories,
namely, present, future, and pasi. Excepting for the first of these,
which is used to denote present and past, this differentiation is clearly
marked and strictly adhered to.
72. Present -t
It denotes an action performed at the present time. Stems ending
in a vowel lengthen the vowel before adding the suffix -t; stems ending
in a t insert an obscure (or weak) vowel between their final consonant
and the suffix (see 4). Transitive present actions are expressed by
adding to the -t the transitive suffixes -un and -uts (see 28, 29).
71-72
528
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
wllw- to affirm 30.11
hlq!- to start 15.1
si'nxl- to desire 11.7
wa'sLsl- to be angry
tca'xu- to turn back 58.5
qatc E n- to go 8.2
xaln- to climb up 62.7
qatha'ntc way off 10.3
maltc- to burn 25.2
qaqun- to listen 30.18
lit!- to eat 13.10
yaq u *- to see 23.9
wllw- to affirm, to agree 30.11
u la u x wan wl'lut they two finally
affirmed 90.6
s E atsl'tc waa' u l hl'q!a l t thus he
talks and starts (off) 22.5, 6
si'nxlt taqa^na he wants some-
thing 18.5
wa'sLslt ants tsimi'l'd was angry
that muskrat 52. 17
u l tca'xcfit he turns back 16.5
qa'ttfnt he goes 12.9
C[d'tG i nta u x they two are going 23.1
txu xa'Vnt he just climbs up 12.4
qathatntctanl wan we (incl.) have
come far now 66.3, 4
ha l 'mut mdltcH everything burned
(down) 34.18
qa'q u hantun pl'u kite he heard
(make) noise (the) people 36.23,
24
ll't! E tun he ate him (up) 94.19
yo'fliaHun ants inqla'a 1 he
looked at that river 36.21, 22
u l ma'q u L wl'lutun then Crow
agreed to it 36.6, 7
73. Future -tux
This suffix is added to intransitive stems only, and it denotes an
action that is to take place in the future. Stems ending in a vowel
lengthen the same before adding this suffix. When added to stems
that end in a t, an obscure (or weak) vowel is inserted between the final
t of the stem and the initial consonant of the ending (see 4).
Whenever -tux is to be followed by the subjective pronouns for the
second person singular, inclusive and exclusive dual and plural, and
the third person plural, it is contracted with them into -tunx, -tuns,
-ta u xun (?), -tunl, -tunxan, and -tunx respectively (see 24). The
transitive future is rendered by means of the suffixes -yun, -l w yun
(see 41).
qatc E n- to go 8.2
L/wan- to tell, to relate 17.1
qa'tc ntuxan I will go 22.2
qafttfntunx thou shalt go 22.2
L/wafntunx thou shalt tell 30.12
L/wa'ntuxtd you will tell 7.3
73
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 529
srrmff- to end 9.1 smu't^tux it will end 20.5
Ll'u- to come 9.2, 3 Ll'utux he will come 9.2
Ll'utunxan we (excl.) will come
30.11
qwaxtc- to go down to the nl'Tcfanl qwa'xtcHux alone we
river 48.18 (incl.) will go down 62.14
Tiutc- to play 7.2 hu'tctuns we shall play 10.6
hu'tctunl we (incl. ) shall play 7. 2
aq- to run away 52.10 ci'qtuns we two (incl.) will run
away 92.2
sinq!- to be hungry 44.11 snfnq/taPxtin we two (excl.) will be
hungry
mlk u - to cut ml'Jc u tuxts Itflayaf you two will
cut salmon 90.5
xau' he died 40.21 xa'utuxa u x they two will die 88.7
xwiL/- to turn back 12.6 xwl'L/tunl we (incl.) will turn
back 60.9
Jc/inTc'y- to look for 16.1 tqa u wl'tc l ns ~k!%'nk'ltux upstream
we two will look for . . . 56.17
74. Fast -yax
This suffix expresses an act performed long ago. The idea of a past
transitive action is conveyed by suffixing to -yax the transitive -un
and -uts (see 28, 29, 2). It is subject to contraction whenever fol-
lowed by the subjective pronouns for the second person singular, in-
clusive and exclusive dual, third dual, inclusive and exclusive plural,
and third plural (see 24). The contracted forms for these persons
are -yanx, -yans, -ya u xun, -ya u x, -yanl, -yanxan, and -yanx. This
suffix always requires that the accent be placed on the first syllable of
the word.
quif- to dream hltc qu^fyax a person dreamt
68.21
tkum- to close 48.8 a^ts tkwa'myax (when) it closed
78.3
Llha- to pass by 80.12 Q a ' a i ^ x L i'hayax along North
Fork it passed by 32.19
tat- to live 16.2 m E yo Jc u s ta l 'yax L/ayaf in the be-
ginning (they) lived in a place
82.11, 12
atint- to start 20.3 fo ^hl'tc xi'ntyax (when) I began
to grow up (literally, then I
[into] growing started) 100.18
LI'U (they) come 9.3 Li'uyans we two (incl.) came
74
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 34
530 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
hutc- to play 7.2 hu'tcywns (when) we two (incl.)
play 78.9
hu'tcycml (when) we (incl.) play
78.13
LI'U (they) came 9.3 Ll'uyanxan we (excl. ) came
xmtm- to travel 1 2. 10 u l win tm^yaxa^n and he took (them)
along 92. 13
si'nxl- to desire 18.5 tc&na'taP si'ntxyaxaPn whoever de-
sired it 11.6, 7
hln- to take along 9.5 qatkafnto hl'nyaxaPn ya Jc u s way
off took him seal 68.17, 18
waaf- to speak 7.1 s E atsltc waP'yaxaPn thus he told
him 36. 11
L/wan- to relate 17. 1 s E atsi'tc L/wa^nyaxaPn thus he re-
lated to him 38.8
s
The past suffix is frequently added to a duplicated stem, denoting
a past action of long-continued duration (see 108).
lak u - to get, to have 7.5 la'7c u Jcyax hltu'tc tExmu'nya she
was taking a male person
hlq!- to start 22.6 s E a'tsa hl'q!aq!yax thus it started
15.1
ha { g- shore 44.7 tci'wanE ha?' qtyyax from the
water ashore it had come 56.13
qatx darkness, night 38.21 qat'xixyax IE L/a' ai it was getting
dark 34.4
tu'tc- to spear 62.2 twa' tdtcyaxcfin ts ya Jc u s I have
been spearing this seal 66.17
In a few instances it has been found following the present -,
although for what purpose could not be ascertained.
hlq!- to start 22. 6 hl'q!a l t 22. 6 a'ntsux hl'q!aHyaxp u lcwa l 't
those two who had started
to play shinny 78.15
tftmct!*- to raise t!i'mct!lt u la u x wan ttt'mcttltyax
children 30.23 then they two finally
raised children
wllw- to affirm wl'lut 90.6 wi'lutyaxan I agreed
30.11
qatc E n- to go 8.2 qafttfnt 12.1 qa'ttfntyaxan I went away
m# a fc-tolie32.22 ms'tdt mi'tcHyaxaPn L.'ayu'stc 1
laid it down on the ground
xctftc- to roast 90. 8 xa if tcit xa ir tc&tyaxaPn he roasted it
74
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 531
(For the idiomatic use of the past suffix in conditional clauses see
136.)
VERBALIZING SUFFIXES ( 75-77)
75. Verbalizing -w, -W
While the majority of Siuslaw stems do not require the addition
of a specific verbal suffix in order to convey a general verbal idea,
these two suffixes have been found added to a large number of neutral
stems, especially in the present tense. 'They may therefore be ex-
plained as verbalizing a neutral stem and as expressing an intransitive
action of present occurrence. They are frequently used to denote an
action performed by the third person singular, for which person Sius-
law has no distinct suffix (see 24). There can be no doubt, however,
that these suffixes are identical with the Alsea inchoative -al, -m, 1 and
that -a 1 bears some relation to the Coos intransitive -aai. 1 While no
difference in the use of these two suffixes could be detected, it was
observed that -u* is never added to stems that end in a q, p, or in a.
pin- to be sick 15.4 plna 1 ' he was sick 40.21
hutc- to play 7.2 hutca? 72.6, hutcu 1 ' 23.8 he plays
waa'- to speak, to say 7.1 wad 1 ' he says 8.9
lit!- to eat 13.10 Vt/a^ he eats 46.12
hatq- shore 44.7 hafqa*' he comes ashore 82.5
yax- to see, to look 20.10 yixa 1 ' he looks 66.6
skwa- to stand 10.9 skwaha? he stands 14.4
smutf- to finish, to end 11.1 smU'U if it ends 14.6
a u s- to dream, to sleep, 23.9 asu if he dreams 68.22
Lxas- to fly, to jump Lxasu if he jumps
tqul- to shout 52.8 tqulu ir he shouted 92.6
sun- to dive 64.21 sinu if he dives
That these suffixes are not essentially necessary for the purpose of
expressing a verbal idea, but that, like their Alsea equivalents, they
may have originally conveyed inchoative ideas, is best shown by the
fact that all such verbalized forms are parallel to bare stem-forms.
In all such cases the amplified form seems to denote inception and
(at times) finality of action.
wmmZw' now he affirms 58. 9 wanwllwa*' he begins to affirm
17.7
u l tein and he came back 7.7 tdna*' he came back 68.16
1 See Coos, p. 332.
75
532 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Ll'u (they) arrive 9.3
xau' he died 40.21
[BULL. 40
td'nta u kite Llwa 1 ' whatever per-
son came 24.7
xawa 1 ' kite (when a) person dies
42.11
atsl'tc L/wa a n thus he tells ya a 'xa u x Llona? much they two
58.22 begin to talk 56.7
a'nts E nx xm' w ns those (who) s E a'tsanx xnl w na ir thus they begin
do it 78.20 to do (it) 78.19
ta* he is sitting, he lives 16.2 tqa u 'wltc taya ir upstream (they)
commence to live 82.12, 13
kumi'?itc yax not (he) sees 34.4 yixa 1 ' wan (they) commence to look
66.9
u lnx hau' they quit 11.4 sqa l lc wan hawa 1 ' here finally it
ends 14.6
u l wan skwahaf now he stands skM)aha if he stands 14.4
(up) 28.8
u lwaa' then he says 11.2 waa ir he says 8.9
smu'tfa it ends 11.1 smitW it ends 14.6
76. Auxiliary -s, -t
These suffixes express our ideas TO HAVE, TO BE WITH. A peculiarity
that remains unexplained is the fact that they are always added to the
locative noun-forms that end in -a or -us (see 86).
-s is always added to the locative form ending in -a, and never to
the -us form, which may be due to phonetic causes. The use of this
suffix is rather restricted. It is not inconceivable that it may be related
to the durative -is (see 69).
Absolutive
tsl'L/l arrow 50.14
qal'tc knife
Ikwa'ni pipe
Locative
tsiLfya' 50.9
qal'tcyaf
Ikwa'nya
lqa ifc tu log 32.21 lqa't u wa
Auxiliary
nafhan u ln tslL.^ya's I will
have an arrow 50.16
qa'l'tcyas he has a knife
Ikwa'nyasin I am with a
pipe
lqa't u was he has a stick
-t occurs veiy often, and is added to all forms of the locative case.
It can never be confused with the sign of the present tense -t, because
it is invariably preceded by the locative forms in -a or -us, while the
suffix for the present tense follows vowels and consonants other than a
or s (see 72).
76
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN
533
Absolutive
qmteu'ni woman
30.21
led' tan horse 34.9
Locative
qlutcu'nya 76.7
Jed tana'
Auxiliary
qlutcunya't he has a
wife 48.8
Tcwnl'ntc Tcotana't not
they had horses
100.20, 102.1
t'faaf t'ixa't ca'ya teeth has
(his) penis 90.19
yiktifl'ma yikti'l'mat ca'ya he has
a big penis 92.1
lltlaya' 13.7 Icitmi'ntclitfaya'^they)
had no food 34.10
Tdl'nwa Idl'nwat ants hltsl' 1 a
ladder has that house
80.12
taqa if na 18.5 htf'mutTcumi'ntctaqa*'-
natftc hl'qu 1 they all
had no hair (literally,
all not with something
is their hair) 68.12
SExa u 'tin I have a canoe
Tcumi'ntc tcltfyu'st
(there) was no wind
mita'yust he has a father
mtta'yust he has a
mother
Iqatuwl' yust he has a
stick
hltsi'st he has a house
Limstl's tclk ants Limi'stlst
L/a' ai where (there
was) that green place
34.2, 3
77. Suffix Transitivizing Verbs that Express Natural Phenomena -L!
A suffix with a similar function is, as far as my knowledge goes, to
be found in but one other American Indian language; namely, in
Alsea. This suffix is added exclusively to stems expressing meteoro-
logical phenomena, such as IT SNOWS, IT RAINS, THE WIND BLOWS, NIGHT
APPROACHES, etc. ; and it signifies that such an occurrence, otherwise
impersonal, has become transitivized by receiving the third person
singular as the object of the action. Its function may best be com-
pared with our English idiomatic expression RAIN, SNOW OVERTAKES
77
t'to tooth
yflcti'l'ma big 40. 6
ll't/a 1 food 34.23
Idl'nu ladder
'q something
13.2.
slxa 1 canoe 56.5
tcnftfl wind
mita father 54. 22
mtta mother 54.23
lqa ir *tu log, stick
32.21
Jiltsl ri house 25.2
Li'mstl raw
SEXO? 48.18
teit/yu's
mita'yus
mila'yus
Iqatuwiyu's 88.16
534 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
HIM, NIGHT COMES UPON HIM, etc. By adding to -L! the subjective
pronouns t for the first and second persons (see 24), the same expres-
sions with these persons as objects are obtained. This suffix always
follows the tense signs, and immediately precedes the pronominal
suffixes.
qa l x night, darkness 38.21 u lxhn stlmk qaf'xtuxL/ us two
(excl.) there night will overtake
94.18
tcfr't'l wind tal'tiiL! a storm overtook him
tsxaya 1 ' day breaks 50.3 tsxaya^L/^x (when) day came
upon them two 48.9
Tc/a/p- low tide 36.18 TdafptuxL/ low tide will overtake
(them) 36. 18
ute snow 76.10 wa'tt a tuxL/$n snow will overtake
me
hi'n s JcU it rains hi'tfTc/ltfL/anx rain pours down
upon them
It is not inconceivable that this suffix may represent an abbreviation
of the stem L/a' ai PLACE, WORLD, UNIVERSE (see 133), which the
Siuslaw always employs whenever he wants to express a natural phe-
nomenon.
tsxaya 1 ' L/a' ai day breaks 50.3
hl'n'le/ya L/af ai it rains 78.1
lcfuwina if L/a' ai (there was) ice all over 76.11
qat'xwyax IE L/a' ai it got dark 34.4
PLURAL FORMATIONS ( 78-80)
78. Introductory
The idea of plurality in verbal expressions may refer either to the
subject or object of the action. In most American Indian languages
that have developed such a category, and that indicate it by means of
some grammatical device, plurality of subject is exhibited in intransi-
tive verbs, while plurality of object is found in transitive verbs.
Such plurality does not necessarily coincide with our definition of this
term. It may, and as a matter of fact it does, in the majority of cases,
denote what we commonly call distribution or collectivity. Thus the
Siuslaw idea of plurality is of a purely collective character, and seems
to have been confined to the subject of intransitive verbs only. Even
the contrivance so frequently employed by other American Indian
languages, of differentiating singularity and plurality of objects by
78
BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES - SIUSLAWAN 535
means of two separate verbal stems one for singular and the other
for plural objects is not found in Siuslaw. 1 One an4 the same
verbal stem is used in all cases; and when it becomes necessary to in-
dicate that there are more than one recipient of a transitive action,
this is accomplished by the use of the numeral particle yd af xa i (see
139) or of the stem L/a' ai (see 133), as may be seen from the follow-
ing examples:
yuwa'yun ants q/a'll he gath- yuwa'yun ya^xa 1 ants q!a'll (they)
ered pitch gathered lots (of) that pitch
88.5, 6
yixa'yun kite I saw a person yixa'yun yd af xa i hltc I saw many
people
wa'a^tsniE ants kite he said to waa'aPtsm-E ants L!a' ai hltc he said
his man to all (of) his people 7.1
L/dxa'xa^tsmE hltc he sent his L/dxa'xaPtamE kite L/a' ai he sent
man many people 30. 1, 2
But if Siuslaw does not employ a distinct grammatical process for the
purpose of pointing out plurality of objects of transitive actions, it
has developed devices to indicate collectivity of subjects of intransitive
verbs. For that purpose it uses, besides the numeral particle ya af xa i
(see 139) and the stem L!a' ai (see 133), two suffixes (-u u and -tx) that
are added directly to the verbal stem. These suffixes are always added
to verbal stems that denote an intransitive act, and their functions may
best be compared to the functions exercised by the French on or
German man in sentences like on dit and man sagt.
79. Plural -H,
This suffix expresses an action that is performed collectively by
more than one subject. Etymologically it is the same suffix as the
verbal abstract of identical phonetic composition (see 97), and the use
of one and the same suffix in two functions apparently so different
may be explained as due to the fact that there exists an intimate psy-
chological connection between an abstract verbal idea and the concept
of the same act performed in general. 2 The following example, taken
1 1 have found only one case of such a differentiation. I was told that the stem qaa- TO ENTER, TO
PUT IN, refers to singular objects, while the stem Lxaa- can be used with plural objects only. But
as this information was conveyed to me after much deliberation and upon my own suggestion, I am
inclined to doubt the correctness of this interpretation. It is rather probable that these two stems
are synonymes.
> The same phenomenon occurs in Dakota.
79
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
at random, will serve to illustrate the comparison more clearly. The
Siuslaw word xil'xcu' wi (stem xil'xd- TO WORK) may have two distinct
meanings. When used nominally (as a verbal abstract), it may best be
rendered by THE CONCEPT OF WORKING, WORK; when used verbally,
it is to be translated by TO WORK IN GENERAL, ALL (MANY)
WORK. This psychological connection between such terms as WORK
and TO WORK GENERALLY, COLLECTIVELY, may have led to the use of
one and the same suffix in a nominal and verbal capacity (see 22).
This suffix is added directly to the verbal stem, and its double form
may be due to rapidity of speech rather than to any phonetic causes.
It is frequently preceded by the temporal suffixes, especially the pres-
ent -t (see 72), and it was always rendered by THEY . . . The sub-
ject of the action is usually emphasized by the use of the numeral
particles hat'mut ALL, yd a 'xa i MANY (see 124), and of the stem Lfa' ai
(see 133). The particle either precedes or follows the verb. This
suffix requires the accent.
tsmu'- to assemble 7.3
hutc- to play 7.2
psku'- to play shinny 9.4
Wyats- to live
hal- to shout 13.11
ma'q/l- to dance 28.7
xnl w n- to do 10.5
mlk u - to cut 90.5
qatc E n- to go 8.2
tsfaf- to shoot 10.3
ma a tc- to lay 32.22
tEmu' u they came together 30.16
hutcu' u L/a fai they play 8.8
pEku' wi L/a! ai they play shinny
70.10
yd af xa i Ji ir yatsu' wi lots (of people)
live
halu' u ants Jiltc L/a' ai shout collec-
tively, those people 70.9
mEq!yu' u L/a' ai they dance 28.8
s s a'tsa xnl w nu' u ants L/a' ai thus
do it collectively, those people
70.22, 23
(fiuteti'm L!a' ai u l mlku' u Wlrta!
many women cut salmon 82.14
qatcFnat'u! u they walk about 34.19
tsiL/atu' u ya^'xa 1 L/a' ai they are
shooting 8.6
ya'cf^yun ants li't!a l mUcu' wi
L/a fai he saw that food lying
(around in great quantities)
36.26, 27
Owing to the frequent interchange between the ^-vowel and the
diphthong a* (see 2), this suffix occurs often as -act?, -aa? lwi .
79
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 537
skwa- to stand 10.9 stlm skwaha u ' wi L/a' ai there they
are standing (collectively) 28.9
%/- to start 15.1 s E a'tsa hly/ya^' ants L/af ai thus
they (will) start
szaftsa thus 11.10 s E atsa u ' wi tE hltc L/a' ai thus (they
do it) these people
Jc/inJc*- to go and see 16.1 Jc/mfcya'a" 1 ni'ctca tE tat many
(were) going to see how this (one
was) living
80. Plural -tv
This suffix exercises the same function as the preceding -u u , differ-
ing from it in so far only as its subjects must be human beings. It is
added either to the bare stem or to the stem verbalized by means of
the suffixes -a 1 , -u l (see 75), or it follows any of the temporal suffixes.
The function of this suffix as a personal plural is substantiated by the
fact that the verb to which it is added must be followed by the col-
lective forms of hltc PERSON, hltcu u ', hltcu' wi (see 97). Whenever
this suffix is added to a stem that has been verbalized by means of the
suffixes -a% -u% it coincides in phonetic structure with the temporal
and objective form -Itx (see 33, 68). But the following collective
hltcu' u differentiates these two forms. Stems ending in an alveolar or
affricative add this suffix by means of a weak <z-vowel (see 4). This
suffix is always rendered by THEY, PEOPLE.
tsmu'- to assemble 7.3 u l wan tEmu'tx hltcu' u finally the
people assembled 7.6
tEm u wa i 'tx hltcu' wi sqa l lc people
assembled there 66.15
s s a'tsa thus 11.10 u l whns^atsa'tx hUcu' wi now they
(began to do it) thus 7.5, 6
hutc- to play 7.2 u l wcln hutca'tx hltcu' u now they
(commence to) play 9.3
waa'- to talk 7.1 u l wan waa'tx httcu' u then finally
people said 16.1
at&i'tc waa if mxustx hltcu' u thus
they began to talk to each other
64,20, 21
qatcPn- to go 8. 2 u lwan qa'tG l ntx finally they went
16.2
ta l - to live 16.2 hat'mut tqa u 'wltc taya ir tx hltcu' wi
all up-stream they lived 82.13
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538 BUBEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
psku' u - to play shinny 9.4 pakwaf'tx hltcu' u ts L/a' ai these
people play shinny 78.7
hal- to shout haliftx hltcu' u people shout 13.11
81. IRREGULAR SUFFIXES ~n (-In}, -my ax (-m)
Here belong two suffixes whose exact function and etymology can
no longer be analyzed. It is even impossible to tell whether they
represent petrified formative elements, or elements of an exceed-
ingly restricted scope, which may be responsible for their sporadic
appearance.
The first of these suffixes to be discussed here is the suffix -n- or
-in-. It never occurs independently, being always followed by another
verbal suffix, such as the transitive -un (see 28), the temporal (see
65-74) and the passive suffixes (see 38, 39, 54-59). It seems to
be related to the reciprocal -naw (a), and its function may be charac-
terized as expressing a transitive action involving reciprocality or
mutuality.
tfu'hatc*- to try to sell tluhatdl'nun 1 I try to sell it
u la u x t!uhafdi f ntxa u x' L they two
try to sell their (hides) 100.19
ma'q/l- to dance 28.7 maq!ena' w un I will cure him (lib-
erally, dance for him)
inEq!e i na f a u a dance will be ar-
ranged for him 19.2
s s a aid's ants ma'qflnutnE (for)
him only this dance is arranged
28.7
mmqf- to buy (in exchange u l mi'nqUnunE tsxax u she is
for a slave) (?) bought in exchange for a slave
76.3
Ll'u- to come 9.3 Lluna u ' w ya u x 2 (when) they two
come together 46.7
The other irregular suffix is -m, which, however, occurs by itself in
only one instance. It is usually followed by the suffix for the past
tense -yax (see 74), and expresses in such cases an action that almost
took place. It was invariably rendered by ALMOST, VERY NEAR.
1 The use of this suffix may be justified here by the fact that the idea TO SELL requires a seller and
a buyer.
2 The -n is used here because the action involves two persons one that conies, and another that is
approached.
81
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 539
xint he goes, he travels 20.3 pl'*tsis xi'ntma in the ocean he
travels (around ?) 44.1, 2
hakw- to fall 8.7 ha'Tcumyaxan I almost fell down
a u s- to sleep 24.1 a u> 'sntfyaxan I very nearly fell
asleep
qatc E n- to go 8.2 qa'tcri i myaxan I very nearly went
Icun- to beat 72.17 Tcu'^namyaxaPn I almost beat him
qatx- to cry 58.15 qa'tx E myax he very nearly cried
Nominal Suffixes (82-105)
82. INTRODUCTORY
The number of nominal suffixes found in Siuslaw is, comparatively
speaking, rather small, and the ideas they express do not differ mate-
rially from the ideas conveyed by the nominal suffixes of the neigh-
boring languages. There is, however, one striking exception, for
among the neighboring languages (Coos and Alsea) Siuslaw alone
possesses nominal cases. Another interesting feature of the Siuslaw
nominal suffixes is the large number of suffixed formative elements
that require the accent, and their phonetic strength (see 12).
83. DIMINUTIVE -foWtn
This suffix conveys our diminutive idea, and may be added to stems
that express nominal and adjectival concepts. Under the influence of
the consonant preceding it, it may be changed into -astfin. 1 When
added to stems that end in a vowel, the vowel of the suffix is con-
tracted with the final vowel of the stem (see 9). When followed by
the augmentative -tt'ma, the -%n- element of this suffix disappears (see
84). This suffix requires the accent.
t.'amc infant 40.19 tlamd'sk'foi a little boy 94.16
Wl'a* fish 56.1 Wi'sttin L!a' ai many small fish
46.6, 7
Qfnl woman 30. 21 qlutcuni' sk^in a little woman, a girl
father 54. 22 mU/a'sJc'ni'tfa, my step-father (lit-
erally, my little father) 100.3,4
IVpxan niece (?) 92.17 Upxani'stfintc w ax they two (were)
his little nieces 92.15, 16
led' tan horse 34.9 Jcotcmi' stfin a small horse, a pony
1 Owing to the fact that most of the texts and examples were obtained from William Smith, an
Alsea Indian (see p. 438), whose native tongue has no true alveolar spirants (, c), this suffix appears
frequently in the texts as -Icft'in.
82-83
540 BUEEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
- short L/mak'i'sk'fai very short 50.18
yak- small 29.4 ya af ~k!Vsttin very small 36.23
xyal' x almost, very nearly 11.1 xyal'xi'sWin qa'ttfnt qatha'ntc he
went a little ways (literally, al-
most, a little, he goes, far) 12.1
hl'catca a while hlcatca' stfwi a little while 64.8
84. AUGMENTATIVE -U'ma
-tl'md expresses the idea of LARGENESS, and, in terms of relation-
ship, that of AGE; and it may be suffixed to stems expressing, besides
nominal, also adjectival ideas. When added to stems that end in a
lateral, the lateral of the suffix disappears in accordance with the law
of simplification of consonants (see 15). This suffix requires the
accent.
ql'utc woman 48.17 (fiutc&'l'md old woman 94.22
iApL- grandfather lApifmiJu grandfather
IcamL grandmother 96.22 waa l 'tx ants TcamL'matc she said
to that her grandmother 96.21
t!amc infant 40.19 t/amcVl'ma old infant, hence
young (man) 54.22
tEX a m strong 10.1 tsxmi'l'ma very strong (man),
hence old (man) 40.10
psm's skunk 86.1 psnisi'l'md a large skunk
yi~kt big 48.8 yikti'l'ma very big 40.6
The diminutive suffix is not infrequently added to the augmentative
for the purpose of mitigating the impression made by the augmenta-
tive, and vice versa.
tfamc infant 40.19 t/dmcil'ma'sPm little big infant,
hence little boy 94.20
mila mother 54.23 mftasWl'ma 1 step-mother (liter-
ally, little old mother)
CASE-ENDINGS ( 85-87)
85. Introductory
Unlike the languages spoken by the neighboring tribes, Siuslaw
shows a rich development of nominal cases. Two of these, the geni-
tive or relative case and the locative, are formed by means of sepa-
rate suffixes, while the discriminative case is formed by means of a
vocalic change (see 111). In addition to these distinct case-endings,
1 The contraction of mllask't'l-ma from milask'ini'l-ma may be explained as due to the assimilation
of TO to I following the contraction of the vowels.
84-85
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 541
there exists a great number of nominalizing suffixes indicating nom-
inal ideas of an absolutive (nominative) form; so that the Siuslaw noun
may be said to show four possible cases, the nominative or absolutive
case, the discriminative, the genitive or relative case, and the locative,
which has an extended meaning. In discussing these case-endings it
will be found preferable to begin with the locative case, because of
the important position it occupies in the language.
86. The Locative Case -a, -us
These two suffixes indicated originally local ideas of rest, and, as
such, are best rendered by our local adverbs ON, IN, AT, TO, etc. It
would seem, however, that this primary function was extended so
that these suffixes may also mark the noun as the object of an action,
thereby exercising the function of an accusative case-ending. The
use of these suffixes for the purpose of expressing objects of action
and the adverbial idea of rest may be explained by the intimate psy-
chological connection that exists between these two apparently dis-
tinct concepts. The following example will serve to illustrate this
connection. The sentence I CUT SALMON may, and as a matter of fact
does, denote the idea I CUT ON THE SALMON.
The correctness of this interpretation is furthermore brought out
by the fact that the verb, upon which these suffixes are dependent,
can under no circumstance appear in transitive form. Should, how-
ever, such a verb appear with a transitive suffix, the noun will then
occur in the absolutive form; and, since confusion might arise as to
the identity of the subject and object of the action, the subject of the
action is always discriminated (see 21, 111).
The importance of these two suffixes as formative elements may be
deduced from the fact that they enter into the formation of the forms
expressing our periphrastic conjugation TO HAYE, TO BE WITH (see
76) and that the adverbial suffixes (see 90, 91, 93) can be added only
to nouns that occur with these locative endings.
-a expresses, besides the nominal object of an action, also the local
idea of rest. There is a tendency to have the accent fall upon this suffix.
U'i'a 1 fish 56.1 ml f lc u tuxts It'layaf you two shall
cut salmon 90.5
mya'a u fire 25.5 hat'qmas Llya'wa near the fire 26.1
ts!aln pitch 26.6 yuwa 1 'ya u xtin yaPxa 1 tslilna' we
two (will) get much pitch
94.17, 18
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
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qlutcu'ni woman 30.21
ptiku' u - to play shinny 9.4
tdi water 36.20
L!a' ai ground, place 7.1
Ico'tan horse 34.9
fix tooth
tcfi water 36.20
tc&mtcafmi ax 27.10
kite s%'n i xya qlutcu'nya (a) person
wants a woman 76.7
psku'ya xdL !a if L !a' ai many shinny
sticks (they) make 78.5
td'wa ma a tc ants ... in the wa-
ter lay that . . . 32.22
td'wa u l Jcfu x wina 1 ' on the water
ice appeared 76.13
mlk/a*' L/aya' in a bad place
12.10; 13.1
Tcumi'nto Tcotana't not they had
horses 100.20; 102.1
t'faa't (it) has teeth 90.19
u la u x tci'watc hakwa'a 1 they two
into the water thrown will be
88.7, 8
td'wanE hat'qiqyax from the water
(it) came ashore 56.13
tc&mtcafmyatc xawa'a u with an ax
(he) killed will be 28.1
-us. Like the preceding -a, it is employed for the purpose of form-
ing the locative case of nouns and of expressing the local idea of rest.
It is suffixed to nouns in -u (see 97) and in -I (see 98). When
added to nouns in -I, the -4 of the noun is consonantized, so that the
suffix appears to be -lyus (see 8) ; while, when suffixed to nouns in ~u,
the -u of the suffix is contracted with the u of the noun (see 9).
Jc!u x wl f m ice
pfcl'tl lake 62.18
tso'tl sand beach
pEku' w shinny game
hutcu' wi fun 8.5
u'mli thunder
86
qa u xa l 'x ~k!u x winlyu's on top of the
ice 76.14, 15
tsi'sqan pfcltlyu's tEmu'yax deer
at (the) lake assembled 34.11.
ta'is tsUlyu's (you) will keep on
living on the sand beach 46. 15
s E a Tcunu'tswa pEku' u s L/aya' he
always beats (people) at shinny
78.18, 19
afl'tutunx hutcu u ' stcihovi also shalt
come to the fun 22.8
umllyu'stc IAU' to thunder (it) came
36.8, 9
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES 8IUSLAWAN
543
A number of nouns undergo unexplained phonetic changes when-
ever the locative suffix is added, while others employ an abbreviated
form of this case-ending. Since no fixed rules can be given that
will cover each of these cases, it will be best to tabulate all such nouns,
giving their absolutive and locative forms. These nouns are as follows :
Absolutive case
misi'a 1 elder sister 90.23
mictd'* younger sister 40.2
mitcb father 54.22
mtta mother 54.23
L/a' ai earth, many 7.1
Iqcftu log 32.21
a u 'tclsi camas 96.20
kite person 15.2
si'max u landing-place
tsEha u 'ya grass 8.6
yaP'xa fern-root 80.18
hltsl fi house 25.2
Locative case
mfea'yus 40.12, 13
mictcafyus
mita'yus
milafyus
L/ayu's 76.10
Iqatuwlyu's 88.16
a u tdyu's 98.n, 12
hltu's 66.14
sima'x u s 48.21
tsEha u 'ya l s
ya u 'xa u s
hltsi's 58.8
In many cases one and the same noun shows in its locative forms
both case-endings, as ma} r be seen from the following examples:
L / a 'ai ground, many 7.1
a u 'tdsi camas 96.20
hltc person 7.1
L/aya' 13.1 and L/ayu's 16.10
aP'tcfaya and a u tdyu's 98.11, 12
hltu's 66.14 and hltu'tc 7.5
Absolutive
sl'xa 1 boat 56.5
A few nouns appear with locative case-endings that seem to bear no
relation to the suffixes -a, -us. The following have been found :
Locative
48.18
tc qaa'xam into a canoe it
was put 34.5
liaml'^tei whale 82.5 hamltcu'
hat'mut hamltcu' VTcwa 1 ' all (some)
whale got 82.6
ttgwa a 'tEm alder tree 92.5, 6 ttqutml'
ilqutml'a u x qaa ir an alder tree they
two entered 92. 6
xwa'lca head 29.5 xwcikl'
la { 'qbt skwaha lf tx xwdkl' feathers
(they) placed on their heads 10.9
Lxau' spear 64.7 Lxa u 'hl 64.11
1 The locative form sExaV maj r be explained as a noun with the local suffix of rest used as the
object of an action (see 91).
86
544 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
kite person 7.1 hitu'tc
la'lc u t!wi hltu'tc a sheriff 7.5
ma'q u L crow 34.23 m u gwa ? L 34.21
qayu' wi nts stone qayunafts 62.7
q u Ll f mt anus 86.9 q u Liml't
ya Jc u s seal 62.4 2/jsfoZ's 62.2
mouth 28.2 Laaya' 29.2, 96.7
Nouns that end in the augmentative suffix -il'ma (see 84) change the
final a into a clear &-vowel whenever the locative is to be expressed.
yikti'l'ma very big 40. 6 yiktifl'mat ca'ya he has a big penis
92.1
qmtci'l'ma old woman 96.15 qlutci'l'matc to the old woman
94.16
In a few instances the locative suffix -a has the function of an ad-
verbial suffix of instrumentality.
tcftmtca'mi ax 27.10 u la u xwan tcimtci'mya qa't&nt and
they two now an ax take along
(literally, with an ax go) 96.10,
11
skwaha?' 1 L/af ai haPmut ants td-
mtci'mya they are standing, all
those who have axes 28.9; 29.1
87. The Relative or Genitive Case -Eml, -Em
These suffixes have the function of the Indo-European genitive case-
endings.
-Eml is suffixed to the absolutive form of the noun; and when
added to nouns that end in a long vowel, its obscure E is contracted
with the long vowel of the noun and disappears (see 9). The noun
to which this suffix is added is always the object of the action.
U'i'a 1 salmon 56.1 It' lays' ml txa*n salmon's tracks
Iq/a'nu hide 100.15 lqfdnu if ml l yixl H many hides (lit-
erally, of hides a multitude) 102.
1,2
t!l, tn'ya* bear 56.11; 58.14 t/lyayE'ml toVbear tracks 56.10
pVlq u ts raccoon pUq u tsE f ml lq!a'nu raccoon-hide
tExmu'ni man 30.21 tExmu'nysml Llxml'tl a man's bow
i See 9.
' 87
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 545
This suffix may be added to pronouns and particles, as may be seen
from the following examples:
na I 21.8 ni'ctdm E nx na'm E l tE*q because
thou (art) of me (a) relative 21. 5
hat'mut all 10. 9 ktfmutu'ml 1 m a a'tl of all (the)chief
This suffix is also employed in the formation of the independent
possessive pronouns (see 114).
-Em differs from the preceding -sml in so far as it can be added
only to the locative form of the noun, and that in the few examples
that were obtained it denotes the subject of an action.
Absolutive Objective Relative
md'fLcrowf&.ZS m u qwa f L m u qwa'LEm wa'as Crow's
language 34.21.
u'mll thunder umll'yus umll'yusEm wa'as Thun-
der's language 36.8
hi tc a person 7.1 hltu'tcl.5 hltu'tcEm L/xml'tl (an) In-
dian's bow
hltsl' 1 house 25. 2 hltsi's 58.8 hitsi'sEin tEqyu' wi of house
(the) frame
When followed by other suffixes, the obscure E of -Em drops out,
and the consonants are combined into a cluster.
Absolutive Objective Relative
mtta mother 54.23 mila'yus mtta'yusmitin mita of my
mother (her) father; my
grandfather
matfl' elder brother matli'yus mat/l'yusmltin t/dmc my
58.11 elder brother's boy
88. THE POSSESSIVE SUFFIXES
Possessive relations of the noun are expressed in Siuslaw by means
of the suffix -I that is followed by the subjective pronouns (see 24).
Posssession for the third person singular is expressed by the suffix -tc
added to the noun without the aid of the sign of possession, -I. Pos-
session for the third persons dual and plural is indicated by adding
the subjective pronouns -a u x and -nx to the suffix -tc. Thus it would
seem that Siuslaw employs two distinct suffixes for the purpose of
expressing possession: -I used for the first and second persons, and
-tc for the third persons.
i See 11.
88
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 35
546
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
The possessive suffixes are verbalized by adding the auxiliary suffix
-t (see Y6) to the sign of possession; so that Siuslaw may be said to
possess two sets of possessive suffixes, one purely nominal set and
one with a verbal significance. In the latter set the suffixes for the
third persons are missing.
All possessive suffixes stand in terminal position following even the
case-endings and the adverbial suffixes.
The following table will serve to illustrate the formation of the pos-
sessive suffixes:
Nominal
Verbal
1st person
-in
-Uin
Singular ....
2d person
inx
itinx
3d person
-tc
Inclusive
-Ins
-Itlns
Dual
Exclusive
-ixtin
-Itauxtin
2d person
-Us
-Ults
3d person
-tcwax
-
Inclusive
-Inl
-Itinl
Plural
Exclusive
-Inxan
-llinxan
2d person
-ltd
-Uitci
3d person
-tcFnx
-
The pronominal suffix for the exclusive dual -a u xtin, -axtin, has been
abbreviated here to -xtin. This abbreviation may be the result of
contraction. The I of the possessive suffixes appears frequently as a
diphthong a 1 (see 2). The possessive suffixes follow all other nomi-
nal suffixes.
friend 23.4
mita father 54.22
hitsi fi house 25.2
lln name 13.10
txa { n track, path 56.10
misl'a 1 elder sister 90.23
wa'as language 34.21
88
n my friend 36.15
mita'aHin . . . mUa'aHbn, my fa-
ther . . . my mother (literally,
I have a father ... a mother)
100.1
tcafxumans hltsi'stcfin let us two
go back to my house! 58.5
ll'tc^t ll'nlnx cougar (will be) thy
name 13.5, 6
ma a tc txctnl'tclnx it lies in thy
path 48.22
m%sl'a l tc her elder sister 40. 11
s E atsi'tc wa'astc thus he said (lit-
erally, thus his language) 40.26
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN
547
tfamc child 40.19
Tcopx eye 36.16
tciL hand 50.18
mita father 54.22
xwd'lca head 29.5
m a a'tl chief 11.2
xu'nha 1 a bet 78.15
t/amdns td'ntux our (dual incl.)
boys will return 42.7
kdpxa l 'xti,n our (dual excl.) eyes
td'Llts your (dual) hands
mita'tc w ax their (dual) father 52.8
xwaf~ka l nl our (incl.) heads
m a a,tl'nxan our (excl.) chief
m a &t%'td your chief
xu'nha l tc E nx their bets 70.7
The possessive suffixes may be added to particles and attributive
elements that precede the noun. This is due to a tendency inherent
in the language to keep the principal parts of speech free from all
pronominal elements, and which finds its counterpart in the tendency
to add all subjective suffixes to the adverbs that precede the verb
instead of to the verbal stem (see 26).
In many instances the independent possessive pronouns (see 114)
are used in addition to the possessive suffixes. This is done for the
sake of emphasis; and in all such cases the suffixes are added to the
independent pronouns, and not to the nominal stem.
s E atsl'tc thus 8.1
nd, I 21.8
nictd'tc how, manner 36.4
his good 38.21
8*a'tsa thus 11.10
s E a ir na he, that one 15.4
na I 21.8
Jclx x s ten 8.1
his good 38.21
8 E atsl'ttin hd> thus I think (liter-
ally, thus my mind) 21.7
wa'a l s E nx na'm E lltin wa'as you will
continually speak my language
36.13
nfofatftcmx ha 1 how (is) thy mind
40.3
hl'slnx ha 1 hau'tux you will feel
better (literally, good thy heart
will become)
s E a'tsatc nictwtncfimu thus (is) his
custom 38.16
s E a i na'mltG wa'as wa a 'syaxa u n his
language he spoke 36.14
nafm E llns Tco'tan our (incl. dual)
horses
Tcl'x E stc w ax hau'yax t fame they two
had ten children (literally, ten
their two, had become, children)
60.16, 17
hl^slnl ha 1 we are glad (literally,
good our [incl.] heart) 72.18
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548 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Ills good 38.21 hl if slnxan hltsl' 1 good (was) our
(excl.) house 100.13
na I 21.8 nafm E llnxan ts'q our (excl.) rela-
tive 102. 5
ants that there 7.1 tll'ya 1 lakwa'Tcu u n a'ntsin mat/I'
(a) bear caught that there my
elder brother 58.18
Nominal possessive suffixes are added to verbal stems in many cases
when the object stands in some possessive relation to the subject of
the sentence (see 33). Siuslaw uses for that purpose the verbal set
of possessive suffixes (see table on p. 546) ; and, since the pronouns in-
dicating the subject of the action are added to particles and attributive
elements preceding the verb (see 26), these suffixes occur mostly in
terminal position.
atq- to leave ta lr lc E ns aya'qa l tl IE sl'xa 1 here we
two (incl.) shall leave our canoe
56.5
hau- to become hat'nanx haP'tuxaHl ha 1 different
will become thy mind 60.14
ya^xa* much 8.5 s E a'tsan u l l n ya'xa l tl hat that's why
I (know) much (in) my mind 20.9
his well 38.21 tsl'Tdyanxan Jil'sltl ha 1 we (excl.)
are very glad 24.5, 6
waaf- to speak 7.1 atsl'tc E nx wa'a l sltl tsi'mqma thus
you shall tell your people 78. 10
y^'xa 1 much, many 8.5 u l E nx ya a 'xaHc ll't/a 1 they have
much food (literally, and they
much their food) 80.17
LXU'IS dry 60. 19 Lxu'lstcFnx ants Wl'a 1 dry (is) that
their salmon 80.17, 18
The possessive suffixes are sometimes added to the verbal stem, es-
pecially the suffix for the third person singular.
xwl'L/tux he will return si'nxltx ants t/dmc xwl'L/tuxtc he
wanted his boy to come back (lit-
erally, he desired his, that boy,
shall come back, his) 42.5, 6
waa*' he says 8.9 Tcum'ntc wa'aHo ants qasm'u not
she said (to) that her husband
L!XUX U - reduplicated form of leu* L/xu r x u tc ha 1 not he knew his
L/XU- to know 40.16 mind 58.4
88
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 549
The subjective pronouns may at times perform the function of
the possessive suffixes. This is especially true in the case of the
pronoun for the first person singular when used in connection with a
demonstrative pronoun.
ta a Jc this here 32.13 t/Vya* lakwa'lcu u n ta'Mn tlamc (a)
bear caught this my boy 60.9, 10
wa'aHsln ta'Mn wa'as speak to me
(with) this my language 36.10
ants that there 7.1 tWya? lakwa'lcu u n a'nt&n mat!i'
(a) bear caught that there my
elder brother 58.18
ADVERBIAL SUFFIXES ( 89-96)
89. Introductory
Siuslaw expresses all adverbial relations derived from nouns by
means of suffixes, that precede even the pronominal suffixes. Of
these, the local suffixes indicating motion and rest, and the local suffix
expressing the ablative idea FROM, can be added only to the locative
forms of the noun (see 86). It is rather interesting to note that there
is no special suffix denoting instrumentality. This idea is either ex-
pressed by means of the locative -a (see 86), or it is conveyed through
the medium of the local suffix of motion -tc (see 90) and of the local
-ya (see 93), or it may be contained in the suffix of modality -lie
(see 94). All these ideas are so closely interwoven with that of in-
strumentality, that the instrumental use of elements denoting primarily
objects, motion, and modality, presents no difficulty whatsoever.
90. Local Suffix Indicating Motion -tc
It is added to the locative forms of the noun (see 86), and may be
best rendered by TO, INTO, AT, ON, UPON, TOWARDS.
td water 64.24 u la u x td'watc hakwa'a 1 and they
two into the water will be
thrown 88.7, 8
hltsl'* house 25.2 u lnx wan tc&n hltsi'stc they now
returned into the house 60.10,
11
misi'a 1 elder sister 90.23 vA'ltdstun misafyustc he sent her
to her elder sister 92.20
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
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L/a' ai ground 76.10
sl'xa 1 canoe 56.5
pVi'ft lake 62.18
qmtcftl'ma old woman 94.22
qayu' wi nts rock
?na'q u L crow 34.23
Ic/lx L/a' ai everywhere
L/ayu'stc to the ground 94.8
SExaP'tc qaa'xam into a canoe were
put 34.5
pTfttlyu'stc tEmu'yax at the lake
(they) came together 34.13, 14
Llu'wa u x qlutcftfl'ma'tc they two
came to an old woman 94.16
xalna 1 qayuna' ts i tc (one) climbs
up the rock 62.7
Liu' m^qwa'LHc he came to Crow
36.3
Jc/exu'tc L/ayaftc waa'un every-
where he said . .7.2
Local adverbs and stems denoting local phrases are not considered
as nouns. Hence they can have no locative forms, and the adverbial
suffixes are added directly to such words.
hatq shore 44.7 yixa if hd i qte (they) looked ashore
66.6
Inu outside 38.23
u l E nx Inu' to Llha' and they outside
went 38.23
qo'x u m away from shore 34.6 qo'x u mtc hat'mut qwafxttfst out
into the water all went 34.15
qa'xuntc hakwa'yunE upwards it
is thrown 8.7
qatha'ntc tsfa/at' he shot far 10.3
qa'xun up, above 34.21
qatha'n far 56.8
In like manner the local suffix is added to the independent pronouns;
and all such pronouns, when followed by this suffix, have the function
of objective pronouns (see 113).
na I 21.8 tsmu'tuxtci n&tc you shall come to
me 72.11
nlx a ts thou Jcumi'ntc htf'sa nl'x a tc not good (it
is) on you 12. 5
In a few instances the local suffix -to has been found added to the
absolutive form of nouns. This ungrammatical suffixation may be due
either to imperfect perception on my part, or to errors on the part
of the informant. The instances referred to are as follows :
paaP'wi sand beach pacfi'wltcix qatc E natu' u along the
sand beach they walked 34.14
Ikfl'a 1 mouth of the river Llu'wanx llc/l'aHc they came to the
mouth of the river 66.11
90
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 551
inq/afl river, creek 30.23 u la u x mu r knqfa'ltc and they two
came to a creek 56.4
In many instances the locative form of a noun or pronoun followed
by the local suffix of motion -to indicates the idea of instrumentality.
tcfc water 64.24 hltsfr' 1 ta'qnis tdwa'tc the house (is)
full of water
hltc person 7.1 taqanl'tx hltu'stc it was always full
of people 70.3, 4
tc&mtcafml ax 27.10 tcimtca'myatc xawafa u with an ax
he will be kiUed 28.1
ll't/a 1 food 34.6 ta'gnis lltfaya'tc ants Mttf* full
witl^food (was) that house 54.5
tslaln pitch 26.6 si'^xyuns tslUna'tc xawa'a u it
was desired (that) with pitch
he should be killed 24.1
s E a that one 10.1 s E a i na f tc xawa'a u with that (thing)
he will be killed 26.6
91. Local Suffix Indicating Best -il (-a)
This suffix is added to such stems as are not considered nominal,
and hence can not express the local idea of rest by means of the loca-
tive -a or -us (see 86). It is consequently suffixed to adjectives
which are really intransitive verbs and it performs for such terms
the additional function of a locative case-ending. The only noun to
which this suffix has been found added in its local and objective mean-
ing is the stem sl'xa 1 CANOE (see 86). This apparently exceptional
use of the local suffix -u in connection with a noun may be due to the
fact that the informant, unable to recall a single instance of the noun
sl'xa 1 in its proper objective form (slxaya'f), and not conscious of the
grammatical processes of her language, has endeavored to form the
objective case according to her own idea. The idea implied by this
suffix may be rendered by ix, AT, ON. The interchange between -u
and -a* 1 has been discussed in 2.
ml'Jc/a bad 14.7 ni'ctti tsx xVntmls hltc mlk/a*'
L/aya' how (can) always travel
a person in a bad place? 12.10;
13.1
Jc/lx each, every 24.4 txu'nx 7c/exu' L/aya' xVntmls just
you everywhere will continually
travel 13.6, 7
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
Tc/lx each, every 24.4 Tclexu' L/ayaf u l s E a i t E on each place
such (was the world) 14.6; 15.1
s s a { t s such, in that manner 15.1 u l E nx sqa l ~k lH!a if s E a i tu' and they
eat on such (a place) 62.5, 6
ya a '~k ft' stein very small 36.23 yakfts'teinu' L/aya' u l tlyu' wi on a
very small place they lived 38.19
si'xa 1 boat 56.5 lqa in tu txu ma a tc ants SEXO?' sticks
merely were lying in that boat
48.20, 21
Instances where this suffix has the function of a locative case-
ending may be given as follows :
Tc!lx each, every 24.4
si'xa 1 canoe 56.5
Ic/e'xu'tcL/aya'tc L/oxa'xcfitsmE to
each place he sent his . . .30.1
LI'U ml'lc/aPtc Lfaya'tc he came to
a bad place
s%'n i xya a canoe I want
c qaa'xam into a canoe were
put 34.5
92. Local Suffix -'tw (-, -yaoc)
This suffix is used chiefly in connection with verbs of motion, and is
added to nouns, adjectives, and adverbs. Its function may best be
compared to the function performed by our adverbs ON, OVER, ALONG,
when used in connection with verbs of motion. The long I of the
suffix is often changed into a 1 (see 2) or diphthongized into ya
(see 7).
Qa'aHc a tributary of the Sius-
law river called at present
North Fork
paaP'wi sand beach
hatq shore 44.7
qa u x high, up 80.9
Ms well, straight 38.21
qa u 'xhn sky
tdik where 34.2
pEll'tc Llhafyax along
North Fork at first it passed
32.19
paa^wUdx qatc E natu' u along (its)
sand beach they walked 34.14
ha ir qcfixanl tcafxwltux along the
shore we will go back 66.12, 13
qa u xa?'x lc!u x wmlyu's on top of
the ice 76. 14, 15
tei'watc hl'sa l x LIU' to the water
on (a) straight (line) it was com-
ing 32.20
qa u 'xunyax xint along the sky it
traveled 32.19
tcfi'lcyax Llha 1 ' ts liltc whereon
climb up people 80.13
92
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 553
In one instance this suffix is added to a demonstrative pronoun.
s E a that one 10.1 s E a l 'xa u x pitcd 1 ' over that one they
two stepped 88.18
93. Local Suffixes -ya, -t\E
-ya is added to those locative forms of the personal pronouns and
nouns that end in an alveolar or affricative consonant (t, s, to) and to
adverbs the final consonant of which belongs to the same series.
q u Ll'mt anus 86.9 q u Liml f tyatc Llhaf from his anus
he came out 94.20
pl n ts%s ocean (locative form) pl'tsisya hafqaJ 1 ' from the ocean he
44.1 came ashore 82.4
qu'ltc Umpqua river qu'ltcyaa? 1 from the Umpa ua river
(they came) 100.15
hitsl't house 25.2 hltsVsya from the house
na I 21.8 naftcya from me
ha l q shore 44.7 ha if qa l tcya go away from the fire!
(literally, what is shore like from
it you go away) 26.7
qantc where qa'ntcyanx Liu' from where (dost)
thou come 66.16
-nE is suffixed to nouns and to personal pronouns whose locative
forms end in a vowel (see 86), and to such stems as form the loca-
tive cases by means of the local suffix of rest -u (see 91).
Jc/lx L/a' ai every place Ic/exu'nE L/aya'nE from each place,
from every where 8.2
td water 64.24 tcl'wanE ha^qiqyax from the water
he came ashore 56. 13
xwd'ka head 29.5 xwakl'ns from the head
sl'xa 1 canoe 56.5 SEXO^'HE from the canoe
These local suffixes are frequently used as implying the idea of
instrumentality.
qal'tc knife L/xmal'yun qa'l'tcya he killed him
with a knife (literally, from a
knife)
tclL hand 50.18 tei'LUE Ldls'lun with the hand he
struck him
Lxau' spear 64.7 Lxa u 'JilnE ants hltc skwalia 1 ' with
a spear (in his hand) that person
stood up 64.11, 12
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554 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
94. Adverbial Suffixes Indicating Modality -Itc (-aHc), -'na
-ttc. This suffix has both a nominal and a verbal function. As a
nominal suffix it signifies LIKE. It is found suffixed to a number of
modal adverbs (see 121), and it invariably requires the accent. The
interchange between the long I and the diphthong a 1 has been dis-
cussed in 2.
cko'tc hill 46.10 qa'xuntc qa'tc l nt ck&tti'tc he went
up a hill (literally, upwards he
goes, hill-like) 12.9
txa*n tracks, road 56.10 tctik ants lqa ir *tu Lwa if txa l nl'tc
wherever that tree falls across
the road (literally, road-like)
84.2, 3
al a q one 18. 7 a'lqa l tc&n L Ixu'yun qua half I know
it (literally, one [half] like I
know it) 92.12
s E afisa thus 11.10 waa'xam s E atsl'tc he was told thus
8.1
ni'ctca something, how 16.2 Icwi'nx nfotei'tc L/wa'msun don't
you tell him anything 17.1, 2
My informant frequently rendered this suffix by the phrase WHAT
YOU WOULD CALL A . . . , SOME KIND OF . . . , especially in cases
where the noun employed did not convey the exact idea that was
wanted.
m a a'tl chief 10.2 m a a'tltc IE qwo'txa 1 beaver (was)
(what you would call a) chief
50.6, 7
matl'yu wi chief, general s E atsi'tc waaf ants matl'wltc ants
sl'xa 1 thus said that (what you
would call) captain (of) that
boat 64.26; 66.1
lna u ' wi rich man 86.4 lna u 'wlteantshltc( what you would
call a) chief (was) that man 76.3
tEqyu' u frame 80.7 tEqyu'wltc (what you would call a)
frame
flc/i'a 1 mouth (of river) lk!l'a l wltc ants pWl'tl (something
like the) mouth (of) that lake
When added to adverbs that convey local ideas, it must be preceded
by the local suffix of motion -tc (see 90).
94
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN
555
sqd l ~k there 14.6
qanis- down
tqa u wl'- up-stream 56.8
%qoFkt&ftc qa't&ntux there (they)
will go 30.22
qanistc't'tc txu SLOXU'X U down sim-
ply he went (slid) 12.6
qa'tc E nt tqa u wltdi'tc he went up-
stream 58.12
This modal suffix may also express the idea of instrumentality, as
will be seen from the following examples :
'L/i arrow 50.7
tsax u slave 76.3
Jcumi'ntc xafwll tsiL/l'tc not he can
die through (literally, with) an
arrow 15.8
aPn tsExwl'tc he bought her
in exchange for a slave
When added to verbal stems, -Itc is almost invariably followed or
preceded by the verbs xint- TO GO, TO START, and hlqf- TO START, TO
BEGIN; and the idea conveyed by such a phrase may best be compared
with our English sentences I GO INTO A STATE OF . . ., I START . . .
-LY. The Siuslaw informant, unable to express this native phrase in
English, usually rendered it by I, THOU, HE ALMOST. . . .
tc&n- to go home, to return
12.10
trnnu'- to assemble 7.3
Ll'u- to arrive 9.2
tcax*- to go back, to return
30.14
qatx tcEnl'tc xint he cried as he
went home (literally, he cries
when homewards he starts)
58.15, 16
tEmu if tc xint L/af ai people came
together (literally, into a state
of coming together go many)
30.15, 16
Liwl'tc w ax wan xint they two are
almost home (literally, in the
manner of arriving they two
finally go) 23.1
lti'x E s tsxayu' wi a'ntsin tcEXwi'tc
xint for ten days I was going
back (literally, ten days this 1
returningly went) 66.20, 21
XEun'tc E nx hl'qfya (when) you are
near death (literally, [when] in
the manner of dying you start)
34.25
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556 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Ic/ap- low tide 36.18 u l 'klapl'tc xinti't ants tci and the
water began to get low (liter-
ally, into a state of low tide
went that water) 36.20
si'- to grow 98.10 gilil'tcfin xi'ntyax (when) I began
to grow up (literally, [when]
into a state of growing I went)
100.17
In one instance this suffix occurs as -aFtc, and is preceded by the
stem qatcn- TO GO.
yax- to see 20.10 u l qa'tc E nt yExa u 'tc a'ntsHc tcmafnl
he went to see his cousin 40.24
The verbs xint- and hlqf- may be omitted, as is shown in the fol-
lowing example:
tcfy- to spear 68.8 qatha'ntc hl'nyaxa u n ya lc u s tea-
qa l 'tc the seal took him way off
as he speared him (literally, way
off took him, seal, spearingly)
68.17, 18
-*na is added to adjectives only, and expresses an idea similar to
that of the English suffix -LY.
ml'~k!a bad 14.7 lcwl'nxLfwa'msunml''k/a*nadon't
tell it to him badly 17.1, 2
Jcumi'ntc ml'lc!a*na sWxna'wls not
badly (we shall) keep on think-
ing of each other 78.12, 13
t/l'sa grease ni'ctcfoni t/l'sctnanx lit! a' wax be-
cause greasy (things) they are
going to eat 82.8
95. Adverbial Suffixes Indicating Time -tlla, -Ita
These suffixes are added to nouns that indicate division of time, and
to verbs expressing celestial phenomena, and they may best be ren-
dered by TOWARDS, WHEN THE TIME OF ... COMES. Both Suffixes
require the accent.
plctcEm summer 46.11 pictcEmtlta' u l E nx sqa l lc taya 1 ' to-
wards summer (hence, in the
spring-time) they there live
62.2, 3
$ 95
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 557
q!sxa u yu'wi salmon season q!Exa u yu f witita r u l tqa u 'wltc taya 1 '
when salmon-time comes (they)
up-stream live 82.12, 13
qlu'nEin winter 80.18, 19 qlu' nEmtltaf towards winter
Jti'n lc!l- to rain 76.18 hm ~k!lta f in the rainy season
qcfix night 38.21 qa { xUa f towards night-time
nictcinwa 1 ' spring comes mctcfinawltaf u la u x s E a'tsa xnl' w nE
towards spring-time they two
thus do it 98.5
96. Modal Adverbs in -a
This suffix may be called the suffix of modality par excellence. By
its means all stems expressing adjectival ideas, and all particles, are
transformed into adverbs. Many of these steins (amplified by means
of the modal suffix -a) do not occur in their original form, being
used adverbially only. All such stems are denoted here by an
asterisk (*). Whether this suffix may not be ultimately related to
the locative -a (see 86) is a debatable question.
his good 38.21 humi'ntc htf'sa natc not well (it is)
on me 12.2
Ll'u near 40.12 Llu'wa Jc u na inqta'ltc tE tat near,
perhaps, the creek, these live
66.7, 8
ya^xa 1 much, many 8.5 hu'tctuns ya af xa we shall play a
great deal 10.6
yikt big, large 48.8 qanistd'tc llqafyusns yi'lcta very
deep it would be dug (liter-
ally, down-like it is dug largely)
84.3, 4
*Limq- quick Li'mqan td'ntux right away I shall
return 56.22
*Jia i n- different ha if na differently 58.9
*nlk!- alone nl r ~k!a alone 94.11
*s E ats- thus s E aftsa thus, in that manner 18.4
*tsik/- much, very tsi'lcfya very, very much 13.9
GENERAL NOMINALIZING SUFFIXES ( 97-105)
97. Nominal -u (-), -u wi
This suffix conveys a- general nominal idea, changing any neutral
stem into a noun, and is employed extensively in the formation of
verbal abstract nouns. It is also used t express collectivity of action,
96-97
558 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
an application that is in perfect harmony with its nominal character,
as has been explained in 78. The forms -u u and -u wi may be
explained as due to imperfect perception on my part, while the
double occurrence of -u u and -a? is caused by the phonetic relation
that exists between the u and the diphthong a? (see 2).
hutc- to play 7.2 hutcu' wi , hutcu' u fun, 8.5; 16.6
tEmu'- to gather 7.3 tctik ants L!af ai tsm u u' u where
(there is) that big assembly 88. 3
paLn- to hunt 82.17 qwa'tc L!xu'yunpaLnu fwi (he) who
knows (the art of) hunting 82.18
xil'xcl- to work 48.10 tw!~k!ya L/xu'yun xU'xcyu' u very
(well) he knows (the art of)
working 52.22, 23
si- to grow 98.10 s E a'tsatc siya'a? such (was) her
growth 98.6
Lxat- to run 12.3 Lxatu' wi a race 78.18
xintm- to travel 12.10 wVnxanx tcH'wa xintmu' wi thouart
afraid to go to the ocean (liter-
ally, thou fearest to water the
journey)
yalq- to dig 84.5 yalqafaP a hole 84.6
xaHc- to roast 90.8 xattcafaP roast 90.9
anxl- to sing anxyu' wi a song
This suffix is found in a great number of nouns whose original
stems can no longer be analyzed. The following list may be given:
fia u wl r yu shaft tcrrMqu' wi ring (tcmilq finger)
pacfi'wi sand beach 34.14 ~k u tsu' wi saliva
pahu' wi codfish Tcu'cu hog (from French through
pa'l'u spring, well 76.12 medium of the Chinook jargon)
ma'tcu bed (place of lying ?) Jcu rt tdyu sea-otter
ma'ltcu chimney, stove (place Jcmu'Jcu pipe-stem
of burning?) ~knkyu' wi wall
tEqyu' u frame (of a house) Icli'nu ladder, stairway
80.7 Jcwlm'ntxu throat
tuqya'd"' up the river 32.22 Jc/a'l'apu navel
tfu f n$xyu pocket qasLl'u husband 48.20
nictcima mu custom, fashion qatwafcL"' bay, down-stream 80.6
36.28 qaPll'u bark 90.8
ciml'Ltxu upper lip q!Exa u yu'wl salmon-time 82.12
tsxayu' wi day, sun, weather 8.1 lna u ' wl rich man, chief 86.4
97
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - SIUSLAWAN 559
Tk w una'atsu live-coals lAya'aP fire 25.5
lqa if *tu tree, log 32.21 Lxau' pole, spear 64.7
Iqla'nu hide, skin 100.15 L/mVkeu, flounder 100.10
When added to the numeral particle ya^xa* MUCH, MANY, it denotes
the idea expressed by a noun of quality. This particle is to all
appearances a stem amplified by means of the nominal suffix -a 1
(see 98); and since two nominal suffixes of a similar function
can not be added to one and the same stem, the -a 1 disappears, and
the suffix -a? is added to the bare stem yax-.
ya^xd 1 much, many 8.5 tch'nt E tc ya'xcfi xalna 1 ' how many
had climbed up (literally, what
their number climbed up) 62.11
teft!nt s tc yaJxcfi tEqtc ants gluten 1 'ni
as many relatives as that woman
had (literally, how much their
number [of] her relatives [of]
that woman) 76.1
LXa if p i stc ya'xa? five their number
100.15 "
98. Nominal -I (-a*)
This suffix is found in a large number of nouns expressing a variety
of concepts. It occurs with nouns indicating instrumentality, with
verbal abstract nouns, with nouns of relationship, with terms desig-
nating animals, with stems expressing natural objects, etc. It is not
altogether inconceivable that this nominal formative element may be
identical with the verbalizing suffix -a* (see 75), even though its
nominalizing function can no longer be explained in a majority of cases.
In many instances the original stem to which this suffix has been
added does not occur in its independent form. The substitution of
the diphthong -a 1 for the long I has been discussed in 2.
'- to play shinny 9.4 pa'Tcwl shinny stick
/- to shoot 8.6 tsl'L/l arrow 50.7
mmx u - to lighten 38.5 7ni f n i xwl lightning 38.2
wVnkl- to work 50.6 vn'ndkl work
to, 1 he sits 16.2 tl'ta 1 chair
98
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ll't!- to eat 13. 10
hu'tc- to play 7.2
aswit'l' blanket
inq/a'a 1 , inqfa'i, river 30.20,
23
until' thunder 36. 8
u'ltl snow 76.10
haml' c tcl whale 82.4
ha'Tcwi mussels 82.2
hi' a 1 clouds
hltsl ri house 25.2
ha 1 heart, mind 8.9
pVl'tl lake 62. 18
mEkll' father-in-law
mafl kidney
m a a'tl chief 10.2
md'tl dam 48.10
mat!l' elder brother 58.11
misl'a 1 elder sister 90.23
mwtcl' 1 younger sister 40. 2
mi'ctfla 1 something bad, vulva
26.5
tqaftl hook
tqu'nl smoke
ll't! a 1 food 34.23
hutca v fun 10.5
sl'xa 1 canoe 56.5
tsall' swall beads ( ?)
tsfctl'* sand beach
tso'tl waves, breakers
tsxu'npLl coyote 88.9
t& water 36.20
td'tfl wind
ts!u'xwl spoon
Tc E a'nl basket 90.21
qafxl chicken-hawk
qafwl blood
g u mtl ri perforation in the ear
q^unaxl' 1 cheek
qwo'txa 1 beaver 48.6
qfaftctl cedar
Itfl'a* salmon 56.1
Iq/a'sl eel
L/a fai ground, world, earth, place,
many 7. 2
L/l n nl floor
L/xml'tl bow
When added to stems that express adjectival ideas, this suffix forms
nouns of quality.
hlsl fi goodness
hltsl'sEm yiktl fi of the house the
large (size)
lq!anu if ml yixl' 1 of hides a great
number 102.1, 2
his good 38.21
yilct big 48.8
y&x- much, many 8.5
99. Nouns of Quality in -t'u" (-t'ut)
There can be little doubt that the vocalic elements of this suffix are
identical with the nominalizing suffix discussed in 97. The etymol-
ogy of the initial consonantic element is obscure. This suffix is added
to adjectives and adverbs only. Owing to the fact that a number of
adjectives end in -t (see 104) and that double consonants are invariably
simplified, these adjectives drop their final consonant before adding
the suffix (see 15).
99
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 561
hatcaft long 76.1 tcnfnt E tc ha'tctfu' u for a long time
(literally, how much its long
period) 48.2
l na uwi r i c h 86.4 lna u wWu' wi wealth
yikt large 48.8 yikt'u' wi large size
qa'xtin high 8.7 qaxtinftt'** height
qafn- deep qa { nt^ wi depth
his good 38.21 hlsfu fwi kindness
qafha'n- far 10.3 qathantfu' distance
100. Nouns of Agency in -yawc, -tt (-att), -t! 9 -t!wl
Nomina actoris are formed by means of the following suffixes:
-ya u x This suffix seems to have been used frequently.
lak u - to fetch, to catch 7.5 la'WcyaPx sheriff (literally, a
catcher [of people])
xu u n~ to snore 27.9 xu'nya u x a snorer
la'wat!- to gamble lafwat!ya u x a gambler
In- to call (?) lnaflya u x an interpreter
tsmu'- to gather 7.3 tEma u 'ya u x a person who assem-
bles (people) 30.2
-ll (-atl). This suffix is easily confounded with the verbal negative
suffix of similar phonetic structure (see 53); but this similarity is
purely accidental.
wi'rikl- to work S E & tsl'lcfya un'nkll he (is a) very
(good) worker 50.5, 6
xU'xd'- to work 48. 10 xi'l'xcfcl a workingman
xintm- to travel 12.10 xi'ntmll a traveler
waa f - to speak 7.1 wa!a l l a speaker
psku'- to play shinny 9.4 pa'Jcunl a shinny player
-t! It is quite possible that this suffix may have some connection
with the initial element of the suffix for nouns of quality, -tfu u (see
99).
L/win to tell 8.2 L/want! an informant
/- to shoot 8.6 tsiL/tf a marksman
to pick, to dig 96.18 yu'ycfit! a person who picks (ber-
ries [reduplicated stem])
n- to hunt 82.17 paiJnt! a hunter
t/amc child, infant 40.20 t!%mct! one who raises children
30.23
100
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 36
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
-t!wt seems to be another form of the preceding suffix.
lak u - to fetch . . . ts la'Jc u tfwi hltu'tc this
gatherer of the people 7.5
la'lc u t/wi a f etcher 22.9
101. Nouns in -ace
This suffix is used for the purpose of forming nouns from verbal
stems, adverbs, and stems denoting geographical terms. When added
to verbs or to adverbs, it is best rendered by PERSON, PEOPLE; while
when used in connection with geographical terms, it denotes a tribal
name and may be translated by INHABITING, BELONGING TO.
xau' he died 40.21
L!OX- to send 16.10
a^stux he will sleep 27.7
wa'nwits long ago 14.7
nfotm,ma mu custom, fashion
36.28
piM'tc first 32. 19
wi -\
, gu'ltc south
qpa*- north
qcfixq- east
pi'*tsis ocean 44.1
ckcftc mountain 46.10
101
leu 1 nats xa! waPxaHnE if he had not
been killed (literally, not had he
been a person [who was] killed)
29.7
tdn ants Kite L/ wa'x returned
this human messenger (literally,
returned that person [who was]
sent) 7.7
(L!W(I'X instead of L!wafxax, see
124)
sVnfxyunE tslUna'tc xawa'a u a u '-
stuxax it was desired (that) with
pitch killed shall be the person
(who) will sleep 24.1
ni'ctcim s E a'tsa wd'nvntsax be-
cause thus (did it) the old-timers
(literally, [people belonging to]
long ago) 68.13
s E atsi f tc wafnwitsax mctcimcfmwax
thus (was) the custom of the old-
timers (literally, thus [of people
of] long ago the [things pertain-
ing to their] customs) 76.6, 7
psll'tcax a first settler
Lxa u 'yax the other one, friend 42.8
qu'yax, qu'Ucax an Umpqua Indian
(literally, a person inhabiting
the south)
qpa'yax an Alsea man
qat'xqax a Kalapuya Indian
pl'*ts%sax inhabitants of the ocean
cko'*tcitcax a mountaineer
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 563
102. Nouns in -unft (-ani)
This suffix is added to adjectives, a few adverbs used in an ad-
jectival sense, and to nouns. It has a double function. When added
to adjectives or to adverbs, it transforms them into nouns, just as
any adjective is transformed into a noun by adding ONE to it (com-
pare our phrases THE BIG ONE, THE GOOD ONE, etc.) When used
with other nouns, this suffix has an adjectival character, which may be
best rendered by MADE OF, COMPOSED OF.
tEX a m strong 10.1 tExmu'ni the strong one, a man
30.21
Lxa u 'yax other 42.8 Lxa u yaxa ar ni the other one 86.18
yikt big 48.8 yiktu'ni the big one
s h a*t large s^aHu'm the larger one 92.18
yak!- small 38.19 tu yaklaP'm that small one 88.12
limnl'tc behind 86.11 limnltcu'ni mwtcl ri the youngest
sister 40.2
hl'q/a beads, Indian money, Mq!aha u 'ni consisting of dentalia
dentalia shells 74.19 shells 78.14
pi'lq u ts coon j)ttq u tsu'ni tahafnik made of rac-
coon (-hide) quivers 70.23, 24
t!l bear 12.4 tflyu'ni taha'mlc made of bear
(-skin) quivers 70.24
Jc fix tE q everything 24. 4 It fexu'ni ts'qa^ni hutca 1 ' composed
of every sort (of) fun 10.5
lafqlaq boards laqlaqcfi' nltc hltsl' 1 made of some
kinds of boards the house 80.7
This suffix may be added to verbal stems provided the verb has
been changed into an attribute of a following noun.
hamx- to tie u l hamxcfi'ni ants tsEha u 'ya and
that made of tied grass ... 8. 6
103. Nominalizing Suffix Indicating Place -a mu
This suffix indicates the place where a certain action is performed.
When added to stems ending in a velar or palatal consonant, it appears
as -ycfmu, and changes the final velar of the stem (<?, q!) into a palatal
h (see 17). After all other consonants it occurs as -a mu. The short
w-vowels following velar and palatal consonants disappear before this
suffix. It is possible that the final u of the suffix may be related to
the general nominalizing suffix -u discussed in 94 (see 23).
SS 102-103
564 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ma'q!l- to dance 28.7 mEkycfmu a dance-hall
ya'q u *- to see 23.9 yskycfmu a vantage point
psku'- to play shinny 9.4 pskyatmu a place where shinny is
played, ball-grounds
nlctcat!- to fight nlctcat!a s mu battlefield
inflate*- to try to buy tuhatc 'a mu a store
Lxat- to run 12.3 Lxata mu track (literally, a place
where people run)
nictcima mu custom, fashion 29.9
104. Adjectives in -t
Siuslaw has no true adjectives. All stems denoting adjectival ideas
are intransitive verbs, and may be used as such, as may be seen from
the following examples:
ml'Jcfa Aifc that bad man 23. 2, 3 tsl'Jc/ya ml'Tc/a very bad it was
14.7
hatcaft hl'q!a long (strings of ) hatca't ants lqa ir 'tu there was a
dentalia shells 76. 1 tall tree 92. 21
Owing to this verbal significance, the Siuslaw adjective shows no
special suffixes. A few stems denoting adjectival concepts appear in
duplicated form, mostly those expressing color (see 109). There will
be found, however, a number of words expressing attributive ideas
that end in -t. 1 Whether this consonant is related to the auxiliary -t
(see 76) or whether it may be looked upon as a true adjectival suffix,
is a question open to discussion. The following is a list of such ad-
jectives:
y%kt big, large 48.8 fxull't straight
hawa'tdt new Mt big, old 92.18
hatca't long, tall 76.1 tsinqft poor 16.10
hlxt wild tsiLt thick
pd a la'st 2 spotted M'Vlt heavy 11.9
pim'lt sharp Tcfwl'act proud
mskct fat 90.16 q u dfct thin
timsqaya't bitter, sour Lqut red
tint ripe L/dgt wet 56.13
fyatlya't dear, expensive L/nuwa'tit deep
105. Irregular Suffixes -Em, -Isl, -wi, -yuwl, -Iwt
These suffixes occur very seldom, and, while their function is to all
appearances nominal, it can not be explained accurately.
1 See also 124. 2 Dorsey: p'al-l&st gray .
104 105
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 565
-E*n occurs with a few nouns.
ilqwa a 'tEm root, alder tree tsami'tssm chin
92.5, 6 qlu'nEm winter 80.19
pl'ctcEm summer 98.8 xa if tssm woman's basket
-1st seems to denote an abstract idea.
pin- to be sick 4-0.21 plnl'si sickness, cough
qtfx dark, night 38.21 qatxl'si darkness, night
hwu'nhwun black ho'nlsi dusk
ni'ctca (?) how 16.2 nVctc&d arrival (?) 40.16
nfatc&nwa*' spring comes nwtcanu' wlsi year 92.12
The following nouns have analogous form:
a u 'tdsi camas 96.20 z/ntl'*tcfoi crawfish
ll'xtsmsi small-pox
The nouns tswafsi FROST and L u wa'si NOSE may also belong here.
-wt is found in a small number of nouns.
si'na u wi grouse Jc/o'xwi gnat
tsnafwi bone q u hafqwi broom
In a few instances this suffix seems to form nouns of agency, and
may be related to the suffixes discussed in 97 and 99.
tsxan- to comb one's hair tsxa'nwl a comb
qatcu 1 - to drink 76.12 qatcwi'wt a person who waters
animals (?)
c u xu- to drive away, to scare cuxwa'wt a driver ( ?)
56.11
%- to dig 80.6 ttqa'wi one who digs holes
-yuwt, -Iwt. These two suffixes have a peculiar function. They
seem to denote the nominal object of an action performed by a noun
of agency (see 100). The most puzzling phenomenon connected with
their function is the fact that they can be added only to the discrimi-
native form of a noun (see 111), which seems to stand in direct con-
tradiction to its objective significance, because the discriminative
case points to the noun as the subject of the action.
Absolutive Discriminative Objective
psni's skunk 86.1 psna's 86.7 ML ft! pEnasyu'wi a
skunk-shooter
105
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
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Absolutive
Kite person 7.1
swal grizzly bear
(?) huckleberries
qwo'txa 1 beaver
48.6
Discriminative
Mya'tc 13.10; 15.2
swal 15.2
ts'xya
qwoa'txa 1 52.4
Objective
tsiL/t!
man-killer
gatherer of people
tslLlt! swalyu'wl a
grizzly-shooter
Ia'~k u t!w1, taxyu'wi a
picker of huckle-
berries
tslLlt! qwoatxl'wl a
beaver-killer
Another nominalizing suffix that seems to be confined to one stem
only is -as in the noun wa'as LANGUAGE, WORD, MESSAGE 34.21, formed
from the verbal stem waa- TO SPEAK, TO TALK.
Reduplication ( 106-109)
106. Introductory
Reduplication as a factor in the formation of grammatical categories
and processes does not play as important a role in Siuslaw as in many
other American Indian languages.
Considered from a purely phonetic point of view, the process of
reduplication may affect a single sound, a syllable, or the whole
word, while from the standpoint of position of the reduplicated ele-
ments it may be either initial or final. In accordance with these pro-
cesses, a given language may show the following possible forms of
reduplication : Vocalic or consonantic initial reduplication ; consonantic
final reduplication, commonly called final reduplication; syllabic redu-
plication, usually referred to as doubling or reduplication of the sylla-
ble; and word-reduplication, better known as repetition of the stem.
Of the forms of reduplication known actually to occur in the Ameri-
can Indian languages, Siuslaw shows only duplication of the (first)
syllable, duplication of the final consonant, and repetition of the stem.
Syllabic duplication occurs rather seldom, final duplication is resorted
to frequently, while repetition of the stem plays a not unimportant
part in the formation of words.
Reduplication is confined chiefly to the verb; its use for expressing
distribution a phenomenon commonly found in American Indian
languages is entirely unknown to Siuslaw, which employs this pro-
cess solely for the purpose of denoting repetition or duration of action.
106
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 567
107. Duplication of the Initial Syllable
This process occurs in a few sporadic instances only. The repeated
syllable occurs in its full form, the original syllable losing its vocalic
elements. Initial stops of both the original and repeated syllables are
usually changed into fortis (see 17).
tsmu'- to assemble 7.3 t/Emt/mafxam wan they come to
see him (literally, he is assem-
bled about) 23.3
Ll'u (they) come 9.3 L !IL Iwa'xam he is approached 16. 3
L/lL/wl'sutnE he is continually
approached 26.2
s E a'tsanx tEL/l'L/ututs that's why
I came (to see) you 21.6, 7
h i ya f tGn x xan L/l'L/uts people us
came (to see) repeatedly 100.8
taf- to sit, to live 16.2 ants Tsxuna'pLl t/l't/yun (that) on
which Coyote was sitting 94.6
hal- to shout 13.11 Ihali'yusnE he would be shouted
at 70.22 (this form may be ex-
plained as derived from an origi-
nal halhall' yusnE)
lhall' txa u * HE he is continualty
shouted at 11.10
yuw- to pick 96.18 yu'ya^t! one who picks
108. Duplication of Final Consonants
This process is employed extensively, and consists in the repetition
of the final consonant with insertion of a weak a- or %- vowel. In
many instances the quality of the connecting vowel is affected by the
vowel of the stem. This is especially true in cases where the stem
ends in a ii-vowel, after which the connective vowel is assimilated and
becomes a weak u. The short vowel of the stem is not infrequently
changed into a long vowel. This duplication plays an important
part in the formation of the past tense (see 74), and, in addition to
denoting frequency and duration of action, it seems to be capable of
expressing commencement, especially of intransitive actions.
a u s- to sleep 23.9 a u 'si's he began to sleep 26.9
qax dark 38.21 qafxi'x wd'nwits it got dark long
ago 64.19
*$ 107-108
568
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
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u l wan xinti't he kept on going
now 56.23
u l SLOXU'X" wiL/a'xL/ he came
down again 12.6
haiqa'q wan he then went ashore
58.17
u l txu loqwa'q u and just he was
boiling 96.7, 8
mik/a'Jcf ants tsxayu' wi began to
get rough that weather 64.15
wan smut* a' t* it ends finally 9.1
tclt'a't" the wind blew 94.5
u l E nx dL hutca'tc and they now be-
gan to play 72.23, 24
Jcfapi'p low water (comes)
xwiL/a'L/ wan he finally came
back 12.7
sqa'tsm nali'l he started from there
68.10
s E a'tsa hl'qfaqfyax thus it began
15.1
u la u x ldkwa'Tcu u n they two took
(them) away 52.16
la'lcukyax she took 60.23
xumca'ca u x wan they two are ap-
proaching now 23.2
Wyatsif tsun ants la if qat he is put-
ting that feather on 11.8
tPwatci' tcuna u x they two began to
spear it 56.15, 16
tPwa'tc&tcyaxaPn 1 have been spear-
ing it 66.17
u la u x tcaqa'qa^n and they two be-
gan to spear it 56.19
u la u x yaxi'xun they two saw it
56.15
u ln qnuhu'hu u n I am finding it
A very interesting case of duplication applied to formative elements
is presented by the nominal suffix -ax. This suffix signifies PEOPLE,
BELONGING TO, and, when added to the adverb wa'nwits LONG AGO, it
was invariably rendered by OLD-TIMERS (see 101). Whenever the
speaker wants to imply the intensive idea PEOPLE OF VERY LONG AGO,
he usually repeats this suffix.
108
xmt- to go 20.3
SLOX U - to go down
ha i q shore 44.7
loqw- to boil 96.1
ml'~k!a bad 14.7
smutf- to end 11.1
tdtf- to blow 94.5
hutc- to play 7.2
Tc!ap- low water 36.18
XWIL!- to go back 42.6
nal- to start
hl'q!-to start 22.6
lak u - to take 7.5
xumc- to come, to approach
hits- to put on 11.8
tutc- to spear 62.2
to spear 68.18
yax- to see 20.10
'" to find 56.9
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 569
wa'mvitsax old-timer 68.13 wa'moitsaxax people of long, long
ago 29.9
s E a'tsa xnl w 'nutnE wa'nwitsaxax
thus it was done (by) people of
long, long ago 62.9
wa'n witsaxax nictdma mu (of) old,
old-timers their custom 68.19
Similarly the modal -Itc (see 94) is found repeated in a few instances.
tea where 34.4 tcaltd'tc nl'ctux where he will go
64.20
109. Duplication of Stems
While this process is, strictly speaking, of a lexicographical char-
acter, and as such ought to be treated more properly under the head-
ing "Vocabulary" (see 137), it will nevertheless be found useful to
give here a list of doubled stems. Barring a few nouns,, most of these
terms are adjectives denoting color and quality.
hwu'nhwun black qa'sqas stiff, hard
pxu^pxu 1 sorrel, yellow qu'LquL white 40.10,11
tu'Tctuk deaf qtsftfnqts&n blue, green
Wkftnkf soft xu'sxus naked
Ici'Ylt heavy 11.9 ffima'lim blind
puna' puna' gopher, mole tsim' Ltsinl' i? little beaver (?)
96.19 50.15
mu'smus cow * tcftmtca'mi ax 27.10
t. r afl'tral- tongue (pl(i i L'<f'la i L otter from ocean (?)
tsfoyi'Tctsfcyi'lc wagon 1 laqlaq board 80.7
Vocalic Changes ( 110-112)
110. Introductory
Siuslaw expresses two distinct grammatical categories by means of
vocalic change. Of these two categories, one is nominal, while the
other has a strictly verbal character pertaining to intensity and fre-
quency of action. When applied to nouns, vocalic change expresses
the discriminative case.
1 Chinook jargon. 2 Chinook.
109-110
570 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
. The Discriminative Case
The discriminative case is that form of the noun which singles it
out as the performer of an action directed upon an object; i. e., it
designates the nominal subject in sentences containing pronominal or
nominal object.
The discriminative form of pronouns and of nouns of relationship is
expressed by means of the prefix q- (see 21). All other nouns express
the discriminative form by means of a vocalic change that varies accord-
ing to the quantity of the stem-vowel, and in polysyllabic stems
according to the quantity of the vowel of the accented syllable. The
following rules maybe said to apply in all cases:
1. The discriminative form of nouns the stem- vowel of which is a
long I or u is obtained through the diphthongization of these vowels
into ya and wa respectively (see 7). For purely physiological reasons
a weak vowel corresponding to the quality of the diphthongized
vowel is inserted between the diphthong and its preceding consonant.
kite person, people 7.1 u l ya'q^yun Nya'tc and people
looked on 70.4
Wtc^t cougar 13.3 Vyafttft htyatstf tsun Cougar put it
on 13.4
ml'kfa bad 14.7 mtya'lda Wya'tc Vtlafyun a bad
person devoured him 15.2
hlq u wild-cat 34.17 Wyatsi'tsun Wya'cf 1 Wild-Cat put
it on 11.11
lk!anu'k u screech-owl 86. 1 tsl'lclya wVnxaPn ants psm's lk!-
an u wa'lc u Screech-Owl feared
that Skunk very- much 86.3
hlnaf w un ants plna'st lk!an u wa'lc u
Screech-Owl intended to take
along that sick man 88.1, 2
qmtcu'ni woman 30.21 ci'l'xun qlutc u wa'm (a) woman
shook him 58.4
tExmu'nl man 30. 21 wi'lun tExm u wa f ni (the) man
agreed with her 58.7
tsxayuf wi sun, day 8. 1 mUJcwl' tutsfcn tsxay u wa'w f i (the) Sun
had pity on me 72.14
Somewhat irregular discriminative forms are shown by the nouns
t!l GRIZZLY BEAR and ql'utc WIFE, which occur as t!lya v and qa'yutc
respectively.
HI
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 571
t!l grizzly bear 12.4 t!lya ir WyatsVisun Grizzly Bear
put it on 12.3
gl'utcwifQ 48.17 ma a tc qa'yutc E tc (he and) his wife
had lain 60.13
2. Nouns with short stem-vowels, or with short vowels in the ac-
cented syllable, change these vowels into an a in their discriminative
forms. Short a-vowels of the stem are lengthened into a.
pEntfs skunk 86.1 l'na u ' wi hltc u l Iqaqa 1 ' txaPn psna' s
(at) a rich man he always broke
his wind, (namely) Skunk 86.6, 7
tsl'sqan deer 13.9 Wyatstftsun tsa'sqln Deer put it on
13.8
qwo'txa 1 beaver 48.6 a'tsa u l kumi'ntc s^n^xyun qwoa't-
xa 11 ants q u L!Utc that's why not
liked Beaver that Otter 54.8, 9
pUq u ts raccoon 70.23, 24 pa'lq u ts Wyatstftsun Raccoon put
it on
q!a'xa u xt wolf 13.2 <[!a'xa u xt WyatsVtmn Wolf put it
on 12.8
swal grizzly bear swal Vtfafyun Grizzly Bear de-
voured them 15.2
squmaf pelican 44. 1 waa'afin squmaf ants Iqlal'o'ma
said Pelican to Sea-Gull 44.17
3. Stems containing diphthongs, or stems whose accented syllables
end in the diphthong #% add a short a to the diphthong for the purpose
of forming the discriminative case v
ha if mut all 9.5 haya'mut Wya'te Llxu'yun all peo-
ple know it 60.24, 25
yaq u *yl fw yutsatc$, haya'mut you all
shall look at me 72.11, 12
ha^na different 58.9 haya'na ttyatstf tsun another (one)
put it on 12.8
4. Polysyllabic stems whose accented syllable ends in a consonant
and is followed by a syllable beginning with a consonant form the dis-
criminative case by inserting a short a between these two consonants.
tsxu'npLl coyote 88.9 ants Tsxuna'pLl t!l't!yun that (on
which) he was sitting, (namely)
Coyote 94.6
tExm$'l'mdo\d people 58.25 tExmtt'a'mi Lfxu'yun an old man
knew it 76.15, 16
i Probably misheard for qwa'txa. X \\\
572 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
um'll thunder s E atsl r tc waafaPn uma'll thus said
to him Thunder 36.9
qluttffl'ma old woman 96.15 qmtctt'a'mi tafyun ants tsl'L/i the
old woman kept that arrow 96.2
ttffnta? which one 90.1 tcma'ta u s$n i xyaxa u n ants . . .
whoever wanted that . . .
11.6, 7
112. Intensity and Duration of Action
Vocalic change as a means of expressing intensive and durative
actions is of a twofold character. The change consists either in the
diphthongization of the long 1- and u- vowels of the stem (see 7),
or in stem-amplification. In both cases the underlying principle may
be described as the change of a monosyllabic root into a stem having
two syllables.
Diphthongization is applied to those stems only whose vowels are
either long I or u. A verbal stem with a diphthongized vowel expresses
durative actions only in connection with other proper devices, such as
the temporal suffixes or duplication of final consonants (see 41, 56,
69, 108). Owing to the fact that certain temporal suffixes nota-
bly the inchoative, the frequentative, the durative, the present, the
future, and the imperative imply to a certain extent intensive
actions, or actions that are being performed continually, the suffixes
for these tenses are frequently found added to the verbal stem whose
vowel has been diphthongized, while all other tenses are formed from
the simple root.
L/on- to tell 16.9 s s atfil f tcLfwa a nthus he was speak-
ing 16.6
ku*n- to bend down u l txu Tcwa' hu nt and (^ ne j) would
just bend down 11.9
u Hcwa Uu na't!ist and! he would con-
tinually lower his head 13.5
ikum- to close, to shut 48.8 u lns tkwa'mlsun and we two shall
keep on making dams (literally,
closing [the river]) 48.14
tu*tc- to spear 62.2 twa f tds wan spear it now! 64.2
twatci'tcuna u x they two are
spearing it 56.15, 16
qtfn- to pour 29.2 qwa n nyux pour it into his . . . !
29.2
L/OX- to send 16.10 L/wa'xyun (I) shall keep on send-
ing (them) 30.19
112
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 573
L!XU- to know 19.9 L/x u wa'x u yutsa'tci you shall know
me 30.17
ldk u - to take, to get 7.5 wan lakwa'~ku u n now (they two)
were taking them 52.16
hits- to put on 11.8 WyatsVtsun he is putting it on 11.8
dtx- to flop tfyatx it is flopping 36.23
llqa if he digs 84.2 yaflqaPn (they two) are digging
(holes) 84.5
tslL/- to shoot 8.6 ts { yaL!- to shoot
Intensity and duration of action of verbal stems whose root-vowels
are vowels of quantities and qualities other than I and u are ex-
pressed by means of amplification of the root by the insertion of a
weak vowel between its two final consonants. This process occurs
in a few rare instances.
anx- to give up 60.11 Icumi'ntcinl ana'xyun not we shall
give it up 16.8
hamx- to tie 8.6 ~k! Ef Lun hamafxyun tomorrow I
will tie it up
xnl w n- to do 10.5 s E aftsa u xiLn xmyunl w 'yun thus to
them two I will do it 88.14, 15
s E a'tsa u x'dn xniyuna fw un thus to
them two I intend doing it
Another example of stem-amplification for the purpose of express-
ing duration of action is furnished by the stem afq- TO LEAVE, which
is changed into ayaq-.
ta l 'Jc E ns aya'qyun here we two (incl.) will leave it 56.16, 17
Stem-amplification may have also caused the change of the root
L/xma l - TO KILL into L/xmlya { -.
yaP-'xct Into L/xmlya'yun ants Sival many people he is killing, that
Grizzly Bear 94.9
L/xmlya'yunanl we (incl.) are going to kill him 28.3
Siuslaw possesses a number of stems that occur in such double forms,
and I give here a few of the most important.
L/on- 16.9 L/wa a n- to tell 16.6
Jcu'n- kwa hu n- to lower one's head 11.9
tkum- 48.8 tkwam- to close, to shut 48. 14
t&to- 62.2 twatc- to spear 56.15
qu*n- 29.2 qwan- to pour 29.2
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L/OX- 16.10
~k u ts-
Ldl-
Ica^s- 92.7
ult- 76.10
lak u - 7.5
xau'- 40.21
kau'- 11.4
t!u- 74.5
t/E'mxu u - 48.12
tm/&Z- 58.7
40.11
11.8
hln- 9.5
%- 80.6
Mir,!- 8.6
q!u i p-
dtx- 36.23
/- 13.10
*- 12.10
#^-
hamx- 8.6
ana;- 60.11
xm w n- 10.5
/ani- 19.9
Llxma 1 -
L/wax- to send 7.7
Jcwats- to paint one's face
Lwal- to strike
to follow 92.3
- to snow
lakwa'- to take, to get, to fetch
52.16
xawa'- to die 15.5
ha'wa- to be ready 23.10
t!uha'- to buy 74.5
t/Emxwa- to cut into pieces
wilwa'- to agree 30.11
ya'xa- to see 20.10
htyats- to put on 11.7
hlyan- to take along
yalq- to dig 84. 5
ts { yaL!- to shoot
qfiiyap- to twinkle 36.14
<?Vfo- to flop 36.23
Vyat!- to eat
ttfyan- to come back
aya'q- to leave 56.5
hamax- to tie
anafx- to give up 16.8
xnlyun- to do 88.14, 15
L!x u wa- to know 30.17
Llxmlya 1 - to kill 28.3
Amplification of the stem seems to have been used in a few in-
stances for the purpose of expressing intransitive actions performed
by the third person singular. It will be remembered that this per-
son has no special suffix, the same being understood in the stem or in
the verbal suffixes. In some cases, however, Siuslaw adds a weak a to
the stem, provided the same is not followed by any of the subjective
suffixes (see 24).
' to quit, to be ready 28.2 wa'nwits ha'wa long ago it (was)
ready 23.10
xau'- to die 22.5 txun xa'wa 8i'n { xyutnE just I to
die am wanted 20.8, 9
yax- to see 40.11 txunx ya'xa si'^xyutnE merely
thou to (be) see(n) art wanted
20.10
112
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 575
t!u- to buy tsa'ntcfa tu'ha si'ntxyun if you to
buy want her 74.8
waa'- to speak 7.1 u l waa' and he said 12.10
In one instance the quality of this weak vowel has been assimilated
to that of the stem- vowel.
tqul- to shout 92.6 mita'tc w ax ants tqulu' waa! their
(dual) father, that one shouted
(and) said (tqu'lu instead of
tqu'la) 52.8
The Pronoun ( 113-115)
113. The Independent Personal Pronouns
The independent personal pronouns occur primarily in two forms,
according to whether they are used as subjects or objects of an action;
but, owing to the fact that from the subjective pronouns there is
obtained by means of the prefix q- (see 21) a discriminative form,
the independent personal pronouns may be said to have three dis-
tinct forms the discriminative, subjective, and objective or loca-
tive sets. Both the discriminative and subjective pronouns refer to
the subject of the sentence, differing, however, in so far as the former
applies to subjects of transitive actions, while the latter is used mostly
in connection with intransitive verbs. The discriminative form, more-
over, is employed whenever the sentence absolutely requires that sub-
jectivity of action be indicated (see 21, 111). To be sure, cases
where the subjective pronouns are used with transitive verbs are by
no means rare.
Siuslaw, like so many other Indian languages, has no distinct pro-
noun for the third person singular, this person being supplied by the
demonstrative pronouns s E a, s E a { na^ s E as (see 115). The first person
dual has two separate forms, one for the inclusive (I AND THOU), and
the other for the exclusive (I AND HE). Similarly, in the first per-
son plural are distinguished the inclusive (I AND YE) and exclusive (I
AND THEY).
These pronouns perform the function of a whole sentence, and may
be rendered by I, THOU, HE, etc., AM THE ONE WHO. . . .
113
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The tabular presentation of the independent personal pronouns is as
follows:
Subjective
Objective
Discriminative
Singular. . .
fist person . . .
1 2d person . . .
(.3d person-. . .
na'han, na
nlxats
ndtc
nlxatc
s E ai'na, s E ai'natc
qna'han, qua
qnlxats
8 E ds
Dual. . . .
["Inclusive . . .
1 Exclusive . . .
|2d person . . .
(.3d person . . .
nans
nau'xtin
nlxats
na't^ns
na'tcauxtin
nl'x^ts
s E aina'tcaux
qnans
qna'xfin
qnlxats
Plural. . . .
Inclusive . . .
Exclusive . . .
2d person . . .
3d person . . .
nanl
na'nxan
m'xats E tct
s E anx
na'tctnt
na'tcinxan
nl'xtc E tcl
qnanl
qna'nxan
qnl'xats E tcl
s E 'as E nx
This table shows that the independent pronouns are derived from
two stems no, for the first persons, and nix or nlxts for the second per-
sons; the first singular and all dual and plural persons being obtained
by suffixing the subjective pronouns for these persons (see 24) to the
singular forms. Thus the inclusive and exclusive dual nans and
naxun are composed of the first person singular na and of the subjec-
tive suffixes -ns and -xun. In like manner the inclusive and exclusive
plural nanl and na'nxan consist of na -\--nl and na + -nxan respectively.
The second person dual nlx a ts is abbreviated from an original
nl'xts E ts. This abbreviation is due to simplification of double conso-
nants (see 15), causing a phonetic similarity between the pronouns
for the second person singular and dual. In order to avoid possible
confusion, duality of subject is indicated by suffixing to the verb the
subjective pronouns for the second person dual. The second person
plural is regular, consisting of the singular form for the second person
plus the subjective suffix plural for that person.
The third persons dual and plural are obtained by adding the
subjective pronouns for these persons to the subjective form of the
demonstrative pronoun s E a.
The objective forms of the personal pronouns that is to say, those
forms that are used as objects of a sentence are formed by adding to
the subjective pronouns the local suffix indicating motion -to (see 90).
The form for the second person singular is the result of an abbrevia-
tion from an original nl'xts E tc caused perhaps by a reduction of the
cluster of final consonants.
H3
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 577
It will be noticed that the subjective suffixes employed in the forma-
tion of the corresponding dual and plural persons are added after the
adverbial -tc, a fcrait which Siuslaw has in common with the Alsea
language. The objective pronouns for the third persons have as
their basis the corresponding forms of the demonstrative pronoun.
For the sake of emphasis the subjective suffixed pronouns are some-
times used in addition to the independent forms.
Examples of subjective pronouns:
no! Kan u lntslL. fi ya's I have an arrow (literally, I am the one who
[I] is arrow-having) 50.16
a'tsan IE na.L/oxa'xam that's why this I was sent 21.8
na'han a'nts E nx si'rfxyuts I am that one whom you wanted 40.14
Icumi'ntcin na ntctci'tc wa'a l l not I anything will say (literally, not
I, 1 am the one who any thing will say) 74.9
k.'faa" na alone (was) 1 100.3
nlx a ts u l E nx qarii'nal hl'riisltl you'll take along your knife (liter-
ally, you are the one, you, knife take along will, yours) 50.16,
17
mx a ts Vt/a? you are eating
u l s E apEllftcHux and he will be first 10.1
nans hl'sa we two (incl.) are well
na u 'xun xa'tslu we two (excl.) are two 36.15
s E a u x ata's L/xu'yun they two only knew it 08.9
s E anx tsl'k/ya L/xu'yun they very (well) know it 72.1, 2
Examples of objective pronouns:
kumi'ntc hl if sa natc it is not good for me 12.2
u lnx natc Ll'wls then you shall come to me 44.6
Tcumifntc htf'sa nl'x a tc it (does) not (look) good on you 12.5
~kumi'ntc na'tc E ns si'n i xya tE qlutcflfnt not us two (incl.) like
these women 52.13
Examples of objective and discriminative pronouns for the third
persons will be found under " Demonstrative Pronouns" (see 115),
while the discriminative pronouns for the first and second persons
have been illustrated in 21.
114. The Possessive Pronouns
The independent possessive pronouns are compound forms con-
sisting of the following three separate elements: the independent
personal pronoun (see 113), the relative case-ending -Eml (see 87),
3045 Bull. 40, pt 2 12 37 114
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
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and the sign of possession -I (see 88). The sign of possession is not
present in forms that express the third persons as the possessor.
To these compound forms are added the suffixed subjective pronouns
(see 24) for the purpose of indicating the person of the possessor.
The suffixed pronouns, to be sure, agree always with the independent
pronouns that form the initial elements of the compound. The fol-
lowing peculiarities will be observed in connection with the pro-
nominal forms that enter into the composition of the independent
possessive pronouns:
1. For the first and second persons (singular, dual and plural) the
subjective forms of the independent pronoun are used. The stems
na and nix are employed for that purpose.
2. For the third person (singular, dual and plural) the objective
form of the independent pronoun (s E a if na) is used.
3. Singularity, duality, or plurality of the person is expressed, not
in the initial pronominal element, but in the suffixed subjective pro-
noun. Consequently the initial element remains unchanged for all
numbers.
Owing to the fact that Siuslaw has no distinct subjective suffix for
the third person singular, the suffix -to is added without the aid of the
sign of possession -I. Duality and plurality of the third person are
indicated by adding to -tc the subjective suffixes -a u x and -nx respec-
tively. -
In 88 the fact has been mentioned that possessive phrases are
verbalized by adding the auxiliary suffix -t (see 76) to the sign of pos-
session. This -t often figures in the composition of the independent
possessive pronouns, especially those for the first and second persons.
The following table shows the independent possessive pronouns:
1st person ....
na'm E lln, na'm E lltin
Singular . . .
2d person ....
3d person ....
nl'xamllnx, nl'xamlltlnx
s E aina'mltc, s E aina'ml
Inclusive ....
%a'm E llns, na'm E lltin8
Dual ....
Exclusive ....
2d person ....
na'm E llxfi,n, na'm E lltauxti,n
ni'xamllts, nl'xamlltUs
3d person ....
^aina'mltcwax .
Plural ....
Inclusive ....
Exclusive ....
2d person ....
3d person ....
na'm E llnl, na'm E llt inl
na'm E llnxan, na'm E llUnxan
nl'xamlltd, nl'xamlU E tcl
s E aina'mltcn E x
114
BOAS} HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 579
It will be noticed that the obscure E of the relative suffix -sml has
been contracted with the preceding vowels of na and s E a if na into a
clear a-vowel (see 9). The weak vowel in na'm E lln, na'm E llns, etc.,
is due to the law of sound-groupings (see 4).
The third person singular often loses its distinct suffix for that per-
son (-tc}. This loss is due to the fact that the form s E a i na'ml is in
itself capable of expressing a possessive idea that has the third person
as its possessor.
These possessive pronouns have the force of a whole sentence, and
may be properly translated Toy IT is MINE, IT is THINE, etc. They are
frequently used for the sake of emphasis in addition to the possessive
suffixes that are added to nouns, and in such cases invariably precede
the nominal concept.
wa'a l s E nx na'm E llt%n wafas you shall continually speak (with) my
language 36.13
na'm E lln qfa'll my pitch, this is my pitch
nafmFlitin lkwa'nuq u this is my hat
na'm E lln mith (he) is my father
nl'xamllnx Tco'tan your horse
nl'xamllnx mtta (she is) your mother
s E a i na f mltc wa'as wa^syaxcfin his language he had spoken 36.14
s E a i na f mltc Lao! his mouth
s E a i na f ml ~ko'tan his horse
na'm E llns led' tan our (dual, incl.) horses
na'm E llxhn tdL our (dual, excl.) hands
nl'xamllts ~kwlyd's your (dual) dog
s E a i na'mltc w ax Jco'tan their (dual) horse
na'm a llnl led' tan our (plural, incl.) horses
na r m E llnxan tE*q our (plural, excl.) relative 102.5
nl'xamlltci ts^q your (plural) relatives
s E a i na'7nltc i nx qal'tc their (plural) knives
115. The Demonstrative Pronouns
Although Siuslaw has a number of stems that are used as demon-
strative pronouns, there could not be detected in them such cate-
gories as visibility or invisibility, presence or absence, nearness to or
remoteness from the speaker. It is true that in some instances the
informant would render a certain demonstrative pronoun as indicating
nearness or remoteness; but this rendering was invariably caused by
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580 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
the leading character of my questions, and never appeared spontane-
ously.
The demonstrative pronouns, however, present another striking
feature that is not commonly found in the American Indian languages.
This feature consists in the fact that some of them occur in two dis-
tinct forms, one being used with subjects of the sentence, while the
other is applied to objects only. This fact serves as another instance
illustrating the extent to which the category of subjectivity and ob-
jectivity' permeates this language.
The following demonstrative pronouns have been found in Siuslaw :
ta a k has been invariably rendered by THIS, and in some instances
by HERE. It may be used in connection with subjects and objects
alike. Duality and plurality of subjects and objects are indicated by
the suffixation of the subjective pronouns -a u x and -nx respectively
(see 24).
ta a ~k psnifs this skunk
td a lc tExmu'ni this man
tsl'~k!ya his ts'q ta'Hn Idkwa'Tcun (a) very good thing this here I
have obtained 72.15, 16
L/wa'xan ta'Mn LIU' as a messenger here I come 17.6, 7
ta a 'lc w ax qa't&ntux these two will go 32.10, 11
ta af nx tExmu'ni these men
tE applies to subjects and objects. There can be no doubt that it
is an abbreviated form of the demonstrative pronoun ta a k (see above).
It was usually rendered by THIS or THE. When followed by the sub-
jective pronouns (see 24), the obscure vowel assumes a clear tinge
and appears as a distinct a-vowel.
u l wiEq!a lt tx haf'qmas Llya'wa tE lk!anu'k u and she danced near
the fire, this Screech-Owl 86.11, 12
LlJia'yax tE Llya'aP it passed (by), this fire 32.19
tl'J&n ts ta l this here is my house (literally, here I, this one, live)
58.8
s'a'tsa Jil'tcHc nictcima mu IE til that's why bear acts like a per-
son (literally, thus [of a] person his fashion [has] the bear) 60.26
utffnxaPn tspsni's she was afraid of this skunk 86.1
hlnafyun tE ml' Ida hltc he took along this bad man 23.2, 3
nl'ctcanx tanx ya^xa 1 qatx why do you cry much (literally, how [is
it that] you this, much cry) 94.16, 17
115
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 581
s s a'tsa tanx si'^xyuins that's why this you are wanted 18.4
lakwa'ultxaPx ta'tc w ax ql'utc ta u x tsimi'l'd qwoa'txa lw ax taken
away (were) these their (dual) wives, (namely of) them two,
Beaver and Muskrat 52.3, 4
.... ta'nxan hutcu if .... (as) these we (here) play 70.12
In some instances this pronoun may have a verbal force, and is
then best rendered by THIS WHO. . . .
s E a'tsa l l tla ir tE tat'yax thus ate those who lived (there) 82.12
s E as is used with subjects of transitive verbs only, and seems to
have a distinct discriminative character. In this capacity it exercises
the function of the missing independent pronoun for the third person
(see 113). It may either precede or follow the verb, although there
is a prevailing tendency to place it at the end of the sentence. It
may be translated by THIS or HE.
u l IHla'yun s E as and he devours him 94.10
ml'kla ts'q xau'un s E as bad something this (one) had killed 96.12,
13
s E as k u na c u xu'yun ants Ifl'a 1 he, perhaps, has scared away that
salmon 56.11
s E as qata'yun ants Lxauf he hooks that spear 64.7
s E a's E nl Wxa'yuts he killed us 28.3
s E a refers to subjects of both transitive and intransitive verbs.
The difference between this pronoun and the above discussed s E as lies
in the strictly discriminative character of the latter. It may best be
rendered by THIS, HE, and is mostly employed as a personal pronoun
for the third person singular (see 113). Duality and plurality of
the subject are indicated by suffixing to s E a the subjective pronouns
-a u x and -nx respectively (see 24).
s E a tExmu'nl this man
u l tsim s E a ya'q u 'yun always he sees it 68.22
u ls*& pull' tc* tux and that one will be first 10.1
s E a u x ata's Llxu'yun ll'tla 1 these two only know (where) food (is)
98.9
s s anx tsl'klya Llxu'yun hutcu' u these very (well) know (how to)
play 72. 1,2
In four instances this pronoun has been used as referring to objects.
I believe this use to be the result of erroneous application on the part
of the informant. The examples follow.
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582 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
s E a,L!xu'yun lk!an u wa'k u him she knows, Screech-Owl 86.7
s E a u ln ql'utc hawa'yun that one I (will my) wife make 90.1, 2
s s a atafs ants ma'qUnutnE (for) him only the dance was arranged
28.7
tPwa'tds wan s s a yt&ti'l'ma spear now that big (one)! 64.2
s E a if na refers to objects only, and serves as the objective form of
the missing personal pronoun for the third person (see 113). Hence
it may be rendered by THIS, THAT, HIM. By adding the subjective
suffixes to it (see 24), the dual and plural persons for this pronoun
are obtained.
ya af xa i hltc plna l tx ha 1 ^a v na many people were sorry for that
15.4
Jcumi'ntc&n na nictd'tc wa'aH psll'tc s E a if na not I anything will
say first (without) her 74.9
s E a'tsa u x u l kumi'ntc ts^q s E a if na u x that's why they two (cared)
nothing about them two 54.11, 12
tu, tu'a, a demonstrative pronoun that may best be rendered by
THAT ONE. It denotes subjects and objects alike. A comparison be-
tween this pronoun and the previously discussed s E a suggests that the
initial elements t and s may be petrified prefixes having the function
of demonstrative pronouns. This assertion receives further substan-
tiation from the fact that Siuslaw forms, in analogy to s E as, a discrimi-
native pronoun tu'as, and that it has two other demonstrative stems
whose initial elements are t- and s- respectively. These pronouns are
tu'aH THAT KIND and s E aH THIS KIND, and they may be explained as
being composed of t- (tu-) + -a l t and s- + -alt. The function of the
second element can not be explained. The t- occurs, furthermore,
independently as tE (see p. 580). *
The pronoun tu, tu'a, occurs also in dual and plural forms, obtained
by adding the subjective suffixes -a u x and -nx (see 24) to it.
tu yakla^'m qlutcu'ni that small(est) woman 88.12
Jcumi'ntc his tu tExmu'ni not good (is) that man 90.23; 92.1
tu'a tsxmu'm that man
qna'nxan Lslufyun tu'a u x xa'tslu we (incl.) are hitting those two
tu'anx tExmu'ni those men
LElu'yutsln tu'as that one is hitting me
tu'ctt that (is the) kind 102.2
kumi'nto Ms natc IE s E a { t L/a' ai not good (is for) me this kind (of
a) place 44.4, 5
1 The s as a demonstrative element has been also found in Alsea.
115
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 583
s*a*t* Lla' ai such (a) world 15.1
wa l ya a 'xa i tE hltc, s E a i tu' sl'n^xya although many (are) these
people, that kind (of a thing every one) likes 102.2, 3
ants is the only pronoun that may be said to contain a locative
force. It is invariably used in connection with objects that are away
from the speaker, and may be rendered by THAT ONE. It may refer
to subject and object, and is used in the singular, dual, and plural,
although in most cases duality and plurality are accentuated by suffix-
ing the respective subjective pronouns -a u x and -nx (see 24). This
pronoun may also have a verbal force, and is then best rendered
by THAT ONE WHO . . . , THOSE WHO. ... It always precedes
the noun.
hamxa^ni ants tssha u 'ya that tied (up) grass 8.6
s u lcwl f tc tsinq/t ants hltc very poor (was) that person 16.10; 17.1
ants qa l x last night (literally, that night) 40. 14
lk!an u wa'lc u wi'nxa^n ants psni's Screech-Owl was afraid of that
Skunk 86.5
ants lqa if 'tu ants Tsxuna'pLl t!l't!yun that tree on which
Tsxunpil (Coyote) was sitting 94.6
xau'naPxtin ants ml'Jc/a kite we two killed that bad person 96.8, 9
lakwa'lcu u n ants qlutcu'ni ants u x tsinl' Ltslnl' L those two otters
took away those women 52.16
ants L/a' ai hltc those many people 7.1
ants pEku' wi those who play 70.6, 7
atsl'tc waa'xam ants hltc tca'xaPt thus was toM that man who was
going back 30.13, 14
Ik/anH'lt* ya'fyun a'ntsux mEq!a l 'tx Screech-Owl watched those
two who kept on dancing 86.8
s E a'tsa xnl' w nls a'nts E nx pukwa 1 ' thus keep on doing those who
play shinny 78.17
In a number of instances two demonstrative pronouns are used, fol-
lowing each other in immediate succession. This is done primarily
for the sake of emphasis. In such sentences the second demonstra-
tive stem may be rendered by a relative pronoun.
ha ir natc a l 'sxa ll't!a l IE s s a q u L/ltc that otter is eating a different
food (literally, different her, also, food, [of] this here sea-otter)
54.7, 8
u l s E a tE t/amcif sk^n and this here (is) the little boy 94.16
u l waa'xam ants s E a qa't&ntux and was told that man who will go
16.7
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584 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
kumi'ntc w ax si'^xyun Ll'u ta'ls ants s E a they two don't want to
stay near here (literally, not they two, want it, near [to] keep
on staying, that one here)
Parallel to these forms are the indefinite, interrogative, and reflexive
pronouns. The following have been observed:
w(itc* It has the function of an interrogative, relative, and in-
definite pronoun, and applies to animate beings only. When used in
an interrogative sense, it is best rendered by WHO, while as an indefi-
nite pronoun, it is to be translated by SOMEBODY. The interrogative
character of this particle can be recognized only by the interrogative
tone of the sentence in which it occurs.
wdttftc led' tan whose horse (is it)?
watc xa'lntux somebody will climb up
watc tE f x a mtc ha 1 (he) who strong (is) his heart 10.1
watc L/xu'yun Lxatu' wi (he) who knows (the art of) running 78.18
tE*q is used as an interrogative and indefinite pronoun, and ap-
plies to animals and inanimate objects only. It may best be rendered
by WHAT or SOMETHING.
tEq what (is it) ?
hal'mut tE*q everything 9.5
tsl'Tcfya his tEq (a) very good thing 72.15, 16
~kumi'ntc i nx tEq you (will be) nothing 13.2
ats tEq waxa'ysxaywi when something will be given to him 18.5
u ls E a'tsa tEq qnuhu'yun that's why something he finds
In a few instances tEq has been rendered by RELATIVE. This free
rendering is perfectly justifiable, because in the instances quoted tE*q
implies the idea of BEING SOMETHING TO the person spoken to or
spoken of.
na'm E linx tEq you (are) my relative (literally, my something
you [are]) 20.6
ts'unstc tEq ants Iqlal'd'ma her own relative (was) that pelican
(literally, her own something) 46.1
An objective form of this particle has been found in one instance.
tE*qa u na'nl la'kwisun something we (incl.) will always get 72.17,18
taqa^na is the regular objective form of tEq> and occurs fre-
quently.
115
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 585
~kumri' ntcxun taqat'na wi'nx not we two (excl.) anything fear 94.17
sl'nxlt taqat'na he wants something 18.5
wa'srfsyanx taqat'na (when) you get mad at anything 36.11, 12
wa!a l s*nx tag/at' na (when) you will say something 38.4
Another objective form of this particle may be the form ta'qan,
occurring in one single instance.
t&'qan tsx tcaltcl'tc xifntmls why do you want to go anywhere
(literally, for something, perhaps, somewhere [you] keep on
going) 48.1, 2
tclnt, tct'nta u , serves primarily as an interrogative pronoun,
in which case it is rendered by WHICH ONE ? Its scope, however, has
been widened, permitting its use as a relative pronoun and in some
instances as a numeral adverb. In the latter sense the form tcint is
invariably used. It is then translated by WHOEVER, WHATEVER, or by
HOW MUCH, HOW MANY?
tci'ntaPn tsx Vkwafyun which one I (wonder) shall I take? 88.20;
90.1
td'ntctPnx si'n i xyun which one do you want? 40.4, 5
tci'nta u nictca*' ants hltc whatever does that man 70.22
tci!nta u hltc Llwa v whatever person came (here) 24.7
tcVnta u yi'lctftc . . . whosoever. . . is big 90.1
tdnt hltc qafntcya Llwa'wax whatever person from somewhere is
going to come 38.10, 11
td'ntlnx hl'qla how many shells have you? (literally, how many
thy dentalia shells?)
tcint led' tan how many horses?
. . . tcint tsxayu' wi ... on such a day (literally, [on] whatever
[a] day) 7. 3
ts'lms has the function of a reflexive pronoun, and is best ren-
dered by (I) MYSELF, (THOU) THYSELF, etc., or, when used with nouns,
by (MY) OWN, (THY) OWN, etc.
ts'ims s E atsl'tc ei'ri i xyat!ya to himself thus he always thinks 88.11
LElu'yun ts^ms I hit myself
ts^mstc tEq ants Iqfal'o'md ants squma' her own relative that Peli-
can (is of) that Sea-Gull 46.1, 2
L/xmal'yutsmin ts'ims m u u'sk u I killed my own brother
qa'w u ntl, qa'w u nfltc, imparts the idea of reciprocality, and is
best rendered by EACH OTHER, MUTUALLY. The difference between
the two parallel forms lies in the fact that the latter has been amplified
by means of the modal suffix -Itc (see 94).
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586 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
u l Tc/lx ts*q slcwaha' yusns qa'ixnntl everything was placed on both
sides 80.8
qaw u ntl'tc w ax win E xna'wa each other they two feared 86.2
qa'w u nti on both sides
The Numeral ( 116-117)
116. The Cardinals
1. al a q 18.7 16. Tcl'x E s u l qa'tlmx
2. xa'tsfu 30.23 17. Tcl'x E s u l xa'tsfu qta'max
3. ti'n a x 62.12 18. H 'X E S u l d'n a x qta'max
4. a'fe/m 40.23 19. Jcl'x E s U l7cumi'ntc al a q qat'nat
5. Lxa ir p*8 12.S 20. xa f ts!u Iclxe'stim
6. qa'tlmx 21. xa'tsfu Iclxe'stim u l al a q
7. xa'tsfu qta'max 30. d'n a x Iclxe'stim
8. d'n a x qta'max 40. xa'tsfun Iclxe'stim
9. a'l a qxa u t 50. Lxa^p^ Iclxe'stim
10. fe 5 8.1 60. qa'tlmx Tclxe'stim
11. iH'o;*5 w ^ tf^ 70. xa'ts/u qta'max Iclxe'stim
12. K'a:*s M Z xa'ts/u 80. d'nax qta'max Iclxe'stim
13. ~kl'x E s u lei'n a x 90. a'l a qxa u t qta'max Iclxe'stim
14 Tcl'x E s u lxa f ts!untca i xwi'yu 100. Tcl'x E s Iclxe'stim
15. ~kl r x E s u lLxa i 'p i stca i xwi'yu 101. Tcl'x E slclxe'stim u l al a q
By origin the Siuslaw numeral system is probably quinary,
although there seem to be only four simple numeral stems; namely,
those for ONE, TWO, THREE, and FIVE. The numeral xd'tsfun FOUR
is to all appearances a plural form of xa'ts/u TWO. The numeral
qa'tlmx six could not be analyzed. It is not improbable, however, that
it may signify ONE (FINGER) UP, in which event SEVEN could be ex-
plained as denoting TWO (FINGERS) UP, while EIGHT could be rendered
by THREE (FINGERS) UP. In spite of incessant attempts, the numeral
for NINE could not be analyzed. Its probable rendering may be sug-
gested as ONE (LACKING TO) TEN. The numerals for FOURTEEN and
FIFTEEN may be translated as by TEN AND FOUR ITS ADDITION and TEN
AND FIVE ITS ADDITION respectively. The exact rendering of NINE-
TEEN is obscure, while TWENTY evidently denotes TWO TIMES TEN, etc.
Siuslaw does not possess the series of ordinal numerals. These and
the numeral adverbs, such as the multiplicative numerals, are expressed
idiomaticaUy by means of adverbs or adverbial suffixes. The adverbs
psll'tc AHEAD and limnl'tc BEHIND (see 119) are very often used as
ordinal numerals for the first two numbers.
116
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 587
psnifs psll'tc u l lk!anu'lc u limnl'tc Skunk (doctored) first, and
Screech-Owl second 86.11
s^aHu'nipEll'tc xifntma i stun the biggest one first he took along
92.18
Qa'afteix psll'tc Llha'yax IE Llyafa? along North Fork at first it
came, this fire 32.19
Multiplicative numerals are sometimes formed by adding to the car-
dinals the modal suffix -Itc (see 94).
xats/uwl'tdn yixa'yun twice I saw him
a'lqa l tdn L/xu'yun qna once I knew it 92.12
' Ordinal numerals in the sense of AT THE FIRST, SECOND, etc., are
sometimes formed by suffixing to the cardinals the suffix -atu.
alqa'^tu tsxayu' wi on the first day, in one day
xats!uwa'*tu tsxayu' wi on the second day, in two days
xatsfuna^tu tsxayu' wi on the fourth day, in four days
The suffix for the numeral FIVE appears in a somewhat changed
form. Instead of the expected -atu, this numeral takes the suffixes
-tatu, -tyatu. The suggestion may be offered that the inital t- of
these suffixes is the adjectival suffix -t (see 104), and the -atu the
regular modal suffix. Of course, this does not explain the occurrence
of the semi- vowel y in -tyatu.
t/amdns tcl'ntux Lxa i pista n tu tsxayu' wi our (dual, incl.) boys will
return in five days 42.7
Lxa i p i stya^tu u lwan twin hltsi'stc on the fifth day he finally came
home 72.9
tal'ntux Lxatpistya'^tu tsxayu' wi he will come back in five days
40.25, 26
Two stems, ~k! l x and hai'mut, are used as definite numerals. The
former is best rendered by EACH, EVERY; while the latter, to all
appearances an adjective in -t (see 104), is best translated by ALL.
k!ix tEq everything 24.4
tExmu r mtc w ax ants t/amc kflx they two had each a boy (literally,
males their two, those boys, each) 40.19
ha ir mut ma'ltcH ants mmna'^q all elks got burned 34.18, 19
ha if mut qa't&nt sqa l lctcl'tc all go there 23.6
117. Tlie Decimal System
The units exceeding multiples of ten are expressed by forms whose
exact rendering would be TEN (TWENTY) AND ONE (TWO) as, for instance,
lcl'x E s u l a'l a q TEN AND ONE, etc. The "tens" are formed by means of
117
588 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40
the suffix -tim, that is added to the cardinal numerals for TEN. The
numeral thus amplified is preceded by the cardinals from TWO to TEN
(inclusive). Thus TWENTF, literally translated, means TWO TIMES TEN,
THIRTY signifies THREE TIMES TEN, and ONE HUNDRED denotes TEN
TIMES TEN. The numeral for THOUSAND was, naturally enough, never
used. The informant invariably gave the English equivalent for it.
The Adverb ( 118-121)
118. Introductory
Siuslaw has, comparatively speaking, a small number of adverbial
stems. These express ideas of a local, temporal, and modal character.
A few of them are compounds, that is to say, they consist of two or
more adverbs that occur independently also, while others occur
with the adverbial suffixes whose function is always in harmony
with the ideas expressed by the bare stem. Thus a few adverbs indi-
cating local ideas appear with the local suffix -to (see 90), while most
of the modal adverbs take the suffixes of modality -lie or -a (see 94
and 96).
It is quite conceivable that the final Jc in the local adverbs tile, stlmk,
and sqa l lc, may imply some local idea, especially in view of the fact that
both stlm and stlmk occur.
A very important law applying to local adverbs (and phrases) is the
fact that, whenever they are used in connection with nouns, the nouns
invariably take the locative case-endings (see 86).
119. Local Adverts and Phrases
a'mhattx in the middle tutl'm there 72.3
hatq ashore 44.7 tuqa'tmE over there, across
ha if qm,as alongside, near 25.4 tugya'a? 2 up-stream 32.22
ha u wl's beyond qaftltc* across the river, opposite
psll'tc ahead, first 32. 19 80. 16
m E yo z k u s in the beginning qa'tJci from here 60.4
82.11 qafxanttf under, down, below 8.10
tm'ts 1 here 17.3 qa'xun, ga u 'xun 5 high up, above,
tlk, ta l fc here 56.5, 19 on 8.7; 34.21
1 Probably related to the Coos tlu OVER THERE.
2 Alsea to'qwl.
*Coosqa'titc DOWN THE STREAM.
* Related to Alsea qe'xan UNDER, BELOW.
5 Coos qaxan- UP.
118-119
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIXJSLAWAN
589
on top 76.14
qafu'tc 71 below, down the
stream 62. 17, 18
qatwdcP below, down stream
80.6
tqa u wl f , tqa u 'wltc up-stream
56.8, 12
stlm, stlmk there 30.23; 32.12
sqa'tEm from there 34.3
sqa l k, sqek there 14.6
.3; 56.5
qan, qariistctitc down, below 12.6
qo r x u m off shore, out in the water
34.6
qtsl inside
limrii'tc behind, after, second 86.11
Inu outside 38.23
IA'U near (used also as a verb in
the sense TO COME, TO APPKOACH)
40.12
120. Temporal Adverbs
ats z at that time, when 16.8
ct'lal then, afterwards 34.3
hl'nalc! 1 right away 20.1
wafnwbts long ago, already
14.7
wifyu still, yet
yaftsa a long time 11.3
tafllts after a while 50.2
tiL awhile
Li'mqa quick,
tsafnx&ts yesterday
tsim always 15.5
ts'u'xtlts early in the morning 40. 9
tcl'ltyac Lla' ai sometimes 100.7
Jv\L i yaftsacL!af ai * after a while,
soon 7.7
Msa't today 38.16
Tc! E 'LU 5 tomorrow 60. 2
Inat always 13.3
right away 19.6
121. Modal Adverts
a'tsa, atsl'tc thus 15.5; 11.2
hl'catca a little
yaP'xa 1 much, many 8.5
yux u too much 12.2 -
ti'mwa together 40.18
nictcama if natfE differently
9.3, 4
s E a'tsa* s E atsl'tc thus 8.2, 7
s u lcwl f tc very, very much 16.10
d'ntcata in a circle
tsl'lclya very, very much 13.9
xyal'x, leu 1 xyal'x almost, very
nearly 11.1; 10.9, 11.1
Particles ( 122-133)
122. Introductory
Siuslaw has a great number of particles which serve to define more
Clearly a certain part of speech or even a whole sentence. Their
i Alsea qaux HIGH.
2 Possibly related to Coos qaya'atc DOWN THE STREAM.
3 See 136.
* A compound adverb consisting of the negation fc* NOT, the adverb yd'tsa A LONG TIME, amplified
by the obscure suffix -c, and of the stem Lla'ai (see 133).
6 By prefixing to this adverb the demonstrative pronoun ants, Siuslaw forms a compound adverb
ants k! E 'Lu, which is best rendered by YESTEBDAY.
See 125.
120-122
590 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
meaning was deduced mostly from the sense of the sentence in which
they occurred. These stems are either monosyllabic (in which case
they may be enclitic or proclitic) or they consist of two or more syl-
lables. A limited number seems to be composed of two or more
originally independent particles. As a rule, particles are not capable
of word-formation that is to say, they can not be amplified by means
of any of the grammatical processes, such as prefixation, suffixation,
etc. But owing to the fact that Siuslaw shows a tendency to keep
the verbal stem free from all subjective suffixes, these suffixes are
preferably added to the particles that precede the verb (see 26).
Some of these particles seem to be in reality verbal stems, but do not
convey a clear verbal idea unless used in conjunction with a proper
verbal suffix (see 135).
In accordance with their syntactic function, the particles may be
conveniently subdivided into the following categories:
(1) Pronominal particles.
(2) Numeral particles.
(3) Conjunctions.
(4) Temporal particles.
(5) Particles denoting degrees of certainty.
(6) Particles indicating connection with previously expressed ideas.
(7) Exhortative particles.
(8) Restrictive particles.
(9) Miscellaneous particles.
(10) Suffixed particle -u (-a*).
(11) The stem Lla' ai .
123. Pronominal Particles
The pronominal forms treated in 115 are used sometimes without
formative prefixes, and appear then like true particles. The follow-
ing are particularly used in this manner:
td a Jc this, here tE*q what, something
is this tcmt, tci'nta u which one, who-
tu that ever, whatever, how much,
ants that one how many
watc who, some one ts^ims (reflexive) self
qa'w u nti mutually
123
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 591
Related to tcint are the particles tclk WHERE, and tea, tcaltcl'tc
WHERE TO.
tclk, a local particle denoting REST. It may be used indicatively
and in an interrogatory sense. It is best rendered by WHERE.
tclk s E a i na'ml led' tan where is his horse ?
talk qnuhu'yun hltc where (ever) he finds a person 94.9, 10
Jcu* tclk nowhere 56.11
tclk ants kfalatu' u where that fun (is) 88.2
tclk ants yikti'l'mci lqa in tu where that big log (is) 88.17", 18
tea, tcaltcl'tc, a local particle indicating MOTION. It is used in
an interrogative and indicative significance, and is best rendered by
WHERE (TO). The form tcaltcl'tc may be explained as caused by the
double suffixation of the adverbial suffix -Itc (see 90, 94). Such
double adding of a suffix occurs in only one other instance; namely, in
the case of the nominal suffix -ax (see 101).
Tcumi'ntc tea yax nowhere (anything to) see 34.4
Tcumi'ntcxtin qa { ha f ntc tea ni'ctcls not we two (excl.) far some-
where will go 56.2
. . . tcan ts Liu' . . . where this I arrived 66.19
tcaltcl'tc LO L nl'ctux (I) wonder where he will go 64.20
tcaltcl'tc qa'ttfntyax he went somewhere
124:. Numeral JP * articles
Here belong the following stems: ya^xa 1 MANY (see also 12),
tE'mxut, tsi'nExma, tsVnlxt HALF, and lc E a l t HOW MANY. The particles
serving as fractional numerals invariably follow the noun they define,
while the two other numeral particles may either precede or follow it.
yixa'yun yau a 'xa i hltc I saw many people
tE'mxut ta'la half a dollar
hl'tc E tc tsi'nsxma ants t!l that bear is half a person (literally [a]
person [is] his [one] half, that bear) 60.16
fate tsi'nlxt ants t/l half human (is) that bear 60.22
These forms might also be considered as adjectives. It will be
noted that most of them end in the adjectival suffix -t (see 104).
125. Conjunctions
Only three particles were found that may be properly said to have
the function of our conjunctions. These particles are a'l'du, a if sxa,
and u l.
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592 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
a'l'du refers to nouns only, and its function is of an inclusive
character, indicating that the defined noun is included in the action.
It always follows the noun and is best rendered by LIKEWISE. It is
frequently used as a verb (see 135).
u l til a'l'du ma'ltcH Bear likewise got burned 34.16
hl'q u a'l'du mVltdst Wild-Cat likewise burned 34.17
ya u 'xa u x a'l'du IH/a'yun fern-roots they two likewise eat 98.15
qa l 'x E nx a'l'du ya'fhUux at night you likewise shall watch 70.18,
19
ai'sxa serves the same purpose as the preceding a'l'du, but
may either precede or follow the noun to which it refers. It is best
rendered by ALSO, TOO.
a'l a q tExmu'ni u l a'l a q qlutcu'ni u l a^sxa aqcFktctftc qa'ttfntux one
man and one woman too will go there 30.21, 22
ha ir natc a if sxa ll'tfa 1 her food belonged to some one else (literally,
different her, also, food) 54.7
u l has various functions. Its chief function is that of a copula
between nouns and sentences, and in that case is best rendered by AND.
Its position is free, although it tends to follow the noun and to
precede the verb.
a'l a q tExmu'm u l a'l a q qlutcu'ni one man and one woman 30.21, 22
mita'a l tin u l mtta'a l tin my father and my mother
psni's psll'tc u l l~k!anu'~k u limnl'tc Skunk (doctored) first, and
Screech-Owl second 86.11
s E atsl'tc waa', u l hl'q!a l t thus he said and started 22.5, 6
ta i u l Vt/a 1 ' he sits and eats
It serves, furthermore, to introduce a new idea, in which case its
functional character may best be compared to that of our syntactic
period. Its exact rendering is a rather difficult matter, unless the
arbitrary THEN be excepted.
L Ixu'yun ml'k fa tsl'lc/ya. L Ixu'yun hl'sa tk fan u wa'Jc u antspsm's.
Lna u ' wi hltc u i lqaqa l 'txa u npEna's she knew him (to be) very bad.
Screech-Owl knew that Skunk very well. At a rich man Skunk
was breaking his wind 86.5, 6, 7
s*atsl'tc waa if ants lie fanu'lc u . Ants plna'st u l ci'^xyat/ya aqa'wax.
u l s E atsl'tc waa' ants Ik/anu'^. Thus said that Screech-Owl.
Then that sick man thought of running away. Then thus said
that Screech-Owl 86.14, 15, 16
125
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 593
Finally, it may denote a connection with a previously expressed idea,
especially when used in conjunction with the particle wa* (see 128).
wa l yikt ants hltsl' 1 , u l ta'qnis hltu'stc although big (is) that house,
still (it is) full (of) people 25.2, 3
wa l tci'wa maj a tc ants lqa in tu, u l mUtca* 'although in the water lay
those logs, nevertheless (they) began to burn 32.22
wa l ya af xa l kite, u l ha ir mut s B as IHta'yun although many (were)
the people, still he devoured (them) all 94.10, 11
This subordinate function, as it were, is particularly brought out
when u l is followed or preceded by the modal adverb a'tsa, s B a f tsa THUS
(see 121). This phrase is invariably rendered by THAT is WHY.
a'tsa u l wan tEmu'tx hltcu' u that is why now people assemble 15.5, 6
a'tsan u lriJcumi'ntc si'rixyun that is why I don't want it 15.8
s E a f tsa u lTcumi'ntG nl'lcfa xi'ntmll hltc that was why not alone
traveled a person 94.11
u l s E a'tsa u l haya'mut htyatc L/xu'yun and this is why all people
know it
126. Temporal Particles
While Siuslaw employs distinct suffixes for the purpose of express-
ing the different tenses in the verb, it has a few particles that are
used to define more clearly the time, duration, or occurrence of a
certain action. These are used mostly in conjunction with the proper
temporal suffixes. The following particles serve this purpose :
dL denotes commencement of an action, and has been rendered
rather freely by NOW.
a'Lan lit fa' wax now I commence to eat
dL slLa'wax now he commences to swim
u l E nx aL hutca'tc now they began to play 72.23, 24
wan indicates finality, completion of action. It either pre-
cedes or follows the verb. The informant invariably rendered it by
NOW, THEN, but the most proper rendering would be FINALLY.
u lwan tc&n he finally returned 68.12
aqa'gaPx wan they two finally ran away 92.5
wan smutfa'f finally it ends 9.1
sqcfk wan hawa if there finally it ends 14.6
wa', waha' ', expresses repetition of action, and is best rendered
by AGAIN. It rarely occurs as an independent particle, being mostly
used as a verb (see 135). The explanation for the occurrence of the
double form has been given in 3.
3045 Bull. 40, pt 2 12 38 126
594 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
qa't&nt ants hltc waha' that man went again 19.5
IcHnlcya'waxan waha'wax I will look again 56.20
u lwan waha'ha^n qa'msk u tc finally again (said) to him his younger
brother 56.20, 21
u ln Tcumi'ntc xwl'L/tux wa'^tux I will not go back again 46.8
waha ir xalna ir ants ya lc u s again climb up those seals 62.10
Ityax- indicates short duration of action. It always occurs in
verbal form (see 135), and is best rendered by A WHILE.
ll'yaxEm qa'q u *nEm! listen a while!
ll'yax a xyaxan a u 'sisyax I slept a while
llyaxa'waxan a u sa'wax I intend to sleep a while 27. 5, 6
127. Particles Denoting Degrees of Certainty and
Emotional States
a'clcfali indicates a supposition on the part of the speaker, and is
best rendered by PERHAPS, (I) THOUGHT. It consists of two etymologi-
cally obscure stems, a'ckfa and li. The subjective pronouns, when
added to this particle, are always suffixed to the initial element, and
never to li. It is invariably placed at the beginning of the sentence.
a'cklanl tt xau' (I) thought you (had) died 68.14, 15
a'cklall atsl'tc xwlL/a'wax ants tfa'mdns (I) thought thus were
going to return our (dual, incl.) boys 42.9, 10
a'cklali qa'ttfnt he went (away) perhaps
ha'nhan emphasizes a statement as having actually occurred.
Hence it is rendered by INDEED, TO BE SURE. It precedes the verb.
u l wan ha'nhan s E atsa'tx hltcu' u now, indeed, thus people play 7.4
u l wan ha'nhan Llu'watix hltsifstc finally, sure enough, they were
coming to different houses 30.6
hank! "KIND OF," LIKE, has a double function. When used with
verbs, it implies that the action is not intimately known to the speaker.
When referring to nouns (objects), it expresses a comparison between
the defined noun and one already known to the speaker. It always
precedes the noun or verb.
hank! tciktc ha 1 he is in a way glad (literally, "kind of" some-
where his mind?) 70.15
kank! wi'nxHx ha} he is rather afraid
127
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 595
hank! hl'tc E tc nictdma mu ts qwo'txa 1 the beaver acts like a person
(literally, like a person his actions [of] this beaver) 54.11
hank! hltc (he is) like (an) Indian 102.5
(I) WONDER, SUPPOSE (IF), (I) DON'T KNOW. This particle
has a dubitative character, expressing doubt on the part of the speaker
as to the possibility or advisability of a certain action. It may refer
to any part of the sentence, but must always precede the verb.
tci'nta^n tsx Vkwa'yun I wonder which one (shall) I take 88.20;
90.1
ni'ctcl tEX xi'ntmls hltc (I) wonder how (a) person (can) keep on
traveling
ni'ctcan tsx nictca'wax (I doubt whether we) shall accomplish (any-
thing) 60.9
m'ctcanl tsx xawa'un (I) wonder how we (incl.) can kill him 15.7
fctl. This particle occurs in the texts only once; but, judging
from the examples obtained in conversation, it seems to express
agreeable surprise.
hl if san Jctt wan waa'yutswell he told me (I was agreeably surprised)
46.18
ta i Ml wan he is here (literally, he stays, surprise)
k (1) MAY, PERHAPS. This is a dubitative particle, occurring
also in Coos, 1 and denoting possibility of action. Owing to its dubita-
tive character, it has often an interrogative significance.
nl'ctca k u what is the matter? (literally, how, perhaps . . .) 90.12
TcHnkfyafwaxan tqa u iol f tc lc u waha'wax I may look again up-stream
56.20
nl'ctxan k u a'ntsin m.at!l' IE ku 1 tcl'nll what may (be the cause that)
that my elder brother, this here, not comes back? 58.1.1, 12
Vkwa'yunanx Jc u ti'l'a 1 you may get salmon 48.18
Jc u nci, a compound particle, consisting of the preceding one and
of the particle of interrogation na (see 131). Its significance is
dubitative, and it may be rendered by IT SEEMS, PERHAPS, MAYBE, (I)
GUESS. Its position is freely movable.
wan Jc u na ta'Mn s E atsl f tc a u si's now it seems, this I thus dream 70.1
ya^xa* Wl'a 1 tqa u wl' 7c u na much salmon may be up-stream 56.8
i See Coos, p. 385.
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596 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
s*as Jc u na c u xu'yun he, I guess, drove it away 56.11
lakwa'lcu u n Tc u na he took him (away), perhaps 58.14
~kumi'ntc ~k u na s E atsl'tc not thus (it is), I guess 21.10
xl has the same function as the previously discussed hank! (see
p. 594). It may best be rendered by (IT) LOOKS LIKE, AS IF.
xaftsfu xl kite ts Id'nna (it) looks as if two people here were talking
plnaHx xl (it) looks as if he were sick
tqaLcfi'txan xl I feel rather warm
Lo L (I) WONDER, (I) DON'T KNOW. It either precedes or else
follows the verb.
tea/ltd' tc LO* L riifctux (I) wonder where (he will) go 64.20
tea LO S L Ll'utiix (I) wonder where he will stop (arrive) 64.24
plna? LO L (I.) wonder whether he is sick
128. Particles Denoting Connection with Previously
Expressed Ideas
Siuslaw has only two particles that serve this purpose. These are
ni'ctcim and wa l .
nt'ctctm indicates causality, and is best rendered by BECAUSE.
. . . ni'ctcim sqa l lc m'wat/l . . . because there he frequently
came 68.4, 5
. . . ni'cteim s E as 'k^xa'yun IE hltc . . . because he made disap-
pear these people 18.8
. . . m'ctcimin mEq/yafwax . . . because I intend to dance 72.12
. . . ni'ctim E nx nam E l ts^q . . . because you are my relative 21.5
wa> is best rendered by ALTHOUGH, EVEN, IN SPITE OF. It may
refer to the sentence as a whole or to any of its parts. The complex
of ideas dependent upon wa l is invariably introduced by the conjunc-
tion u l (see 125).
cuqwa'an hawafyun, wa l cafyatc he passes it as roast, although
his penis [it was] (literally, roast he makes it) 90.13
n%'ctcfitn sqa l lc Ll'wat/l, wot y&'tsa, because there he frequently
came every time (literally, because there he came frequently,
even for a long time) 68.4, 5
wa l ml'lda^ Ltaya' u l Lxata if even on a bad place he runs 14.1
wot yikt ants hltsl'* u l ta'qms hltu'stc although big (was) that
house, nevertheless full (it was of) people 25.2, 3
128
BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 597
wal qafXj u l xmt in spite of (the fact that it was) night, (they) kept
on going 64.24:
wa> tEq mi'k/a u l IHlafyun s E as even (if it is) something bad still
she eats it 44.20
129. Exhortative Particles
qa l l expresses a polite command addressed to the first and third
persons. It is hence employed in the formation of the exhortative
mode. The verb usually occurs with exhortative suffixes (see 41,
48, 63, 64), although instances of idiomatic expressions are not lacking
where these suffixes have been omitted (see 139). This particle is
best rendered by LET (ME, HIM, us, etc.).
qaH qattfnl'xrm let him go!
qa ir la u x lakwl'm let them two seize (them) ! 52.12, 13
qaRnxcLL/l'tsmE Mtsl' i let me fix his house!
qaftwan a u 'stux let him sleep now! 27.8
tcu serves to emphasize the imperative and exhortative modes.
It invariably follows the verb, which must occur in either of these two
forms. It can not be translated easily. In some instances the inform-
ant rendered it by TRY TO.
qaqu'^nEm tcu listen now!
ll't/Emans tcu let us (incl. dual) eat!
qa'txEm tcu cry!
a u 'sEm tcu try to sleep!
tEm& indicates a polite command addressed to any person.
The informant rendered it by IT is BETTER TO. . . . Although it
usually followed verbs having imperative suffixes, I was able to ob-
tain examples showing the use of this particle in conjunction with
verbal expressions of a non-imperative character.
qioa^nyux tsma Laaya'tc better pour it into his mouth! 29.2
a u 'sEm tErna? (you had) better sleep!
tE7na wa'tux it is better (that) he should talk
alc u ha'n is apparently a compound particle, whose component
elements can no longer be analyzed. It has an emphatic character,
implying that a certain command addressed to the second person must
be obeyed. It is best rendered by MUST, NECESSARILY.
ll't/sm dk u ha'n you must eat!
L/wafnls cbk u ha'n you must tell him!
L/l'lls ak u ha'n you must hit him!
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598 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
130. Restrictive Particles
ata's limits the action to only one object, and is to be rendered
by ONLY, MERELY. It usually follows the restricted object.
lqa'qa l nx ata's your wind fcnly (is sick) 86.16, 17
pafl'u ata's qateut'txa^tnE from (one) well only it is being drunk
(plural) 76. 12
sqatJc wan ata's hawa ir only there now it ends 29.7
s*hs ata's L/xu'yun he only knows it 44.8
hctf'tsl has a restrictive function, and is best rendered by NOTHING
BUT.
hfy/ahaP'ni ants xu'nJia 1 ha^tsl nothing but dentalia shells these
(people) bet 78.14
ha i 'tsln Ico'tan yixa'yun nothing but horses I saw
txu MERELY, ONLY, JUST. It refers mostly to the verb, and may
either precede or follow it.
txu xyal'xi'sPin qa'ttfnt just a little ways he went 12.1
txu ll'tc E t ll'nlnx just Cougar (will be) thy name 13.5, 6
xa u w i ya i ' txu hicatca'sWin he merely came out for a little while 64.8
ll't/Em txu just eat! 40.26; 42.1
ci'^xyatlya txu he was only continually thinking 42.2
kumi'ntc txu qlutcunya't kite not for nothing a person gets a wdfe
(literally, not just a woman has [gets a] person) 74.1
131. Miscellaneous Particles
ku l , Ttumi'ntc, NO, NOT. These are two etymologically related
stems that are used as particles of negation. The final tc in TcumVntc
is the adverbial suffix (see 23, 94)
Ten* ci'l'xll he did not move 27.2, 3
leu* ni'ctca ni'ctcutnE nothing could be done to him 94.12, 13
~ku i ya'tsacL !a' ai not long then ... 7. 7
Icumi'ntc hl l 'sa not good (it is) 12.2
Jcumi'ntc llt/aya't ants Ico'tan not food had the horses 34.10
When followed by the subjective pronouns (see 24), leu 1 is con-
tracted into Tew. This contraction is not based on any distinct phonetic
law, but is the result of rapidity of speech.
~k f un'ya u x ya'xa u l mi'ck'la 1 not he saw their (dual) vulvas 90.3
Icwinx yaftsa s E a'ts s yax not they long (did) thus 11.3, 4
130-131
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 599
In certain cases the negated verb takes, beside the negative particle,
the distinct suffix of negation -ll (see 53).
ha", ha'nlk, YES, ALL RIGHT, are used as particles of affirmation.
Ad* yes, all right 21.8
hafivik yes
ha" 1 L%'mqan td'ntux all right, I'll come back right away 56.21, 22
ha u wa'nxan hatda' w un yes, now we (excl. ) shall ask her 74. 12
na serves as a particle of interrogation, and refers to the sentence
as a whole. Its phonetic similarity to the independent personal pro-
noun for the first person singular (see 24) is merely accidental.
nfotcl'tdn tsxna wa'a l s I wonder what shall I say? 74.7
plnd 1 na is he sick?
pakwa'wanx na are you going to play shinny ?
or, he, have an exclamatory character, and may be called inter-
jections.
a fi , nictd'tc pla a n na waha' whatl is he sick again?
he, Icumi'ntc hl fi sa nl'x a tc Hey! it (does) not (look) well on you
13.5
Tta'tl, JcatVxtt, an emphatic particle. It never occurs alone, being
always preceded by the negation Jcu*, kumi'ntc (see p. 598), and is
then best rendered by NOT AT ALL.
Icumi'ntc Tcatl' xa uff wl not at all he came out (from water) 64.7, 8
leu 1 Icati'xti L/xma* ants ya k u s he did not entirely kill that seal
64.12, 13
~ku l Tcati'xti xa u 'vnl not again he floated up 64.16, 17
tnJlntc, a temporal particle indicating time in general. It is ren-
dered by WHEN, SOMETIMES. The final tc is the adverbial suffix par
excellence (see 23).
mintcL/aya' some time
mintc LO L Ll'utux (I) wonder when he will arrive
mi'ntc i nx tca'xautyax when did you go home?
tsan, ants, Jcu 1 nats. These three particles are etymologically
related. The last one is composed of the particle of negation leu 1
NOT and of nats. The forms ants and nats resulted from the law of
consonantic metathesis (see 13); ants is easily confused with the
demonstrative pronoun of similar phonetic structure (see 115).
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600 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
These particles serve to introduce conditional clauses, and are best ren-
dered by IF, SINCE, leu* nats is rendered by IF NOT (see also 136).
tsa'ntci tu'ha si'n^yun ... if you want to buy her . . . 74.8
tsa'ntci si'^xyaxa^n, u ltci hatc'a'yun since you want her, (go and)
ask her 74.10, 11
ya a 'xa l kite tEm u wa ir sqatlc, ants ka i qa i/ ants haml'^td many people
assembled there, when (if) those whales come ashore 82.21, 22
. . . ants tlcwa'myax ants inq/a'a 1 when (ice) closed up that river
78.3
Whenever the subordinate clause is introduced by the negative Jcu*
nats, the co-ordinate sentence that follows must be preceded by- the
particle nats.
leu 1 nats xa'wa a xa a tnE ) u l nats tsl'~k!ya ml'lc/a L/a' ai if he had not
been killed, it would have been a very bad country 29.7, 8
Jcu { nats Ll'uyax, u ln 7iats nakwa'yatltl ha 1 if he had not come, I
should have been sorry
ni'ctca, nl'ctca, nlctx. These three forms are undoubtedly
etymologically related. Their primary function can not be easily de-
fined, owing to the fact that they are used for the purpose of ex-
pressing grammatical concepts of a varying character. The most
frequent uses made of these particles are those of an interrogative and
indefinite pronoun. The function of an interrogative pronoun is
chiefly confined to the form ni'ctca when followed by the demon-
strative pronoun tE (see 115), while it serves as an indefinite pronoun
whenever it is preceded by the negative particle Jen*, Icumi'ntc NOT.
nifctca is frequently amplified by means of the modal suffix -lie (sere
94).
ntfctca Jc u ts cuqwa'an tE ha'Tcwatlya what may (be the reason that)
this roast here continually falls down? 90.12
nl'ctcanx tanx ya^xa 1 qatx why do you (this one) cry (so) much ?
94.16, 17
ni'ctcan tsx nictca'wax I doubt whether (we) shall accomplish any-
thing 60.9
ni'ctcanl tsx xawa'un how can we kill him? 15.7
. . . m'ctca tE ta l . . . how this one was living 16.2
leu* ni'ctca nl'ctcutnE nothing could be done (to stop) him 94.12, 13
Tcu 1 ni'ctca qa'tc w ll not able to get a drink 76.11
Tcu 1 ni'ctca la'lcwll llt/ayaf she could not get food 96.16, 17
nwt(yL f tc E tcltEtEm u wa'tam . . . why you have been gathered 30. 17
131
BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 601
'kurm'ntc mctcl'tc d'nxll he thinks of nothing (else) 60.20, 21
lcu7nl'ntc E td nlctd'tc ta'tcl tEmu'uts not for nothing did I assem-
ble you (here) 30.18, 19
nlctx occurs in two instances only, and to all appearances has an
Interrogative significance.
nl'ctxan k u a'ntsln mat!l f tE leu 1 ten,' nil what may (be the reason that)
my elder brother here does not come back? 58.11, 12
nlctx ~k u a'naxa 1 how (would it be if) he were given up? 64.26
In a great many cases m'ctca and nl'ctca are used as verbs with a
significance that adapts itself to the sense of the sentence (see 135).
The particles are then verbalized by means of some of the verbal
suffixes.
Itu 1 nl'ctca nl'ctcutnE nothing could be done (to stop) him 94.12, 13
~ku l nl'ctca tcaltcl'tc ni'ctwl not can anywhere (they) go 76.14
Tcuml'ntcxiin m'ctcls not we two (excl.) will Tceep on going 56.2
m'ctcan tsx nlctca'wax I doubt whether (we) are going to do (any-
thing) 60.9
nl'ctcatfa u x sttrixyun to fight mutually they two want (it) 52.2
In one instance the addition of a nominal suffix has transformed
nl'ctca into a noun.
Tcumi'ntc qwatc L'!xu'x u n nl'ctcatc ants nl'ctdsl no one knows what
happened to them (literally, how their arrival) 40.15, 16
132. The Suffixed Particle -u (~a fi )
It indicates an action, transitive or intransitive, that is performed
near the speaker, and may be added to stems other than verbal. It
always stands in final position as a loose suffix. Since similar forma-
tive elements expressing other locative categories were not found in
Siuslaw, and in view of the fact that Alsea employs, besides this suffix,
many other suffixes denoting location of action, I am inclined to believe
that this element represents a formative element borrowed from Alsea.
The Siuslaw render it by HERE, THIS WAY. A peculiar phonetic
law seems to be intimately connected with this particle. When follow-
ing the consonantic cluster nx, it causes the dropping of the x (see 4).
The interchange between u and a^ has been discussed in 2.
follow 92.7 lc i was i yu'tsana ii you will overtake
me 92.3
above 80.12 yu wi L/a'tx gaPxtinu' it broke on top
94.4
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602 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
qaft<&ntux he will come qa'tctntuxaP n&tche will come to me
own' L! Em come backl xwiL/smaP come back this wayl
Llu'unanx they come (trans.) LWfunanaP tei'wanE they come
out from the water
xifntanx they travel 88.20 xi'ntana? ti'mwa they travel this
way together
ya'quytfnanx thou art seen ya'guyunana" 1 thou art seen here
qathafn from afar 56. 8 gathafhcmaP Liu' he came from afar
sqa' tEin from there 34.3 sqaftmanu tslL/a f L!a u n I shoot at
him from there
133. The Stem L!a /ai
The original function of this stem is that of a noun denoting PLACE,
COUNTRY, GROUND, WORLD, and it occurs in this function in a great
many instances. Its locative form is L/ayaf or L/ayu's (see 86).
ml'Jc/a L/a' ai a bad world 29.8
yakHsk'wiu' L/aya' u l tlyu' wi on a small place they were living
38.19
mi'tchstun L/ayu'stc he made (them) fall to the ground 94.7, 8
In most cases, however, it is used with a significance which, while
intimately connected with its original meaning, seems to lend to it a
peculiar function. Thus it is employed in the formation of verbs
expressing meteorological phenomena, and serves as the (impersonal)
subject of such verbs.
hi'n'Tdya L/a' ai it rained 78.1
Tc!u x wlna if L/a' ai ice (appeared) all over 76.11
qa if x^xyax ts L/a' ai it got dark 34.4
na'qutyax L/a' ai it got cold 76.10, 11
hu u 'nyax L!af ai it was dark (foggy) 34.8, 9
Tcumi'ntc wl'Lll ants L/a' ai there was no low tide 34.22
qlunEmat' L/a' ai (when) winter begins 78.5
From the Siuslaw point of view this application of L/a' ai is perfectly
justifiable, because to his mind verbs expressing natural phenomena
represent real actions performed by the UNIVERSE as a personified sub-
ject. Consequently he renders our neutral phrases IT RAINS, etc. , by
THE WORLD RAINS, etc., using the noun L/a' ai as the general subject of
the action.
As a further consequence of this general significance, L/a' ai is used
to denote plurality of subjects and objects, especially in cases where
the verb is used in its singular form (see 78, 79, 139).
133
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 603
tfamd'l'ma L/a' ai all the children 34.6, 7
qlutcu!n% L!af ai many women 82.14:
SExaP'tc qaafxam ants L/a' ai ts"q into the canoe were put many
things 34.5
mEtd't^tc xwa'Jca ants L/a' ai one-sided their heads (of) those
(people) 70.5, 6
ya af xa i xu'nha 1 L/a' ai they bet a great deal 70.6
'hlq!aha uf ni L/a' ai many dentalia shells 70.6
tsl'lc!yaml f ~k!awa J 'nwT,tsL!a fai very bad (things existed) long ago
14.7
stlm L. r a' ai ma'q/ls there they keep on dancing 29.3
waa'a^tsms ants L/a' ai kite he said to all his people 7.1
pEku' u L/a' ai they play shinny 9.4
L/dxa'xa^tsmE hltc L/a' ai he sent all his people 30.1, 2
Jc!u x wl'nun L/a' ai he ma'de ice all over 94.2, 3
teit'cftfun L. f a' ai he caused the wind to blow all over 94.5
This stem occurs also as a suffix. In such cases it is abbreviated
into -L! (see 77).
134. Nouns and Verbs as Qualifiers
Siuslaw has no means of indicating by a grammatical device the
sex of a given noun; that is to say, it does not exhibit grammatical
gender. Hence, whenever it is desired to distinguish between the
male and the female of a species, the nouns tExmu'm MAN and
qlutcu'ni WOMAN are used as qualifying a given appellative term.
The qualifying noun either precedes or follows the qualified term.
qlutcu'ni ~kwl'yos a female dog
tExmu'm Ted' tan a male horse, stallion
tsi'sqan qlutcu'nl a female deer, doe
la'Tcukyax hltu'tc tExmu'nya she took a male person 60.23
tExmu'nitc w ax ants tfamc Icflx they two had boys each (literally,
male their [dual] those infants each [are]) 40.19
Not infrequently verbs are used to qualify the actions implied
by another verbal stem. The qualifier has then the function of a
modal adverb, and its significance may best be compared to that of
our adverbs ending in -LY. The position of the qualifier is freely
movable.
u lsLdxu'x u xwlL/a'L/ so down(-wardly) he came back (literally,
he slid down and came back) 12.6
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xawa if filtc u l Icwni'ntc td'nil xwl f L/ll (when) a person dies, (he
will) not come back (by way of) return(-ing) (literally, not
he comes back [and] returns) 42.11
mita'tc w ax ants tqulu' waaf their (dual) father, that one, shout-
ed, saying (literally, shouted [and] said) 52.8
135. Particles as Verbs
The frequent use of particles as verbs constitutes a characteristic
feature of Siuslaw that is chiefly due to the fact that the majority of
stems are neutral, deriving their nominal or verbal significance from
the nature of the suffix that is added to them (see 22). Conse-
quently any particle (or adverb) may serve as a verb when occurring
with the proper verbalizing suffixes, mostly the pronominal and tem-
poral elements.
hat'qiqyax it was (coming) ashore
56.13
yoftsa s E a'ts E yax for a long time
thus they (did) 11.3, 4
stlmts ya'xtux there you two will
multiply 32.6
al'twa'wanx also you (come) 16.4
a'l'tutunx hutcu u 'stc also you will
(have) fun 22.8
u la u x al'twa*' hltu'stc they two
again were among people 98.17,
18
u lwanwaha'ha' il n qa'msk u tc finally
again (said to him) his younger
brother 56.20, 21
wa'^tunx 7n u qwa'LEmtc wa'as you
will again (talk with) Crow's
language 38.8, 9
llyaxa'waxan a u sa'wax a little
while I intend (doing it), (namely
to) sleep 27.5, 6
tcftnta u mctcd 1 ' ants hltc whatever
shore ( 119)
s E a'tsa thus ( 121)
ya^xa 1 many ( 124)
afl'du likewise ( 125)
wcf, wahaf again ( 126)
ll'yax- a while ( 126)
ni'ctca ( 131)
does a man 70.22
Tcumi' ntcxtin ni'ctcls not we two
(excl.) will keep on (going) 56.2
136. The Conditional Clause
The rendering of the conditional clause in Siuslaw is accomplished
in so many different ways, that it was thought best, for the sake of
135-136
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN . 605
conciseness, to devote a separate section to this subject. The usual
procedure is to introduce a conditional clause by means of the tem-
poral adverb ats AT THAT TIME, WHEN (see 120), or by means of
either of these three related particles: tsan, ku* nats, ants (see 131).
ats tE<i waxa'yExaylm if something (will) be given to him 18.5
tsa'ntcfa tu'ha sifrfxyun if you (to) buy want her 74.8
ya a 'xa i hltc tEm u wa if sqa l lc, ants ha i qa i ' ants hami'*tci many peo-
ple assemble there, when those whales come ashore 82.21, 22
Tcu* nats xaf wa a xa u tnE if he had not been killed 29.7
There are, however, other ways of expressing a conditional clause
that are resorted to more frequently than the process just mentioned.
Of these, the use of the past tense as conveying conditional ity is of an
exceedingly frequent occurrence, and is due to the participial function
that is assigned by the Siuslaw to that tense (see 74). In such cases
the conditional clause tends to precede the sentence expressing the
co-ordinate thought, although instances of a reversed order are by no
means rare. The verb of the co-ordinate clause takes usually (but not
as a rule) the durative suffix (see 69).
td'lc E nx ya'xyaxa^n hltc, u l E nx L/wa'nlsun if somewhere you see a
person, you will tell of it (literally, having seen . . . ) 38. 12, 13
wa'srfsyanx taqa if na^ u l E nx tsl'lc/ya qa u 'xun wa'a l s if you get mad
at anything, you very loud will always talk (literally, having
become mad . . . ) 36.11, 12
Ll'wayanx mqla'ltc, u l E nx qnuwl'wus whenever they came into a
river, they would find (literally, having come . . . ) 66.21, 22
Lluna u ' w ya u x, u l s E atsl'tc waa'yun when they two came together,
then thus she said 46.7
inqfa'ltc kite ta ir yax, u l ya^xa 1 sinq! if in the ocean a man lives,
(very) much he is hungry 44.12, 13
tsl'k/ya his atsl'tc wa a 'yax veiy good (it would have been) if thus
he had said 42. 13
The conditional clause is also expressed by the use of the future
tense.
si f n { xyunE tstilna'tc xawa'a u , a u 'stuxax it was desired (that) with
an arrow he (should) be killed, if he should (be a) sleep(er) 24.1
tsl'~k!ya his tfa'mdns td'ntux very good (would it be) if our chil-
dren (dual incl.) should come back 42.6, 7
hawa if tux ts tsi'L/l, u l E ns tslLla't E tux when finished will (be) these
arrows, then we two (incl.) will shoot 50.14
sl'^tunX) u lnx qnl f x a ts xnl' w nlsun when (if) you will grow up, then
you will do it 98.10
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606 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The conditional clause may also be expressed by the verb in its
present tense.
sif^xyanx llt/aya'^ u lnx natc Ll'wls if you want food, then you will
always come to me 44.6
tEq xawa*' pi'*tsis, u l s E as Vt/a'yun ha i 'qyax if something dies in
the ocean, he eats it (it) having come ashore 44.19, 20
wlLa 1 ' L/a' ai u l ha^qmas tcl'wa xi'ntmE when the water is low,
alongside of the beach he travels 46.16
tain hltsi'stc ants qwo'txa 1 , atsl'tc waafyutsms ql'utc when he gets
home, that Beaver, thus he says to his wife 48. 17
137. VOCABULARY
All Siuslaw words may be divided into two distinct classes, those of
a denominating character and neutral stems. To the former belong
all nouns of relationship, terms denoting parts of the body, animal
names, words expressing natural objects, etc. These nouns never con-
sist of more than three S3^11ables. By far the greater part of the
vocabulary consists of neutral stems, whose nominal or verbal function
depends solely upon the sense in which they are used in a sentence and
upon the functional value of the suffix with which they occur (see 22).
These stems are mostly monosyllabic, and consist of a vowel and con-
sonant, of a consonant or consonantic cluster followed by a vowel, or
(in most cases) of a consonant vowel and consonant.
a u s- to sleep 24.1 aq- to take off 13.1
anax- to give up 16.8 a l q- to leave
aq- to go away 52.10 aHc- to trade 36.4
iLf- to break 94.4
wa- to speak 7.1 qaa- to enter 34.5
tat- to sit, to live 16.2 xau- to die 16.8
stf- to grow 98.10 Ik fa- to open (one's mouth) 28.2
rriEq!- to dance 19.2 xintm- to travel 12.10
xdLf- to do, to make 50.8 tqul- to shout 52.8
yax- to see 20.10 dl'x- to shake 27.2
winx- to be afraid 17.6 Lfwan- to tell 17.1
qatc E n- to go 8.2
As examples of bisyllabic stems, the following may be given;
wasrfs- to be angry 36.11, 12 tsmu- to assemble 7.3
qaqun- to listen Jcfd'la u - to be tired 36.21
sinxi- to desire 11.7 xU'xcfc- to work 48.10
hafn E nlt!- to believe 46.3
137
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 607
Onomatopoetic expressions are exceedingly rare, being confined to
three animal names and one verbal stem.
mi'tcmitc grouse (probably called so from its cry mit-mit)
pupuhu'nik! owl
qo'qoq swan (white)
xun- to snore u l wan xu u n now he snores 27.9
A few terms appear in a reduplicated form (see 109).
138. STRUCTURE OF SENTENCES
The absence of nominal incorporation and polysynthesis as gram-
matical devices renders the Siuslaw sentence subject to easy analysis,
and prevents the many complications that are met with in many other
American languages. Each part of the sentence such as subject,
nominal object, predicate, and attribute is expressed by means of a
phonetically independent word. The successive order in which these
parts of a sentence are arranged is arbitrary and exempt from an} T
well-defined rules. The subject may be placed at the beginning or at
the end of the sentence, usage favoring its occurrence at the very end,
especially in cases where the sentence contains a nominal subject and
object.
lk!anu'Tc u u lmsqfa lf tx ha if qmas Llyafwa Screech-Owl was continu-
ally dancing alongside of the fire 86.2, 3
lJcfan u wa'lc u wi'nxcfin ants pEni's Screech-Owl fears that Skunk
86.5
tsl'lclya wi'nxcfln ants psm's Hc!a?i u wa'Jc u very much is afraid of
that Skunk, Screech-Owl 86.3
pitca'ya u x Iqatuwlyu's ants qltitcu'ni they two go over logs, these
women 88.15, 16
Nominal objects may either precede or follow the subject of the
sentence.
hlna' w un ants plna'st lk!ari u "wa'lc u she intends to take along that
sick man, Screech-Owl 88.1, 2
waa'aPn sgumo! ants Iqlal'o'ma said Pelican to that Sea-Gull 44.17
Of a similar free position are those parts of the sentence that
express adverbial ideas. They may precede or follow the verb.
u la u x td'watc hakwa'a 1 they two into the water will be thrown
88.7, 8
xa'l l nt qa'xuntc Iqatuwlyu' stc he climbs up on a tree 12.4
yak!isk' > inu t Lfaya' u l tlyu' wi on a small place they live 38.19
Vlcwa' yunanx Jc u Wl'tf ssxa* 1 ' you may get salmon in the boat 48.18
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608 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Nominal and adverbial attributive complements may precede or fol-
low the noun or verb, excepting the demonstrative pronouns ants, IE
(see 115), which are usually placed immediately before the noun.
Owing to the fact that all adjectives are intransitive verbs, they seldom
refer to the noun, and are freely movable.
ya^xa 1 Jiltc plnaHx ha 1 many people were sorry 15.4
yixa'yun kite yoP'xa 1 he saw many people
wi'nxaPn tsl'lclya tEpEm's she was very much afraid of Skunk 86.1
twfTc!ya u x xau' sl'n l xyun very much they two wanted him to die
86.19
yuwa'yun ya af xa i ants q/a'ilthey collected lots of that pitch 88.5, 6
LxaUyaaBCtP'nt ants psm's that other skunk 86.18, 19
yikt ants hitstf* big (is) that house 25.2
hl'tc E tc nictelma mu tE til a person's fashion (has) this Bear 60.26
The same freedom of order as is exhibited by the different parts of
the sentence is found in the relative position of coordinate and subordi-
nate sentences. Subordinate clauses are usually introduced by parti-
cles, and they may precede or follow the principal clause.
wa l tdi'wa ma a tc ants lqa in tu, u l mUtca if although in the water lay
those logs, still (they) burned 32.22
ni'ctchm sqa% Ll'wat/l, wa l yaftsa because there he came fre-
quently, even for a long time 68.4, 5
yaP'xa 1 hltc, u l tEmPwa*' sqa l h, ants ha i qa i> ants liaml'^tcl many
people assemble there, when those whales come ashore 82.21, 22
ts*q xawa if pl'^tsis, u l s E as Vt/a'yun ha if qyax when something
dies in the ocean, he eats it after it has come ashore 44.19, 20
139. IDIOMATIC EXPRESSIONS
Here belongs in first place the manner of expressing comparison of
adjectives. The comparative degree is expressed by using the objective
form of the pronoun (or noun) for the compared object, which is in-
variably placed at the end of the sentence. In some cases the idea of
comparison is brought out more forcibly by the adverb psll'tc AHEAD,
FIRST, following or preceding the object.
s E a his natc he is better than I (am)
na'han hl'sa nl'x a tc I am better than you (are)
yikti'l'man s E a if napEll'tc I am taller than he (is)
yikt s E apEll'tc na f tc E nl he is taller than we (are)
139
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 609
The superlative is expressed in the same manner, although the aug-
mentative or diminutive suffixes (see 83, 84) or the suffix -uni (see
102) are preferably used to indicate the superlative degree.
l' na uwi s s a ndtcPnxan he is (the) richest of us all
s E a yaJcfi'sk'in tExmu'ni he is the smallest man
na'lian y%kt%'l'ma I am the tallest
s E a yilctu'ni that biggest one
tu yalc!a u 'ni that smallest one 88.12
A very important example of idiomatic phraseology is the (collo-
quial) use of the singular number for the plural. It will be remem-
bered that Siuslaw has only two suffixes expressing plurality, neither of
which is used consistently (see 79, 80). In many cases the adverb
ya^xa 1 MUCH, MANY (see 121), the numeral particle fia if mut ALL (see
124) or the stem L!a' ai PLACE, WORLD (see 133), is employed for the
purpose of denoting plural subjects and objects, and, while these stems
are at times used in conjunction with one of the plural suffixes, they
more frequently express plurality without the aid of these suffixes;
that is to say, the verb is more often used in the singular form.
ya^xa 1 L!a! ai hltc yixa'yun he saw many people 70.2
ya^xa 1 Jtitc plna l tx ha 1 many people were sorry 15.4
ha if mut . . . l l lcwa if all get it 82.6
lat'qat skwaha l 'tx xwaJcl' ants Lfa' ai feathers have on their heads
those people 10.9
Very often, however, the singular number has a plural function,
even without the aid of any of these particles, as may be seen from the
following examples:
s E aftsa in/a 1 ' ts ta if yax thus eat those who lived here 82.12
u l tqa u 'wltc taya 1 ' they lived up stream 82.12, 13
u l tE?n u wa i/ sqa l Jc they assemble there 82.21, 22
c\fn a xtc ya'xa" 1 ants ya*lc u s three were the seals (literally, three his
number, that seal) 62.16, 17
xa'ts!u Mtcllqa*' two people dig 84.2
si'ri i xyun Iqla'nu they wanted (to buy) hides 100.15
hlq/aha^'ni ants xu'nJiat ha if tsl nothing but dentalia shells these
(people) bet 78.14
Another peculiar idiomatic expression is found in the manner of
expressing an act performed by two subjects, both of whom are men-
tioned. This is usually done by adding the subjective pronoun for
139
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 39
610 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
the third person dual -a u x (see 24) to one of the subjects, using the
other in its absolutive form. The noun taking the pronominal suffix
occurs invariably in its discriminative form (see 111). It is not abso-
lutely necessary that these two subjects should follow each other in
immediate succession.
s E aftsatc nictcimcfmu IE squma' wa'nwits lq!al'dafma u x thus was
long ago the custom of pelican and sea-gull (literally, thus his
custom, [of] this pelican long ago, [of] sea-gull, [of] them two)
48.4, 5
qwo'txa 1 tsbmtt'a'wa u x tat beaver and musk rat lived 48.6
s E atsl'tc w ax halk! ma'q u L ts uma'll w ax thus is told the story of
Crow and Thunder (literally, thus their two, story, Crow [of]
this [and] this Thunder [of them two] 38.18
glutci'l'ma ltEkwa'ntc w ax ta l ti'mwa an old woman and her grand-
child lived together (literally, old woman, her grandchild, they
two, lived together) 96.15
u la u x stlm qa'txast ants tExmu'ni qayu'tc E tc w ax they two there
commenced to cry that man and his wife (literally, they two,
there, commenced to cry, that man, his wife, they two) 58.17, 18
LxaPyaxaFni ants psni's tsl'lc!ya u x xau' si'^xyun ants plnast (he
and) that other skunk very much they two wanted (that) that
sick man (should) die 86.18, 19
An idiomatic expression of irregular occurrence is the formation of
the imperative mode of a verb that is preceded by the stem hau- TO
STOP. Such a phrase consists of the imperative form of the verb TO
STOP followed by the demonstrative pronoun s E a, and of the past tense
of the verbal stem that expresses the prohibited action.
ha' urn s E anx qaftxyax quit crying! (literal^, stop, this one you
[who] has been crying)
ha'um s E anx ts^L/yax stop shooting!
ha'um s E anx qa'Lxyax stop counting!
The verb expressing the prohibited action may sometimes occur
without the suffix for the past tense.
ka'umatci s E a'tci waana'wa stop talking to one another!
ha'um s E anx c u xu'yun IE Ted' tan stop scaring these horses!
As the last instance of idiomatic phraseology may be mentioned the
use of the durative as a negative imperative, a use that has been fully
discussed in 40, 60, and 61.
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POAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 611
TEXTS
THE DEATH OF GRIZZLY BEAR 1
Wa'nwits. 2 Tsl'klya 3 ml'kla wa'nwits 2 L!a' ai . 4 K!exu /5 L!aya /6
Long ago. Very bad long ago world. Each on place on
u i 7 sVt 8 L!a' a1 . 4 SVtsa 3 hl'q!aq!yax 9 wa'nwits. 2 M J ya'k!a 10 h'ya'tc 11
then such world. Thus it had started long ago. Bad person
Ftla'yun. 12 Swal 13 i'tla'yun 12 hltc L!a' ai4 wa'nwits. 2 Hltc
devoured him. Grizzly devoured people many long ago. Person
p a a !/ Ln 14 qatc'na 1 ', 15 u l s E as 16 Llxmal'yus 17 u l llUl'yus. 18
to hunt goes, then he would kill him and would devour
him.
Ya a 'xa i19 hltc plna'^tx 20 ha 1 sV'na. 21 u l tEmu'tx 22 hitcu' u . 23
Many persons sorry their hearts for that. Then assemble (pi.) people.
Sin E xyu' u24 xaLla'tiltx. 25 Tsiin 28 xawa'aV 7 A'tsa 28 u l wan 29
Desire (pi.) be fixed his Always killed That's why now
(disposition). shall be.
tEmu'tx 22 hitcu' wi . 30 u l waa T 'tx 31 matiyu' u32 ts 33 L!a' ai . 4
assemble (pi.) people. Then say continually chiefs (of) this region.
"Pla'ntxan 34 ha 1 tsi'klya. 3 M'cteanl 35 tEx 36 xawa'un? 37 u i
"Sorry our hearts very. How we doubt kill him? For
1 See Leo J. Frachtenberg, Lower Umpqua Texts, Columbia University Contributions to Anthro-
pology, Vol. IV, pp. 15 et seq.
2 Temporal adverb ( 120).
3 Modal adverb ( 121).
< See 133.
B k.'lx EACH, EVERY ( 124, 2); -u local suffix of rest ( 91).
8 L/a'ai particle ( 133); -a locative case ( 86, 8).
i Conjunction ( 125).
8 Demonstrative pronoun ( 115).
9 hlq!- TO START, TO COMMENCE ( 108); -yax past tense (74).
10 Discriminative form of ml'k.'a (111).
Discriminative form of hltc PERSON ( 111).
" lit!- TO EAT ( 12); -at verbalizing ( 75); -un direct object of third person ( 28, 8).
is Discriminative form of swal GRIZZLY BEAR ( 111).
H Transposed from painai' ( 14); paLn- TO HUNT; -at verbalizing ( 75).
i 5 qatcn- TO GO, TO START; -at verbalizing (75, 136).
is Demonstrative pronoun ( 115).
!T L.'xmai- TO KILL; -a* verbalizing ( 75, 9, 2); -us durative ( 69, 8).
18 lit!- TO EAT; -a* verbalizing ( 75, 2); -us durative ( 69, 8).
Modal adverb ( 121).
20 pin- TO BE SICK; -aUx suffix indicating that object forms an inseparable part of the subject ( 33).
41 Demonstrative pronoun (115).
22 tEmu- TO ASSEMBLE; -tx plural ( 80).
23 hltc PERSON; -uu plural ( 79).
2 < sinxl- TO WANT, TO DESIRE; -uu plural ( 79, 8)
25 X&L!- TO MAKE, TO FIX; -ultx passive ( 39).
29 Temporal adverb ( 120).
27 xau- TO DIE; -aa future passive ( 56, 8).
28 Modal adverb ( 121); a'tsa ul FOR THAT REASON ( 125).
2 Temporal particle ( 126).
20 hltc PERSON; -uwi plural (79).
31 waa- TO SPEAK; -aHx frequentative ( 68, 9).
s 2 mfta'tl CHIEF ( 98); -tZ plural ( 79, 8).
33 Demonstrative pronoun ( 115).
3< Abbreviated; for pla'ntxanxan; pin- TO BE SICK ( 112); -tx suffix indicating that object forms an
inseparable part of the subject (3 33); -nxan exclusive plural ( 24, 4).
85 nl'ctca particle ( 131); -nl inclusive plural ( 24).
SB Particle (127).
37 xau- TO DIE ( 112); -un direct object of third person ( 28).
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BOLL. 40
kumi'ntc 38
not
si'n'xyun 43
want it
k!ink'ya'a u46
it will be gone
and seen
qa'tc'ntx 50
go (pi.)
xa'wll 39 tsiLli'tc. 40 A'tsan 41 "hi 42
he die not arrow through. Thus I so I
tsiLlI'tc 40 Llxmaya'aV 44 U I wan 29 waa'tx
arrow with killed he shall be." Then finally say (pi.)
ni'ctca 47 tE 33 ta 1 . 48 SVtsa 3 tu'naV. 49
how this lives. Thus he will be
invited.
k!ink't'u /w1 . 51 u l wan 29 LliLlwa'xam. 52
searchers. Then now he is approached.
kumi'ntc 88
not
45 hitcu'V 3
people,
u l wan 29
Then now
Liu'dn. 53
He got there.
"Klaha'yu'nanx 54 aHwa'wanx 55 hutcu u 'stc 56 Llaya'tc." 57 Kumi'ntc 3
"Invited art thou,
a'mhatc 58 ha 1 .
willing his
Llwa a n. 62
relates.
hltc. Ya a 'xa
man. Much
also about thou
tca'xa fi t 59 u l
mind. So goes back and
"Kumi'ntc 88 a'mhatc 58
"Not willing his
119 hutcu' u63 L!a /ai4
fun they (of)
ants 60 s E a 68 qa'tc'ntux. 67
that who go will.
xa'utux, 71 u ml 72 ana'xyun." 69
he die will, then we give it up will."
fun to place to." Not
tcPn ants 60 hltc. u l s E ataI'tc fll
goes home that man. And thug
ha 1 ." S E atsI'tc 61 L!wa a n 62 ants 60
mind." Thus relates that
ants 60 tEmu' uwi . 64 u ! waa'xam 65
that assembly. Then is told
6 'Kumi'ntcin! 68 ana'xyun. 69 Ats 70
"Not we give it up will. When
Atsi'tc 73 L!onI'txa a 'nE. 74
Thus it is repeatedly said.
as Particle of negation ( 131).
59 xau- TO DIE; -II negative ( 53, 8).
* tsl'L.'l AKBOW ( 98); -Itc adverbial ( 94, 9, 12).
a'tsa THUS ( 121); -n 1st person singular (24).
ul THEN ( 125); -n 1st person singular (24). a'tsan vln FOR THAT REASON i ( 125). Singular in-
stead of plural ( 139). Should have been a'tsanxan ulenxan.
$inxl- TO DESIRE ( 4); -un direct object of third person ( 24, 28, 8).
L.'xmai- TO KILL; -aa future passive ( 56, 8).
waar TO SAY; -tx plural ( 80).
* k.'ink'l- TO GO AND LOOK; -aa future passive ( 56, 8).
Particle ( 131).
t- (?) TO LIVE, TO RESIDE; -a verbalizing (75).
tu'n- TO INVITE; -aau future passive (66).
B qatcn- TO START, TO GO ( 4); -tx plural (80).
ei k.'ink'l- TO GO AND LOOK; -t'uwi nominal ( 99).
6Llu- TO COME, TO APPROACH ( 107, 112); -xam present passive (55).
53 LIU- TO ARRIVE, TO COME; -un direct object of third person ( 28^ 10).
M k!a'- TO INVITE; -a verbalizing ( 75, 3); -u'nm passive (58, 8); -nx 2d person singular ( 24, 4).
w Contracted; lor al-twa'waxanx( 9); a'ldu LIKEWISE (125,135); -awax intentional ( 70, 8); -nx
2d person singular ( 24, 4).
66 hutcu'u FUN (97); -us locative case ( 86, 9); -tc local (90).
57 Lta'ai GROUND ( 133); -a locative case ( 86, 8); -tc local ( 90).
68 a'mha WILLING; -tc possessive 3d person singular ( 88).
6 tcaxu- TO TURN BACK; -t present ( 72, 2).
eo Demonstrative pronoun ( 115).
s E a'tsa THUS ( 121): -Itc modal ( 94, 9).
62 Lion- TO RELATE ( 112).
63 hutc- TO PLAY; -uu nominal ( 97).
w tsmu- TO ASSEMBLE; -uwi nominal ( 97, 9).
65 waa- TO SPEAK, TO SAY; -xam present passive ( 55).
86 Demonstrative pronoun ( 115).
87 qatcn- TO GO ( 4); -tux future ( 73).
ss kumi'ntc NOT ( 131); -nl inclusive plural ( 24, 4).
anx- TO GIVE UP; -yun exhortative with direct object of third person ( 41, 112).
^o Temporal adverb ( 120).
71 xau- TO DIE; -tux future ( 73).
" ul THEN ( 125); -nl inclusive plural ( 24, 4).
73 a'tsa THUS ( 121): -Itc modal ( 94, 9).
TO TELL, TO SAY; -Itx frequentative ( 68); -au'ns passive ( 58).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 613
u l wan 29 Lloxa'xam 75 waa'xam 65 ants 60 hitc. S u kwl'tc 76 tsinqlt 77
Then finally is sent is told that man. Very poor
ants 60 hitc Lloxa'xam. 75 "Hp'sanx 78 Llwa'nisun. 79 Kwmx 80 nictci'tc 81
that man who is sent. "Wellthou shalt tell him. Notthou what-like
Llwa'nisun 79 mi'kla'na. 82 Llwa'msunanx 83 s E atsi'tc, 61 'Si'n E xyut-
shalt tell 'him bad-ly. Shalt tell him thou thus, 'Desire
sanxan 84 Ll'utux 85 tm'ts. 86 Tsi'klyanxan 87 si'n'xyun 43 hutca'a u .' 88
we-thee come shall here. Very we want it fun shall be
(had).'
Atsi'tc E nx 89 Llwa'nisun. 79 Kwinx 80 Llwa'msun 79 ml'kla'na. 83
Thus thou ehalt tell him. Not thou shalt tell him bad-ly.
Yaa'xa'tc 90 ha 1 , tsi'klya 3 mi'k!a." u l wan 29 qa'tchit 81 ants 60
Much his mind, very bad." So finally starts that
hitc. Winx tsi'klya. 3 "L!wa'xan 92 ta'kiri 93 LIU'." u l wan 29
man. He fears very. "Messenger I this I come." Then now
wilwa 1 '. 94 "Nlctci'tcanx 95 wa a/ yaxa u ts 96 ants 60 li'ayax?" 87
he assents. "What-like thee told he-thee that (who) came ?"
"Kumi'ntc 38 nictci'tc 81 wa'a 1 !. 98 Txun 99 Llona'yutnE 100 s E atsi'te: 61
"Not what-like he said. Just I am told thus:
'klaha'yu'nin.' 101 Atsi'tcin 102 Llona'yuts. 103 'Tsl'klyanx 104 si'n'xyun 43
'invited am I.' Thus me he tells he-me. 'Very they
76 L.'OX- TO SEND; -xam present passive ( 55, 4) .
Modal adverb ( 121, 94).
77 tslnq!- TO BE POOR; -t nominal ( 104).
78 hl*s GOOD; -a modal ( 96); -nx 2d person singular ( 24).
19 L.'OII- TO TELL ( 112); -Is durative ( 69); -un direct object of third person ( 28).
so kui NOT ( 131); -nx 2d person singular (24).
nVctca WHAT (131); -Uc modal ( 94, 9).
82 ml'k.'a BAD (96): -'na modal ( 94).
* 3 L.'6n- TO TELL ( 112); -Is durative ( 69); -un direct object of third person ( 28); -nx 2d person
singular ( 24, 4).
**slnxl- TO DESIRE; -uisanxan direct object of first and second persons WE-THEE ( 29, 8, and
Table, p. 473).
w LIU- TO COME; -tux future ( 73).
w Local adverb ( 119).
87 tsl'k.'ya VERY ( 121); -nxan exclusive plural ( 24).
88 hutc- TO PLAY, TO HAVE FUN; -aa future passive ( 66).
89 atsi'tc THUS ( 121, 94); -nx 2nd person singular ( 24, 4).
w yafl'xai MUCH ( 121); -tc possessive 3rd person singular ( 88).
si qatcn- TO START (4); -t present (72).
w Contracted; for L.'o'waxaxan ( 24); L.'OX- TO SEND ( 112); -oznominal ( 101); -n 1st person singular
( 24, 4).
83 laftk THIS ( 115); -n 1st person singular ( 24, 4).
9* wllu- TO AFFIRM, TO AGREE, TO ASSENT; -a" verbalizing ( 75, 8).
96 ni'ctca WHAT ( 131); -Uc modal ( 94, 9); -nx 2nd person singular ( 24, 4).
waa- TO SAY; -yax past ( 74); -a,ats direct object of first and second persons ( 29).
9i LIU- TO COME; -yax past ( 74).
98 waa- TO SAY; -a*l negative ( 53, 9).
99 ixu JUST ( 130); -n 1st person singular ( 24).
l <L.'on- TO TELL; -a* verbalizing ( 75); -utnE passive ( 58, 8).
'< k.'a'- TO INVITE; -a* verbalizing ( 75, 3); -u'nB passive ( 58, 8); -n 1st person singular ( 24).
'oa aLsl'tc THUS ( 121, 94); -n 1st person singular ( 24, 4).
l 3 L.'dn- TO TELL; -a verbalizing (75); -tits direct object of first person and second persons (29,8,
and Table, p. 480).
>M tsl'k.'ya VERY ( 121); -nx 3d person plural ( 24).
614 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Llwa'wax. 105 S E atsI'tcin 106 L!wa'x 107 ta'kin 93 Liu'.'" S E atsi'tc 61
intend to come Thus I messenger this I come.'" Thus
(thou).
waa 1 '. 108 "TE"qin 109 waxa u 'rnE 110 ta'kin 93 k!aha'yu'nE?" m
he says. "Something I be given this I (who) am invited ? "
"Kumin'ntc 38 nictcl'tc 81 wa a 'a u tnE. 112 Txu 113 wan 7 hutcu' u114
"Not anything is said. Just now have fun
Lla' ai . 4 SVtsa 3 tanx 115 si'n E xyutnE 116 U'utux." 85 " S E atsi'tc E nx 117
many. Thus this thou art wanted come shall." "Thus thou
Llwa'nis, 118 'Si'nxlt 119 taq^'na. 120 Ats 70 tE'q 120 waxa'yExayim,, 121 "1
shalt tell, 'He wants something. When something be given to him, then
wan 29 U'utux.' 85 S E atsi'tc E nx 117 waa'y fits. " 122
finally he come will.' Thus thee tells he-thee."
u l s E atsi'tc 61 waa' ants 60 a'l a q 123 hitc. "Txu 113 ya^xa'tc 90
Then thus says that one man. "Just much his
ha 1 . S E atsi'tc 61 si'n'xya, 124 ni'ctcim 125 s E as 16 kl'xa'yun 126 tE 33
mind. Thus he desires, because he kills these
hitc. A'tsa u l 28 ya^xa'tc 90 ha 1 ." Atsi'tc 73 waa' ants 60 hitc.
people. That's why much his mind." Thus says that man.
"Atsi'tc 73 waa'xam, 65 k MEq le'na'aV 27 Huya'ultx 128 ha 1 . Tsl'klya 3
"Thus he is told, 'It will be danced Changed his mind. Very
for him. (will be)
plany^'tlyun 129 ha'tc.' 130 S E atsI'tc 61 waa 1 '. 108 'Ats 70 tE'q 120
sorry continually for mind his.' Thus he says. 'When something
him
wa'xyaxa u mE, 131 u l Li'utux." 85 S E atsi'tcin 10fl wa a 'a u ts." 132
bo given to him, then he come will.' Thus me tells he-me."
< LIU- TO COME; -awax intentional ( 70, 8).
i sEatsi'tc THUS ( 121, 94); -n 1st person singular ( 24, 4).
107 Contracted; for L.'owa'xax ( 24); L.'OX- TO SEND ( 112); -ax nominal ( 101).
i8 waa- TO SAY; -a verbalizing ( 75, 9).
109 ts'q pronominal particle ( 123); -n 1st person singular ( 24, 4).
o wax- TO GIVE; -a^mE passive ( 38).
111 k.'a'- TO INVITE ( 3); -a verbalizing ( 75); -u'nE passive ( 58, 8).
in waa- TO SAY; -autnE passive (58).
3 Restrictive particle ( 130).
i" hutc- TO HAVE FUN; -uu plural (79).
us taa-k THIS ( 115); -nx 2d person singular ( 24, 16).
ll *sinxl- TO DESIRE; -UtnE passive ( 58, 8).
i" s E atsl'tc THUS ( 121, 94); -a;2d person singular ( 24, 4).
H8L/071- TO RELATE ( 112); -is durative ( 69\
9 slnxl- TO DESIRE; -a* verbalizing ( 75, 2); -t present (5 72) .
120 pronominal particle ( 123).
121 Mis-heard for wa'xyaxaimE; wax- TO GIVE; -yax past denoting conditionality ( 74, 136); -aims
passive (38).
122 waa- TO SAY; -a verbalizing ( 75, 9); -uts direct object of first and second persons ( 29, Table,
p. 466, 8).
123 Numeral (116).
124 sillXl- TO DESIRE ( 112, 8).
125 Particle (128).
126 jt/i'x- TO DISAPPEAR; -a* verbalizing ( 75); -tin direct object of third person ( 28, 8).
i mao.'- TO DANCE; -In verbal ( 81, 2); -oa passive ( 56).
128 huya- TO CHANGE; -ultx passive ( 39).
129 Contracted; for planyaiya't.'yun; pin- TO BE SORRY ( 112); -a* verbalizing ( 75, 8); -at.'l frequen-
tative ( 68); -un direct object of third person (?S 28, 8).
i8 ha*- MIND, HEART ( 98); -tc possessive 3d person singular ( 88, 139).
131 wax- TO GIVE; -yax past denoting conditionality ( 74, 135), -a^mE passive ( 38).
IM waa- TO SAY; -auts direct object of first and second persons ( 29 and Table, p. 480).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 615
u l wan 2M qa'tc'nt 91 ants 60 hltc waha'. 133 "S E atsI'tc E nx " 7
Then now starts that man again. "Thusthou
wa'a ! sun. 134 'Waxa'yimanx 135 qani'nal.' Atsl'tc E nx 89 Llona'yun. 138
shalt tell him. 'Is given to thee knife.' Thus thou tell him.
'Li'mqanx 137 qa'tc'ntux, 67 klaha'yu'nanx. 54 Hutcu' wi114 L!a /ai4
'Quick thou start shalt, invited art thou. Play many
ya^xa 1 . 19 Si'i^xyu'nanx 138 il'utux.' 85 Atsi'tc E nx 89 Llona'yun." 136
much. Wanted art thou come shall.' Thusthou tell him."
Ci'n'xyatlya 139 ants 60 hltc Lloxa'aV 40 "Qna'han 141 waa'yun. 142
Thinks continually that man (who) sent will be. "I say to him.
Llxu'yun 143 qna'han 141 nictcl'tc 81 waa'yun, 142 u l hl'nak! 1144
Know it I what-like say to him, and right away
qa'tc E ntux." 67 u l wan 29 qa'tc E nt 91 ants 60 hltc. "Qna'han 1 * 1
he start will." Then now goes that man. " I
waa'yun, 143 u l hi'nak! 1144 qa'tc E ntux." 67
say to him, and right away he start will."
Atsl'tc 73 ciVxyatlya 139 ants 60 hltc. u l xint u i LIU'. Llu'un. 53
Thus thinks continually that man. So he goes and arrives. He comes to him.
"L!wa'xan 92 to/kin 93 LIU'. Tsl'klyanx 145 siVxyu'nE 146 Llwa'wax. 105
" Messenger I this I come. Very thou art wanted intend to come.
Ku'ya'tsacLla'* 1147 u l smu't' E tux 148 ants 60 L!a' ai4 hutcu'". 63
Pretty soon then end will that big fun.
Atsi'tcln 102 waa'yutnE. 149 Na'm E iinx 150 tE'q. 120 Nictcl'tcanx 05
Thus I am told. Mine thou relative. What manner thou
tanx 115 ku i151 a'mhaHI 152 ha 1 ?" Atsi'tc 73 waa'a u n. 153 "Ya a/ -
this thou not willing (thy) mind?" Thus he says to him. "Much
xa^txan 154 ha' 1 . SVtsan 155 tE 33 kumi'ntc 38 a'mha^I 152 ha 1 . Txun 99
(think in my) mind. Thus I this not willing (my) mind. Just I
"3 Temporal particle ( 126).
i waa- TO SAY; -aUs durative ( 69, 9); -un direct object of third person ( 28).
135 wax- TO GIVE; -a verbalizing ( 75) ; -ImE passive ( 38, 8); -nx 2d person singular ( 24).
136 i/o7i-TO RELATE; -a* verbalizing ( 75); -un direct object of third person ( 28, 8).
i" Li'mqa BIGHT AWAY ( 120, 96); -nx 2d person singular ( 24).
138 sinxi- TO DESIRE; -u'ns passive ( 58, 8); -nx 2d person singular ( 24).
is9 (Anxi- TO THINK ( 4); -at/I frequentative ( 68, 8, 7).
i 4 L/oz- TO SEND; -aa future passive ( 56).
"i q- discriminative ( 21); na'han personal pronoun 1st singular ( 113).
J waa- TO SAY; -a* verbalizing ( 75); -un direct object of third person ( 28, 8).
i L.'XU- TO KNOW; -ui verbalizing ( 76, 9); -un direct object of third person ( 28, 8).
Temporal adverb ( 120).
1*5 tsl'k'ya VERY ( 121, 96) ; -nx 2d person singular ( 24).
148 sinxl- TO DESIRE ( 4); -u'nE passive ( 58, 8).
i Temporal adverb ( 120).
J smut 1 - TO END, TO FINISH; -tux future ( 73, 4).
"9 waa- TO SAY; -a*' verbalizing ( 75); -HtnE passive ( 58, 8).
iso Contracted; f or na'mFllnEnx ( 15); nal ( 113);-wi relative ( 87, 9); -in possessive 1st singular
( 88); -nx 2d person singular ( 24, 4).
i 51 Particle of negation ( 131).
wa'mha WILLING; -aUl possessive ( 88, 9).
is 3 waa- TO SAY; -avn direct object of third person ( 28).
wyaa'xai MUCH ( 121); -tx suffix indicating that object forms an inseparable part of the subject
( 33), -n 1st person singular ( 24, 4).
^5 s E a'tsa THUS ( 121); -n 1st person singular ( 24).
616 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
k u na 156 xa'wa 157 si'n'xyutnE. 110 SVtsan 155 u ln 158 ya'xa^I 159 ha 1 ."
perhaps to die am wanted. Thus I and I much (think mind."
in my)
"Kumi'ntc 38 s E atsI'tc, 61 txunx 160 ya'xa 161 si'n'xyutnE. 116 S E a'tsanx 162
"Not thus, just thou to see art wanted. Thus thou
tE 33 klaha'yu'nE. 111 Txunx 160 w&n 29 hP'sa 163 hawa'yimE 164 ha 1 .
this art invited. Just thee now well (towards) it is made mind.
TE"q E nx 165 waxa G 'niE. 110 SVtsanx 162 tE 33 Idaha'yu'nE. 111 Na'm E -
Something thee it is given. Thus thou this art invited. Mine
linx 150 tE'q/ 20 sVtsanx 162 tanx 115 Fkwa'yuts 166 qna. 167 S E atsI'-
thou relative, thus thee this thee fetch I-thee I. Thus
tcin 106 ta'kin 93 Li'mqa 168 ilu'. Qam'nal waxa u 'manx. 169 SV-
I this I quickly come. Knife is given to thee. Thus
tsanx 162 tanx 115 klaha'yu'nE, 111 sVtsa 3 ta'kin 93 LIU', ni'ctci-
thou this thou art invited, thus this I come, because
m E nx 170 na'm E l 171 tE'q. 120 SVtsanx 162 tE 33 Liu'uts 172 qna. 166
thou me of relative. Thus thee this come I-thee I.
Si'n'xyutsanx 173 qna 166 hutca'wax. 174 SVtsanx 162 tE 33 Lli'Llututs. 175
Want I-thee I intend to play. Thus thou this approach I-thee.
S E atsi'tcm 176 ha 1 : kumi'ntc 38 k u na 156 tE'q 120 rm'k!a'na 82
Thus my mind, not perhaps something badly
mx a tc. 177 A'tsan 41 tE 33 na 178 Lloxa'xam." 75 u Ha fl ! 179 Tsl'klyanx 145
thee to. Thus I this I am sent." "Yes! Very thou
mi'kla. Llxma'yanxin 180 si'n'xyuts. 181 SVtsan 155 ku i151 a'mhaHI 152
bad. Kill they me want he-me. Thus I not willing (my)
ha 1 ." "Kumi'ntc 38 k u na 156 s E ats!'tc. 61 SVtsan 155 ta'kin 93 na 178
mind." "Not perhaps thus. Thus I this I I
M Dubitative particle ( 127).
a;<m-TODiE(112).
las v i THEN ( 125); -n 1st person singular ( 24); s E a'tsa *-i THAT'S WHY.
69 yaa'xai MUCH ( 121); -altl possessive ( 88, 9).
i txu JUST ( 130); -nx 2d person singular ( 24).
1 t/OX-TOSEE(112).
2 s^a'tsa THUS ( 121); -nx 2d person singular ( 24).
J3 M's GOOD; -a modal ( 96),
164 hau- TO MAKE, TO FINISH; -ai verbalizing ( 75, 8); -ImE passive ( 38, 8).
166 tE'q SOMETHING ( 123); -nx 2d person singular (24, 4).
Ie6 laku-fo TAKE, TO FETCH ( 12); -a* verbalizing (75, 8); -uts direct object of first and second
persons ( 29, Table, p. 480 and 8).
167 q- discriminative ( 21); n& personal pronoun 1st singular ( 113).
ia Modal adverb (121, 96).
' wax- TO GIVE; -aftmE passive ( 38); -nx 2d person singular ( 24).
170 ni'ctcim BECAUSE ( 128); -nx 2d person singular ( 24, 4).
171 n& personal pronoun 1st singular ( 113); -Eml relative ( 87, 9).
172 Liu- TO COME; -uts direct object of first and second persons ( 29, Table, p 480, 10).
173 stnxl- TO DESIRE; -utsanx direct object of first and second persons I-thee ( 29, Table, p. 473, 8).
174 hutc- TO PLAY; -awax intentional ( 70).
175 LIU- TO APPROACH ( 107); -t present ( 72); -uts direct object of first and second persons ( 29 and
Table, p. 480).
"6 s^atsl'tc THUS ( 121, 94); -In possessive 1st singular ( 88).
177 Objective form of personal pronoun 2d singular ( 113).
178 Personal pronoun 1st singular ( 113).
" Particle of affirmation ( 131).
"0 L.'xml- TO KILL; -a* verbalizing ( 75); -nx 3d person plural ( 24); -n 1st person singular ( 24, 4).
i stnxl- TO DESIRE; -uts direct object of first and second persons (29, 8, Table, p. 480).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 617
Lloxa'xam. 75 S E atsi'tc 61 nats, 182 ku i151 nats 183 na 178 L!o'xyaxa a 'nE. 183
am sent. Thus if not, not conditional I had been sent.
Qa'tc'ntunx 184 wan?" 29 "Qa'tc'ntuxan. 185 HP'sanx 78 ma'msuts 186
Start wilt thou now?" "Go will I. Well thou shalt watch
thou-me
qnl'x a ts." 187 S E atsi'tc 61 waa'a^n. 153 "Ha fl ! 179 Atsi'tcln 188 ha 1 .
thou." Thus he tells him. "All right! Thus my mind.
Kurni'ntc 38 k u na 158 tE'q 120 mi'kla'na 83 tE 33 hutcu' u63 L!a /ai ." 4
Not perhaps something bad-ly this fun big."
"Ha a , 179 qa'tc'ntuxan 185 wan. 29 Kumi'ntc 38 wan 29 tE'q, 120 xau'-
"Yes, start will I now. Not now something, die
tuxan." 189 S E atsi'tc 61 waa 1 ' 108 u l hl'qlaH. 190 "Kumi'ntc 38 k u na 156
if will I." Thus he says and starts. "Not perhaps
wan 29 s E atsi'tc. 61 Qa'tc'ntunx?" 184 Atsi'tc 73 waa'a a n. 153 "Tsi'kl-
now thus. Go wilt thou?" Thus he tells him. "Very
yanx 145 qna 168 si'n'xyuts. 181 ATtutunx 191 hutcu u 'stc." 56 Atsi'tc 73
thee I like I-thee. Also shalt thou fun to." Thus
waa'un. 192 a Qa'tc'ntuxan 185 wan." 29 u l wan 29 qa'tc'nt. 91 CiWx-
he tells him. "Go will I now." Then finally he starts. Keeps
yatiis 193 ants 60 hitc la'k u t!wi. 194 S E atsi'tc 61 ci'n'xyatlls. 193
on thinking that man fetcher. Thus he thinks continually.
Qa'tc'ntaox 195 wan. 29 Llwi'tc w ax 19fl wan 29 xint. u la u x 197 s E atsitc 61
Go they two now. "Approach, man- now go. So they two thus
ner of, they two
waa'xam. 65 "Xumca'ca u x 198 wan. 29 Hlna'yun 199 wan 29 tE 33 mi'kla
are told. "Come they two now. He brings him now this bad
hitc." Tc!ha u cya'xam 200 wan. 29 Wan^tc^n. TlEmtlma'xam 201 wan. 29
man." Gladness was felt now. Finally he He is assembled about now.
returns.
"Tsl^klyanx 145 his tanx 115 Uu', ts'il'mu't. Hu'tctunl 202 ya a/ xa." 203
"Very thou good this thou comest, friend. Play will we much."
"a Particle ( 131).
183 L.'OX- TO SEND; -yax past denoting conditionality ( 74, 136); -aa'nE passive ( 68).
84 Contracted; for qa'tc s ntuxanx ( 24); qatcn- TO GO ( 4); -tux future ( 73); -nx 2d person singular
( 24, 4).
iss qatcn- TO GO ( 4); -tux future ( 73); -n 1st person singular ( 24, 4).
i8 man- TO WATCH; -Is durative ( 69); -uts direct object of first and second persons ( 29,Table, p. 480).
7 q- discriminative ( 21); nlxats personal pronoun 2d singular ( 113).
i 88 atsl'tc THUS ( 121, 94); -in possessive 1st singular ( 88).
1*9 xau- TO DIE; -tux future denoting conditionality ( 73, 136); -n 1st person singular ( 24, 4).
i 90 hlq!- TO START, TO COMMENCE; -at verbalizing ( 75, 9); -t present ( 72).
i Contracted; for a'l-tutuxanx ( 24); a'ldu LIKEWISE ( 125, 135); -tux future (73); -nx 2d person
singular ( 24, 4).
i 92 waa- TO SAY; -un direct object of third person ( 28).
i3 ctnxi- TO THINK ( 4); -at.'l frequentative ( 68, 8); -is durative ( 69, 9).
IM laku- TO TAKE, TO FETCH; -t!wl nominal ( 100).
195 qatcn- TO GO ( 4); -t present (72); -ax 3d person dual ( 24).
198 Liu- TO APPROACH; -itc modal ( 94, 8); -wax transposed for -az 3d dual ( 24, 13) .
i9r { THEN ( 125); -aux 3d dual ( 24).
198 xumc- TO APPROACH, TO COME ( 108); -ax 3d dual ( 24).
199 hin- TO TAKE ALONG; -a< verbalizing ( 75); -un direct object of third person ( 28, 8).
K Abbreviated; for tdha^cyaxxam (15); tc.'hacu- TO FEEL GLAD ( 12); -yax past ( 74); -xam present
passive (55,15).
201 tsmu- TO ASSEMBLE ( 107); -xam present passive ( 55).
^Contracted from hu'tctuxanl ( 24); hutc- TO PLAY; -tux future ( 73) ; -nl inclusive plural ( 24, 4).
- MUCH; -a modal ( 96).
618 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Atsl'tc 73 waa' ants 60 hltc. TEmii'tx 22 hitcu' u23 ants 60 L!a' ai . 4 Wa i204
Thus says that man. Assemble (pi.) people those many. Although
ya a 'xa 119 ants 60 hltc, u l ha^mut 205 qa'tc'nt 91 sqa ! ktcl'tc, 206 ants 60 L!a' ai . 4
many those people, still all go now there to, manner, that crowd.
La' nlsutnE 207 ants 60 hltc. "Tsfklya 3 his tanx 115 Llu'. Ya a 'xanxan 208
Is called con- that man. "Very good this thou comest. Much we
tinually
hutcu 1 '. 209 Hu'tctuns." 210 "Ha u !" 179 S E atsI'tc 61 waa' ants 60 hltc.
have fun. Play will we two." "All right!" Thus says that man.
" Ya'q u hltunx, 211 kwmx 80 a u 'sls. 212 Ya a 'xanxan 208 hutcu 1 '." 209 Atsl'tc 73
" Look shalt thou, not thou shalt sleep. Much we play." Thus is
waa ! 'su'nE 213 ants 60 hltc. Wa'nwits 2 ha'wa. 214 Si'n'xyu'nE 148
repeatedly told that man. Long ago it is ready. It is desired
tslihia'tc 215 xawa'a u , 27 a u 'stuxax. 216 Atsl'tc 73 ha'usImE. 217 "Ts'il'mu't,
pitch with killed he shall when sleeper he Thus it is agreed. "Friend,
be, will be.
kwmx 80 a u 'sls. 212 Ha'tctuns." 210 Atsl'tc 73 waVsu'nE. 213 " SVtsanx 162
not thou sleep con- Play will we two." Thus he is repeatedly told. "Thus thou
tinually.
tanx 115 klaha'yutnE." 218 S E atsI'tc 61 waa^sutnE. 219 "Ya a 'xa i19 L!a' ai4
this thou art invited." Thus he is told continu- "Many they
ally.
nictcaraa ir nat'u' wi 22 ants 60 tlyu' wi 221 hutcu'. 222 K !lx 223 tF/q 12 hutca 1 ' 224
different (of) inhabitants games. Each some- fun
those thing
u l E nx 225 yixa'yun. 226 SVtsanx 163 tanx 115 klaha'yu'nE. 111 Tsl'kly-
and thou seest it. Thus thou this thou art invited. Very
anxan 87 hl'sltl 227 ha 1 . Kumi'ntc 38 tE'q 120 ml'kla'na." 82 Atsl'tc 73
we good is (our) heart. Not something badly." Thus
wa'aisu'nE. 21? Tci'nta" 228 hltc Llwa 1 ', 229 u l atsl'tc 73 waa'yusnE. 230
he is repeatedly told. Whatever person comes, so thus he frequently was
told (by him).
aw Particle (128).
* Numeral particle ( 124).
206 sqaik THERE ( 119); -tc local of motion (90); -lie modal (94).
win- TO CALL BY NAME; -IsutnE durative passive (59).
208 yafix- MUCH; -o modal (96); -nxan exclusive plural (24).
aBMte-TO PLAY, TO HAVE FUN; -ui verbalizing ( 75).
210 Contracted; for hu'tctuxans (24) ; Mtc- TO PLAY; -tux future ( 73); -ns inclusive dual (f 24, 4).
211 Contracted; ioTya'qufiituxanx ( 24);?/a<p'- TO LOOK (3); -a verbalizing ( 75, 2); -tux future
( 73); -nx 2d person singular ( 24, 4).
212 a ug. TO SLEEP ( 12); -Is durative ( 69).
213 waa- TO SAY; -cUsunE durative passive ( 69, 9).
214 hail- TO MAKE, TO HAVE READY ( 112).
Mts.'cdn PITCH; -a locative case ( 86, 12); -tc adverbial (90).
2i6as- TO SLEEP ( 12); -tux future denoting conditionally ( 73, 136); -ax nominal ( 10J >.
wfiau YES ( 131); -fi durative ( 69, 9); -ImE passive (38).
fc/a f - TO INVITE; ( 3); -a verbalizing ( 75); -utnE passive ( 58, 8).
219 waa- TO SPEAK; -aisutnE durative passive ( 59, 9).
&mctcamai'nat'- DIFFERENT; -iiwi plural (79).
^tai-io LIVE ( 2); -uwi nominal ( 97, 8).
whutc- TO PLAY, TO HAVE FUN; -u^i nominal ( 97).
223 Numeral particle ( 124).
hutc- TO HAVE FUN; -a nominal (98).
22sj THEN ( 125); -nx 2d person singular ( 24, 4).
yax- TO SEE ( 12); -a* verbalizing ( 75); -un direct object of third person (28, 8).
227 /MS GOOD; -ill possessive (88).
ssspronominal particle (123).
229 Liu- TO COME; -a* verbalizing ( 75, 8).
230 waa- TO SAY; -a verbalizing ( 75); -usne durative passive ( 59, 8).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 619
"Tsl'klya 3 his tanx 115 LIU', ts'il'mu't. Wa i204 ya'tsa 231 ants 60
"Very good this thou come, friend. Although longtime that
L!a' ai , 4 u l xni' w ms. 232 Ya'q u hltunx." 211 u l s E atsI'tc 61 wa'a ! su'nE. 213
crowd, still does continually. Look shalt thou. " Then thus he is told repeatedly.
"SVtsanxan 233 klaha'yuts. 234 Ya a 'xa i19 hutcu'" 63 Wan 29 hlna'a u235
"Thus we invite we-thee. Much fun." Finally he taken
will be
tclk 236 ants 60 hutcu' u63 Lla /a1 . 4 Sqa T k 237 hlnaV. 235 Ma'ltcu'nE 238
where that fun great. There he taken Fire is made (in)
will be.
ants 60 hits!' 1 . 239 Wa i204 yikt 240 ants 60 hits!' 1 , 239 u l ta'qnis
that house. Although big that house, still full
hltu'stc. 241 Stlm 243 ya'q u ha ! t 243 ants 60 hltc. " Ti'k E nxan 244
people with. There looks that man. "Here we
ta'nxan 245 hutcu 1 ', 209 ta'nxan 245 klaha'yuts 234 qna." 167 Ha^qmas 248
these we play, these we invite we-thee I." Alongside
tl'xam 247 Liya'watc. 248 QIa'Il ants 60 Liya'aV 49 "Yaxa u 'wltc 250
he is seated fire at. Pitch that fire. "Multitude kind of
L!a' ai4 hltc ya'q u ha ! tun." 251 Atsl'tc 73 ci'n'xyatlls 103 ants 60 hltc.
many people look at now I." Thus keeps on thinking that man.
Ma'ltcu'nE 238 ants 60 hits!' 1 . 230 "Kwlnx 80 a u/ 8ls 212 ts'il'mu't. Atsi'tc 73
Fire is built (in) that house. " Not thou always sleep, friend. Thus
ta'nxan 245 waa'yuts 122 qna 167 Llwa'wanx." 252 " Ha a ! 178 tsl'klyan 253
these we tell we-thee I intend to come thou." " All right! very I
hl'slti 227 ha 1 . Yaq u 'ya'waxan 254 hutcu u 'stc 56 Llaya'." 255 Atsl'tc 73 wa'aV 56
good (my) mind. Intend to look I fun at great at." Thus says continually
ants 60 hltc. Ha^qmas 246 tl'xam 247 Lrpj/wa. 257 Ya'q u hIsu'nE. 258
that man. Close by he is seated fire. He is continually watched.
MI Temporal adverb ( 120).
znxniwn- TO DO; -is durative ( G9).
233 s E a'tsa- THUS ( 121, 96); -nxan exclusive plural (24).
&* k.'a'- TO INVITE (3);-a verbalizing (75); -uts direct object of first and second persons (29,
Table, p. 480, 8).
235 hln- TO TAKE ALONG; -aa" future passive ( 66).
236 Particle ( 131).
237 Local adverb (119).
233 malic- TO BURN: -u'ne passive (58).
=39 See 98.
2 See 104.
2-u hitu's locative form of hUc (86); -tc adverbial (90).
2 Local adverb ( 119).
2 yaqu'- TO LOOK ( 3); -ai verbalizing ( 75, 9); -t present ( 72).
2 tlk HERE ( 119); -nxan exclusive plural ( 24,4).
2 <5aajt THIS ( 115); -nxan exclusive plural ( 24, 16).
2 Local adverb (119).
847 tai TO SIT ( 2); -xam present passive ( 55).
^tiya'au FIRE ( 97); -a locative case ( 86,8); -tc local ( 90).
2 See 97
ftoyax- MANY; -auwi nominal ( 97); -Uc modal ( 94, 9).
25i7/ao'- TO LOOK; (3); -ai verbalizing (75); -t present (72); -un direct objectof third person ( 28)-
252 Contracted from Llwa'waxanx (24); Liu- TO COME; -awax intentional ( 70, 8); -nx 2d person
singular (24, 4).
253 tsl'k.'ya VERY ( 121); -n 1st person singular ( 24).
< yaqu'- TO LOOK (3); -awax intentional ( 70, 8); -n 1st person singular ( 24, 4).
v*L.'a'ai particle ( 133); -a locative case ( 86, 8).
258 waa- TO SAY; -a'ts durative ( 69, 9).
*** Liya'au FIRE ( 97); -a locative case ( 86, 8).
TO LOOK (3); -lau'nE durative passive ( f>9, 9).
620 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Wusya'a'st 259 ants 60 mi'kla hitc. LllLlwi'sQtnE 260 wan. 28 "Kwinx 80
Begins to feel that bad man. He is continually now. "Notthou
sleepy approached
a u 'sls, 212 ya'q u hIs E nx. 261 A'tsanxan 262 ta'nxan 245 waa'yuts 122
always sleep, always look thou. Thus we these we tell we-thee
Uwa'wanx. 252 Kwlnx 80 a u 'sls, 212 ya'q u hls E nx. 261 Atsi'tc 73
intend to come thou. Not thou sleep always, watch always thou. Thus
tanx 115 klaha'yu'nE. 111 HWnxan 263 hawa ! 'tx 264 ha 1 ." WusyaVst 259
this thou art invited. Good we make our heart." Begins to feel sleepy
ants 60 mi'ck'la 1 . 265 Ya'q u hisu'nE. 258 Ha'usmiE 266 ants 60 tslaln.
that bad man. He is constantly watched. Is made ready for him that pitch.
SVna'tc 267 xawa'a". 27 Ll'wIs u 'nE 268 ants 60 mEq!yu' u269 L!a /ai . 4
That with killed he will be. He is constantly those dancers many.
approached by
"Ha ir qa T tcya, 270 ts'il'mu't, miltcl'xmmx." 271 Atsi'tc 73 waVsu'nE. 213
"Shore-like from, friend, thou ma yest get burned." Thus he is constantly told.
"Kwlnx 80 a u 'sls 212 ts'il'mu't." " WusyaVstin." 272 MEq!yu' u269
"Notthou always sleep friend." "Begin to feel sleepy I." Dance (pi.)
Lla'* 1 . 4 A u si's. 273 "Ha'V'tcya^miltci'xmlnx." 271 Tc!ha u 'dsutnE. 274
many. He sleeps. "Shore-like from, mayest get burned Gladness is constantly
thou." felt.
SVtsa 3 xawa'a u . 27 WusyaVst 259 wan. 29 Atsi'tc 73 waVsutnE, 219
Thus killed he will be. He begins to sleep finally, Thus he is constantly told,
ciTxIsutnE. 275 "Ha^qa^cya, 270 miltcl'xmlnx." 271 Ku i151 ciTxil. 276
he is shaken con- ' ' Shore-like from, mayest get burned Not he moves not.
stantly. thou."
"Iwan 29 qaa'xam 277 ants 60 Ll'yaxa"' 278 tslaln. MEq!yu' u269
So finally is brought in that boiled pitch. Dance (pi.)
L!a /ai . 4 "Ha^tcya 270 ts'il'mil't." Ku 1151 kwi'sll, 279 tsl'klya 3
many. " Shore-like from friend." Not wakes up not, very
a^i's. 273 Atsl'tc 73 waa'. u A'nxa fi tsatci. 280 Liyaxa'waxan 281 a u sa'wax. " 282
he sleeps. Thus he says. " Leave alone you-me. A while intend I sleep intend."
l- TO FEEL SLEEPY; -a* verbalizing ( 75); -st inchoative ( 66).
160 iZu- TO APPROACH ( 107); -IsutnE durative passive ( 69, 8).
teiyaqu* -TO LOOK ( 3); -Is durative ( 69); -nx 2d person singular ( 24, 4).
* s *a'tsa THUS ( 121); -nxan exclusive plural (24).
163 hUs GOOD; -nxan exclusive plural ( 24, 4).
tutiau-TO MAKE; -atte suffix indicating that objectformsan inseparable part of the subject ( 33, 8).
*See 98.
wfia'us READY, DONE; -ImE passive ( 88).
*tfs E ai'na HE, THAT ONE ( 115); -tc adverbial ( 90).
it8 Llu- TO APPROACH; -Isu'nE durative passive ( 69, 8).
tfa maq!l- TO DANCE; -w nominal ( 97, 8).
*haiq SHORE ( 119); -aUc modal ( 94); -ya local ( 93).
"maKc-TO BURN (12); -Ixmi intransitive exhortative ( 63) ; -I future passive (56,9); -nx 2d
person singular (24).
WWUSI-TO FEEL SLEEPY; -a i verbalizing (.75); -st inchoative (66); -n 1st person singular ( 24, 4).
ysasu- TO SLEEP ( 12, 108).
*ntc!hacu- TO BE GLAD ( 12); -isutnE durative passive ( 59).
*">cU-x-TO SHAKE, TO MOVE; -isutnE durative passive (59).
878 ctl'x- TO MOVE, TO SHAKE; -ll negative (63).
177 qaa- TO ENTER; -xam present passive ( 55).
WL.'IXU- TO BOIL ( 112, 7); -awwi nominal ( 97, 9).
tf'fctm-TO WAKE UP; -ft negative (53).
anx- TO LET ALONE; -auisatcl direct object of first and second persons You-sie (29, Table, p. 473, and
$24,4).
llyax- A WHILE ( 126, 135); -awax intentional (70); -n 1st person singular ( 24, 4).
2ast- TO SLEEP (12); -awax intentional (70).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - SIUSLAWAN 621
u l wan 29 ci'n'xyaxam 283 s E ats!'tc: 61 "Qa'l 284 wan 29 a u 'stux." 285
Then now it was thought thus: "Let now he sleep shall."
La'qwls 286 ants 60 tslahi Ll'yaxa*'. 278 Atsl'tc 73 waa'xam, 65 "Qa 1 ! 284
Boils con- that pitch boiled. Thus it is said, "Let
tinually
wan 29 a u 'stux. 285 Ha^q^tcya, 270 tsfl'mu't." Ku i151 ci'l'xlL 276 u l
now he sleep shall. Shore, manner, from, friend." Not he moves not. Then
wan 29 xu u n.
now he snores.
Ha^mut 205 L!a /a14 tE'q 120 lokwi'xam. 287 Tcimtca'mi 288 lokwi'xam. 287
All many something is seized. Axes are seized.
Ka'st'tux, 289 u l txu 113 teimtca'myatc 290 xawa'a". 27 u l wan 29 xu u n.
Get up will he, then just ax with killed he will be. And now he snores.
Lkla'atc 291 Laa' xu u n. u l wan 29 hau'tx 292 hitcu'V 3 Tsl'klya 8
Open his mouth he.snores. Then finally quit (pi.) people. Very
tcIma'nlsu'nK. 293 "iJxmiya'yunanL 294 SVs E nl 295 kl'xa'yuts, 296 u l
he is watched " Kill him will we. He us kills he-us, so
constantly.
sVtsanl 297 Llxmiya'yun." 298 Lokwi'xam 287 wan 29 ants 60 iJ'yaxa^ 1 . 278
thus we kill will him." Is seized now that boiled (pitch).
"Ha'Vtcya 270 ts'il'mu't, miltci'xmmx. " 271 Kumi'ntc 38 ci'l'xil. 276
"Shore-like, from friend, mayest get burned thou." Not he moves not.
u l wan 29 xwaki'tc 299
So now head on
tl'xam 247 ants 60 iJ.'yaxa*'^. 278
is placed that boiled (pitch).
Tc!ha u cu' wl30
Glad are (pi.)
ants 60
those
L!a' ai . 4
many.
S E & 66
He
ata's 301
only
ants 60
that
(one)
maqli'nutnE. 302
it is danced for.
Huya'ultx 128
Is changed on
him his
283 cinxl- TO THINK ( 4); -yax past ( 74, 8); -xam present passive ( 65, 15).
24 Exhortative particle ( 129).
5 as u- TO SLEEP (12); -tux future ( 73).
286 laqu- TO BOIL; -Is durative ( 69, 8).
287 instead of lakwl'xam (11,14); laku- TO TAKE; -a i verbalizing (75,2); -xam present passive
( 55).
283 See 109.
28S kast- TO GET UP; -tux future denoting conditional ity ( 73 t 136, 4).
290 tcimtca'ml AX ( 109); -a locative case ( 86, 8); -tc adverbial ( 90).
291 Ik.'aa- TO OPEN ONE'S MOUTH; -tc possessive 3d singular ( 88).
hau- TO QUIT; -te plural (80).
3 tclmdn- TO WATCH; -Isu'nE durative passive (59).
n*L.'xmi- TO KILL; -a* verbalizing (75, 8); -yun exhortative with direct object of third person
( 41, 8); -nl inclusive plural ( 24, 4).
2**Vs HE ( 115); -nl inclusive plural ( 24, 4).
kHx- TO DISAPPEAR; -ai verbalizing ( 75) ; -uts direct object of first and second persons ( 29, Ta-
ble, p. 480, and 8).
tw s E a'tsa THUS ( 121, 96); -nl inclusive plural (24).
298 L.'xml- TO KILL; -at verbalizing ( 75, 8); -yun exhortative with direct object of third person
(41,9).
9 xwakl' locative form of xwa'ka HEAD ( 86); -tc local ( 90).
*tc!hacv- TO FEEL GLAD ( 12); -uwi plural ( 79).
wi Restrictive particle ( 130).
*>*maq!i- TO DANCE; -In verbal ( 81, 9); -nine passive ( 58).
622
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
ha 1 sVtsa. 3 SVtsa 8 ants 60 mEq!yu' u269 Lla /ai . 4 u l wan 29 skwaha'. 808
mind thus. Thus those dance (pi.) many. Then finally he stands up.
Lokwl'xam 287 ants 60 Li'yaxa*'. 278 u l stim 242 skwaha u/wi304 L!a /ai4
that boiled (pitch). And there stand (pi.) many
ants 60 tcimtci'mya. 305 Wa i204 ya a 'xa i19 tE'q, 120 u i
axes with (are). Although much something, still
kumi'ntc 38 kwi'sil. 279 " Qwa''nyux 307 tEma' 308
he wakes up not. " Pour it it is better
Is seized
ha ir mut 205
all
pI'umE. 306
those
stni
noise is made
with it.
Laaya'tc!" 309 u l
mouth into!" So
not
wan 29 qu'nfxamimE. 310
it is poured into
(his mouth).
Txu 113
Just
mi'ltcistx 311
begins to burn
his
Laa'.
mouth.
Stlra 242 L!a rai4
There many
ha^mut 205 hi'qu 1 .
ma'qlis. "
keep on dancing.
Stim 242
all hair. There
tcimtca'myatc. 290 Stim 242
ax with. There diffuses smoke
constantly
317 tE 33 mi'kla hltc.
this bad person.
hitc.
man.
314
Mi'itcist 31J ants 60
Begins to burn that
wan 29 yak Ii'tcyaxam
was cut into pieces
ants 60 ml'kla
that bad
finally
tqu'nls 316
Mi'ltcistx 311
Begins to burn his
xwa'katc 315
head his
hitc. Xa u wl'-
man. Killed
xamyax-
Sqa T k 237 wan 29 ata's 301 hawa*'. 318 Ku i151
There now only it ends. Not
nats 182
if
s E a'tsa 3
thus
xa'wa a xa a tnE, 319
he had been killed,
u l nats 182 tsi'klya 3 mi'kla
then conditional very bad
L!a' ai . 4
world.
SVtsa 3
Thus
xa u wi' xamyax 317
was killed
ml'kla hitc. S E atsi'tc 61
bad man. Thus
wan 29
finally
ata's 301
only
wa'nwitsaxax 320
old-timers (of)
nictcima mu. 321 Sqa ! k 237 wan 29
custom. There finally
smit'u*'
it ends.
322
3 skwa'- TO STAND ( 3, 112).
x skwa'- TO STAND ( 3); -auwi plural ( 79).
3 <>5 tctmtca'mt AX ( 109); -a locative case ( 86, 12, 8).
vxpiu- TO MAKE NOISE; -urns passive ( 38, 9).
" qu'n- TO POUR ( 7, 112); -yux imperative with indirect object of third person ( 43).
* Exhortative particle ( 129).
Laaya' locative form of Laa' MOUTH ( 86); -tc local ( 90).
noqu'n- TO POUR; -I (-af) verbalizing ( 75, 2); -xam present passive ( 55); -imE passive ( 38).
s" Contracted from mt'ltctst E tx ( 15); malic- TO BURN ( 3); -st inchoative ( 66, 4); -tx suffix indi-
cating that object forms an inseparable part of the subject ( 33).
812 maq.'l- TO DANCE; -Is durative ( 69, 9).
3" maltc- TO BURN ( 3); -st inchoative ( 66, 4).
8" Contracted from yak.'l'tcyaxzam ( 15); yak!- SMALL; -lie modal ( 94); -yax past ( 74); -xam
present passive ( 55, 67).
a" xwa'ka HEAD; -tc possessive 3d singular ( 88).
tgunl'i SMOKE ( 98); -Is durative ( 69, 9).
*" xau- TO DIE; -a* verbalizing ( 75, 2, 8, 11); -xamyax past passive ( 57).
318 hau- TO END, TO FINISH; -af verbalizing ( 75, 8).
sis Evidently for xa'uyaxa^tnE; xau- TO DIE; -yax past denoting conditionally ( 74, 136); -autns
passive (58).
*wa'nwits LONG AGO ( 120); -ax nominal ( 101,108).
2i See 1C3.
*22 smut'- TO END, TO FINISH (12); -ui verbalizing (75).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 623
[Translation]
(It happened) long ago. The world was very bad long ago.
Everj^where it was so, and this was the cause of it: A bad person was
devouring (the people). Grizzly Bear was devouring them long ago.
Whenever a man went out hunting, he would kill and devour him.
Many people felt sorry because of that. So one day the people came
together and tried to devise some remedy. (They all agreed that
Grizzty) must be killed. For that reason they came together. Then
the chiefs of that region said, " We feel very sorry, but how are
we going to kill him? He can not be killed by means of arrows:
hence we don't want to kill him with an arrow." Then finally some-
one suggested to go and see how Grizzly lived, and to invite him (to
come to the meeting-place). So one man went in search of him. And
(when the messenger) came to Grizzly's residence, (he said,) " You, too,
are invited to come to the play -grounds." But Grizzly Bear was not
willing to go : hence the messenger went back, and, upon returning,
related thus: "He does not want (to come)." (In the mean while) the
people who had assembled had lots of fun. (Then after a while an-
other messenger was sent), and the man who was about to go was told
thus: "We won't give up. When he is dead, then we will give up."
Thus it was repeatedly asserted.
Then finally the man was ordered to go. He was a very poor man.
"Speak to him carefully, don't tell him anything bad. Tell him thus:
' We want you to come here. W^e are going to have lots of fun.' Thus
you shall tell him. Don't tell him anything bad. He is shrewd and
very bad." Then that man started out, thinking (a great deal) to him-
self, for he was very much afraid (of Grizzly). (And when he came to
Grizzly, he said,) " I come here as a messenger." (He then told him his
mission and departed. Not long afterwards Grizzly's friends came to
visit him and inquired about the messenger's mission). One of them
said, " What did the man tell you who came (here)?" "He said nothing
(of importance). I was simply informed that 1 am invited (to some
games). Thus he told me: ' People want you to come very much.
For that purpose I came here as a messenger.' ' (After a while an-
other messenger was sent to Grizzly, requesting him to come at once.)
Then (Grizzly) said thus (to the messenger): "Will anything be
given to me, if I come?" "Nothing was said (about that). People
624 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
are just playing, and that's why you are invited to come." (Then
Grizzly said), "You tell them thus: 'He wants something. If some-
thing be given to him, then he will come.' Thus he says to you."
(The messenger went back to his people and told them what Grizzly
said). And he (furthermore) said, "He is shrewd. He thinks (of
not coming), because he has killed (so many) people. That's why he
is shrewd." Thus the messenger said. "He was (evidently) told (by
some friend) that a dance had been arranged for the purpose of
changing his (mean) disposition, and that everybody dislikes him.
That's why he replied, 'If something be given to him, then he will
come.' That's why he told me (so)."
Then another messenger went to Grizzly. "You tell him thus:
'A knife will be given to you.' Thus tell him. 'You shall start right
away, you are invited to come. Many people are playing (there),
and it is desirable that you should come.' Thus you tell him." And
that messenger kept on thinking, "I will speak to him. I know
what to tell him, so that he will start right away." Then the mes-
senger started. "I will speak to him, and h'e will start right away.''
Thus he was thinking as he kept on going. Finally he came to (Griz-
zly, and said), "A messenger I come. You are wanted very much.
Pretty soon the games will come to an end, and for that reason 1 was
told (to come here). You are my relative. Why don't you want to
go?" And (Grizzly) answered him thus: "1 am wise, that's why I
don't want to go. It seems to me that I am simply wanted (there)
to be killed. That's why I am wise." "Not so, they want you to see
(the fun). For that purpose (only) you are wanted. Their intentions
toward you are good. A present will be given to you. For that
reason you are invited. You are my relative, hence I (came to) fetch
you. That's why I came quickly. A knife will be given to you,
because you are invited. I came right away, since you are my
relative. The reason why I came to you is because I want you to
have some fun. That's why I came to you. I don't think that any-
thing bad will happen to you. That's why I was sent." (And Grizzly
answered,) "Yes, you are a bad man. They want to kill me, that's
why I don't want (to go)." "I don't think (it will be) thus. (Not)
for that purpose 1 was sent. If it were as you say, I should not have
been sent. Will you go now?" "I shall go. You will have to take
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 625
good care of me." And (the messenger) said thus to (Grizzly):
"All right, I don't think that anything bad will happen (to you) on
the part of those who play (there)." "All right, I will go. I don't
care, even if I die." Thus said (Grizzly) as he started. "I don't
think (it will be) as (bad as you imagine). Are you coming?" Thus
said (the messenger) to him. "I should very much like to have you,
too, at these games." Finally (Grizzly) said, "I will go." So he
started. And the man who came to fetch him was thinking continually.
He was thinking thus.
Now they two kept on going; and when they were almost there,
the two (chiefs) were told, "They two are coming. He is bringing
that bad man." So everybody was glad; and when he arrived, people
assembled about him. "It's very good that you came, O friend ! We
shall have a great deal of fun." Thus everybody said (to him). Many
people assembled (around him). Although there were many of them,
still they all went there (to Grizzly), shouting, "It's very good that
you came. We will play a great deal. We two will play." (Then
Grizzly would say,) "All right." "You shall watch (us). Yousha'n't
sleep. We will play a great deal." Thus he was constantly told.
(Everything) had been made ready long ago. It had been decided to
kill him with pitch during his sleep. Thus it had been agreed upon.
"Friend, don't sleep! we two will play." Thus people kept on telling
him. " For that reason you were invited." Thus he was told. " Peo-
ple who live here know different kinds of games, and you will witness
all kinds of fun. For that purpose you have been invited. We are
well disposed (towards you). No mishap will befall you." Thus he
was constantly told. Whoever came in would tell him thus. "It's
very good that you came, O friend ! You will see, they will play for
a long time." And he would (also) be told, "That's why we invited
you. There is going to be a great deal of fun. "
At last he was taken to the play-grounds. A fire was started in
the house, which, although very large, was nevertheless full of people.
Grizzly Bear was looking there. "Here we play, those who have
invited you." He was seated near the tire, which consisted of pitch.
"It seems to me I see (too) many people." Thus Grizzly was think-
ing. And the fire in the house kept burning. "Don't sleep, O
friend! (Not) for that purpose we asked you to come (here)." "All
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 40
626 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
right! I am glad. I intend to watch the fun." Thus Grizzly was
saying, seated close to the fire. He was constantly watched.
(After a while) he began to feel sleepy. Then people kept on
approaching him, (saying,) ' ' Don't sleep, look on ! For that purpose we
invited you. We have abandoned all our hatred." (Again) he began
to feel sleepy, (and again) he was constantly watched. The pitch with
which he was going to be killed was made ready ; while many dancers
went to him, (saying,) "Move away from the fire, you may get burned,
friend!" Thus they were telling him. " Don't sleep, friend!" "I
feel sleepy." People kept on dancing, while he began to fall asleep.
4 'Move away from the fire, you may get burned!" Everybody was
glad, because he was going to be killed. At last he began to sleep.
Then people kept on shaking him, saying to him thus: u Move away
from the fire, you may get burned !" But he did not move. So the
boiling pitch was brought in, while the people kept on dancing (and
saying), "Move away from the fire, friend!" But he did not get up.
He was very sleepy, and (merely) said, " Leave me alone! I intend to
sleep a while." So the people thought thus: "Let him sleep." And
while the pitch kept on boiling, they said, "Let him sleep. Move
away from the fire, O friend !" But he did not move, and (soon) com-
menced to snore.
Then people took hold of all kinds of things. They seized axes,
(because it had been decided that as soon as) he should wake up, they
would kill him with an ax. He was snoring, keeping his mouth wide
open. Then the people got ready. They watched him closely.
" We will kill him, because he has killed (so many of) us." Then the
boiling pitch was seized, (and one man shouted,) "Move away from
the fire, friend, you may get burned!" But he did not move. Then
they held the boiling pitch over his head, and everybody was
glad, for the dance had been arranged with the purpose in view of
getting rid of (the consequences of) his mean disposition. For that
purpose so many people had been dancing. Finally (one man) stood
up and took hold of the boiling pitch. And around Grizzly there
were standing many armed with axes. They made noise with all
kinds of implements, but he did not wake up. (Then one man said,)
"Better pour it into his mouth!" So it was poured into his mouth,
which began to burn (right away). And the people kept on dancing,
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 627
(as Grizzly Bear) was consumed (gradually) by the fire. His hair got
burned, and then his head was cut into pieces with an ax. And while
suffering death, he was constantly diffusing smoke.
Here (the story) ends. If (Grizzly Bear) had not been killed, this
would have been a very bad place. Thus that man was killed. Such
was the custom of people living long ago. Here at last it ends.
INVOCATION OF RAIN 1
K!u x wina ir tx 2 L!a /ai . 3 Ya a 'xa'' u'lti 4 Llayu's. 5 Na'qutyax 6
Ice (has on) its (body) world. Much snow ground on. Cold became
L!a /ai , 3 k!u x wina i/7 L!a' ai . 3 Ku i8 ni'ctca 9 qa'tcwil 10 ants 11 L!a' ai . 3
universe, ice has world. Not how drink not that crowd.
PaTu 12 ata's 13 u l 14 qatcu 1 ' txa u tnE. 15 Haya'mut 16 h'yatc 17 qatcu 1 '-
Well only then it is drunk from. All people drink
txa u n. 18 Wa iV19 ya a 'xa ! hitc, u l 14 sqa"^ 20 qatcu^tx. 21 Tci'wa 22 U I 14
(from) it. Although many people, still there drink (pi.). Water on then
kl^wina 1 '. 7 Ku 18 ni'ctca 9 tcaitci'tc 23 ni'ctcil 24 ants 11 tlyu' wi . 25
ice appears. Not manner where manner go not those inhabitants.
Qa'Wx 26 k!u x winiyu's 27 qatc E natu' u 28 ants 11 hitc L!a /a1 . 3 u l 14
Top along ice on go (pi.) those people many. Then
wan 29 tExmil'a'mi 30 iJxu'yun 31 ants 11 wa'nwitsaxax 32 nictcima e mu. 33
now people old know it that long ago people custom.
1 See Leo J. Frachtenberg, Lower Umpqua Texts (Columbia University Contributions to Anthro-
pology, vol. iv, pp. 76 et seq.)
* k.'uxwln- ICE ( 12); -dUx suffix indicating that object forme an inseparable part of the subject
( 33).
s Particle ( 133).
< See 98.
tL.'a'ai GROUND ( 133); -us locative case ( 86, 9, 8).
6 naqut- TO BE COLD; -yax past ( 74).
1 k.'uxwln- ICE ( 12); -a* verbalizing ( 75).
8 Particle of negation ( 131).
Particle ( 131).
10 qatcu- TO DRINK; -II negative ( 53, 8).
11 Demonstrative pronoun ( 115).
12 See 97.
" Restrictive particle ( 130).
Conjunction ( 125).
qatcu- TO DRINK; -fit verbalizing ( 75, 9); -tx plural ( 80); -a%tnE passive ( 58).
16 Discriminative form of hai'mut ALL ( 111, 124).
11 Discriminative form of hitc PERSON ( 111, 7).
is qatea- TO DRINK; -ui verbalizing ( 75); --to plural ( 80); -a^n direct object of third person ( 28).
is Particle ( 128).
20 Local adverb ( 119).
21 qatcu- TO DRINK; -fi verbalizing ( 75, 9); -tx plural ( 80).
22 tcl WATER (88); -a locative case ( 86, 8).
28 Particle ( 131, 94, 108).
ni'ctca MANNER ( 131, 135); -II negative ( 53, 9).
25 tai-, tl- TO LIVE ( 2); -uwi nominal ( 97, 8).
26 qaux HIGH, TOP ( 119); -au; local ( 92).
kluxwi'nl ICE ( 98, 12); -us locative case ( 86, 8).
28 qatcn- TO GO ( 4); -t present ( 72, 4); -flu plural ( 79).
29 Temporal particle ( 126).
> Discriminative form of tExml'l-ma ( 111); tsxam STRONG; -il-md augmentative ( 84).
M L.'XU- TO KNOW; -m verbalizing ( 75, 9); -un direct object of third person ( 28, 8).
82 wa'mvits LONG AGO ( 119); -ax nominal ( 101, 108).
See 103.
628
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
u l 14 tqull'yusnE 34 ants 11 tcixni'nE, u l 14 tquil'y usnE 34 aTdu 35 ants 11
Then is shouted at that Raccoon, and is shouted at also that
constantly constantly
tsxu'npil. 36 Lanatll'yusnE, 37 "Tcixni'nE, tcixni'nE, hi'n k!itsx 38
Coyote. lie is called constantly, "Raccoon, Raccoon, to rain cause thy
L!a /ai ! 3
world!
WaVs 39
Tell to
tE 40
this
mo'luptsinl'sla ! 41 HiVklltsxats 42 iJ.a' ai ! 3
Coyote!
cold our (bodies have) we
Nakwa'yatyanxan, 43
Poor we
lanat H'yusnE : 37 "Tcixni'nE,
he is called continually: "Raccoon,
Mo'luptsinl'sla, 41 hi'n k!ltsxats 42
Coyote, to rain cause ye two
your
fry ate 17
world!
wan 29
now
tcixni'nE,
Raccoon,
L!a' ai !" 3
world!"
To rain cause ye two
your
ya a 'xa." 45 "I 14
muchly." Then
hi'n k!ltsx 38
to rain cause thy world!
u l 14 wan 29 M'n k!ya i4e
Then finally begins to rain
Lla' ai . 3
universe.
Haya'mut
All
people
ha'ninithm. 47
believe it.
SVtsa 48
Thus
tqull'yusnE, 1
are shouted at
continually,
uJ14
then
wan 29
finally
causes to rain
its (body)
L!a' ai .
world.
SVtsa 48
Thus
and they
two
uJ14
then
tqulii''nE, 51 ants 52 tkwa'myax 53 ants 11 inqla'a
it is shouted, when
Sqa ! k 20 wan 29
There now it ends. It ends finally there.
Llxu'yun. 31
know it.
closes up that
hawa 1 '. 55 Smit'u 1 ' 56
it ends. It ends
river.
wan 29
finally
Ta'kin 57
This I
3 * tqul- TO SHOUT; -ai (-1) verbalizing ( 75, 2); -usns durative passive ( 59, 8).
5 Conjunction ( 125).
se See 98.
a? In- TO CALL; -at.'l frequentative ( 68); -usnE durative passive ( 59, 8).
*Mn'k!l- TO RAIN; -at (-) verbalizing ( 75, 2, 9); -tsx imperative ( 47).
30 waa- TO SPEAK; -a*s transitive imperative ( 62, 9).
> Demonstrative pronoun ( 115).
41 Alsea term for COYOTE.
htn'kfi- TO BAIN; -ai (-) verbalizing ( 75, 9, 2); -tsx imperative ( 47); -ts 2d person dual ( 24, 4)
4 nakwa'yat- TO BE POOR; -nxan exclusive plural ( 24, 4, 8).
i* Contracted from nsqut&t'txanxan ( 15); naqut- TO BE COLD ( 12); -Hi verbalizing ( 75); -te suffix
indicating that object forms an inseparable part of subject ( S3); -nxan exclusive plural ( 24, 4).
45 yaax- MUCH; -a modal (96).
46 hin s k!l- TO RAIN; -at verbalizing ( 75, 8).
47 haninlt.'- TO BELIEVE; -un direct object of third person ( 28).
43 Modal adverb ( 121, 96).
49 ul THEN ( 125); -aux 3d person dual ( 24).
&hln s k!i- TO RAIN; -a t verbalizing (75,8); -tx suffix indicating that object forms an inseparable,
part of subject (33).
" tqul- TO SHOUT; -U'HE passive ( 58).
M Particle ( 131).
M tkum- TO SHUT, TO CLOSE ( 7, 112); -yax past denoting conditionality ( 74, 136).
5< See 98.
65 hau- TO END; -ai verbalizing ( 75, 8).
**smuf- TO END ( 12); -ut verbalizing ( 75).
w taflk THIS ( 113, 12); -n 1st person singular ( 21, 4).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 629
[Translation]
(When in former days the) ground was covered with ice, much
snow (lay) on the ground, and it became very cold, then the people
had no way of drinking (water freely). From one well only could
they drink, and all people drank from it. Although m&ny were the
people, still they all drank there. (And when) ice began to appear
on the water (of the rivers), then all inhabitants could not go an} 7 -
where. They were forced to go along the surface of the ice. Then
(at such times there would always be some) old man who knew that
(ancient) custom of the people of long ago. (He would then tell it to
his people.) And Raccoon would be invoked, and Coyote likewise
would be invoked. He would be called by name, "Raccoon, Raccoon,
cause thy rain (to flow)! Speak to Coyote! Cause ye two your rain (to
flow)! We are in straits, we are very cold." Then (once more Rac-
coon) would be invoked, "Raccoon, Raccoon, cause thy rain (to flow)!
(You and) Co} r ote cause } T e your (dual) rain (to flow)!" Then at last it
would rain. All people believed in (the efficacy of this formula). For
that reason they two would be invoked, (until) it would commence to
rain. Thus people were shouting whenever (ice) closed up the rivers.
Now there it ends. It is the iiuish. (Thus) I know it.
CHUKCHEE
BY
WALDEMAK BOGOKAS
631
CONTENTS
Page.
Editor's preface 637
Introduction 639
1-24. Phonetics 643
1-13. Chukchee 643
1. Vowels 643
2. Consonants 644
3. Vocalic ablaut 646
4. Initial and terminal consonants 651
5. Medial consonantic clusters 652
6. Vocalic contraction 653
7. Medial consonantic processes 653
8. Auxiliary vowels 657
9. it, w 658
10. Intervocalic elision 659
11. Phonetic influences between words 659
12. Initial consonantic clusters 660
13. Pronunciation of men and women 665
14-18. Koryak 666
14. Vowels 666
15. Consonants 667
16. Comparison wkh Chukchee 667
17. Vocalic ablaut 671
18. Other phonetic processes 672
19-23. Kamchadal 675
19. Vowels 675
20. Consonants 676
21. Comparison with Chukchee and Koryak 677
22. Vocalic ablaut 678
23. Other phonetic processes 679
24. Accent 680
25-129. Morphology 681
25. Morphological processes 681
26. Comparison of dialects 684
27-55. Nouns 686
27. General remarks 686
28-32. Theabsolute form 687
28. Absolute form expressed by stem 687
29. Eeduplicated forms 688
30. Suffix -n, -iii 691
31. Absolute form with loss of phonetic elements 692
32. Special forms 693
633
634 CONTENTS
Page.
33-35. Dual and plural 694
33. General remarks 694
34. Plural of common nouns 694
35. Plural of personal nouns 696
36. Exclamatory form of nouns 696
37. Subjective forms 697
38-39. Locative form 698
38. Common nouns 698
39. Personal nouns 701
40-43. Allative and ablative 702
40. Allative of common nouns, Chukchee and Koryak 702
41. Allative of personal nouns 703
42. Ablative in -gupu 704
43. Post-positions in -nk, -ng, -Jiq 705
44. Postpositions of plurals of personal nouns 706
45-50. Forms in -in 707
45. General remarks 707
46. Suffix -in 708
47. Suffix -Un 711
48. Suffix -lin 712
49. Suffix -qin 713
50. Kamchadal suffixes 714
51-55. Suffixes in -i(n) 714
51. General remarks 714
52. Suffixes -Ih- and -lin- 715
53. Suffixes -th- and -6m- 716
54. Suffixes -lin Hf n x -6fn) 717
55. Suffix -dm- (-6en) ..." 718
56-60. Pronouns 719
56. Personal pronoun 719
57-58. Demonstrative and interrogative pronouns 723
57. Particles and absolute forms 723
58. Plural and post-positional forms 725
59. Indefinite pronoun rag 729
60. Other indefinite pronoun's 731
61-82. The predicate 733
61. Introductory remarks 733
62. Structure of the intransitive verb 735
63. Structure of the transitive verb 736
64-66. The forms of the intransitive verb 738
64. Chukchee 738
65. Koryak 739
66. Kamchadal 740
67-71. The forms of the transitive verb 741
67. Chukchee 741
68. Koryak, Kamenskoye 742
69-71. Kamchadal 744
69. Types of transitive verb 744
70. Type 1 744
71. Type II 746
72. Phonetic changes of verbal suffixes 748
CONTENTS 635
Page.
73-74. Predicative form of nominali/ed verb 758
73. Forms derived from intransitive verb 758
74. Forms derived from transitive verb 760
75-81. Notes on certain verbs 762
75. To BE -^ 762
76. To LIVE -ti-g, 763
77. To BECOME -nel 764
78. TO TAKE OR HAVE SOME ONE AS -In. 765
79. To MAKE SOME ONE SOMETHING -Ttt 765
80. TO HAVE SOME ONE FOE SOMETHING -rt 765
81. Notes on certain Kamchadal verbs 766
82. Predicative forms of pronouns and of numerals 769
83-90. Syntactic use of tenses and modes 770
83. Declarative mode 770
84. Tenses 772
85. The subjunctive 773
86. The imperative 774
87. Derived forms 774
88. Nominalized verb (a) 776
89. Nominalized verb (6) 778
90. Negative forms 779
91-95. Syntactic use of nominal forms 779
91. The absolute form 779
92. Modalis 780
93. Locative, Allative, and ablative 782
94. Designative 783
95. Verbal nouns 784
96-121. Composition 788
96. Introductory remarks 788
97-112. Suffixes 789
97-105. Nominal suffixes of nouns 789
97. Nouns in -in and -n 789
98. Augmentative and diminutive 789
99. Collectives 792
100. Comitatives 793
101. Locatives 794
102. Similarity 798
103. Purpose 798
104. Possession 800
105. Miscellaneous 801
106-109. Nominal suffixes of verbs 801
106. Abstract noun 801
107. Passive participle 803
108. Instrumentality 804
109. Place -. 805
110-111. Verbal suffixes 805
110. Adverbial suffixes 805
111. Verbal suffixes of nouns 811
112. Adjectives and adverbs 813
113. Prefixes .' 815
114. Inclusive affixes 819
636 CONTENTS
Page.
115-121. Word composition 826
115. Introductory remarks 826
116. Attributive composition . . 827
117. Incorporation of nouns 830
118. Composition of verbal stems. 832
119. Adverbial composition 832
120. Multiple composition 833
121. Composition, Kamchadal 833
122. Consonantic shift 834
123-124. Numerals 837
123. Introductory remarks 837
124. Cardinal numbers and derivatives - - 840
125-131. Adverbs 842
125. Modal adverbs 842
126. Locative adverbs 844
127. Temporal adverbs 845
128. Miscellaneous adverbs and conjunctions, Chukchee 849
129. Miscellaneous adverbs and conjunctions, Koryak 875
130. Kamchadal conjunctions 881
131. Negative adverbs 882
132. Interjections 884
133. Euphemism 888
134. New words 889
Texts 891
Chukchee 891
Korvak.. 898
EDITOR'S PREFACE
The following grammatical sketch of the Chukchee group of lan-
guages is based on a manuscript by Mr. Bogoras, in which all the
main facts presented here are contained. Since the principal object
of the series of sketches presented in this Handbook is an elucida-
tion of the grammatical categories found in the present condition
of each language treated, I thought it best to re-arrange the material
on the basis of an analytical study. I am therefore responsible for
the essential form of arrangement and presentation here given. The
re-arrangement was, however, made in consultation with Mr. Bogoras,
the final form being given to the description of the grammar in ac-
cordance with his criticisms and suggestions. The references to the
Chukchee and Koryak Texts have also been added by me in order
to prove the statements contained in the grammar. These also were
revised, supplemented, and corrected by Mr. Bogoras. Finally I
have added sample texts with explanatory notes. These have also
been revised by Mr. Bogoras.
It seemed important to add the Chukchee to the sketches contained
in the Handbook, because it proves conclusively that those features
which are most characteristic of many American languages are found
also on the Asiatic continent. It seemed essential, furthermore, to
present material for determining the position of the Eskimo language
in relation to all its neighbors.
The war has delayed the publication of this work beyond expecta-
tion, and the final revision had to be made by the editor.
FRANZ BOAS.
NEW YORK, December, 1921.
637
CHUKCHEE
By WALDEMAR BOGORAS
INTRODUCTION
The material for the following study was collected by me in 1895-97,
when I was a member of the Sibiryakov Expedition of the Kussian
Imperial Geographical Society; and in 1900-01, when I was engaged
in anthropological researches for the Jesup North Pacific Expedition
of the American Museum of Natural History.
The group of languages treated in this sketch includes the Chuk-
chee, the Koryak, and the Kamchadal. Of these, the first two are
closely related, while the Kamchadal shows markedly divergent
forms. Its phonetics are more complicated than those of the other
two languages, and it seems to have preserved some ancient traits.
Its morphology, however, is obscured by the recent process of Rus-
sian ization, which has had a marked influence upon the language of
the people.
Since I spent several years among the Chukchee on the Kolyma and
Anadyr, and attained full command of the language in a practical
manner, my Chukchee material is much fuller and also more accurate
than that collected in the other languages. The work on the Chuk-
chee is also facilitated by the fact that the language has no dialects,
the dialect of the maritime Chukchee of the Pacific coast being almost
identical with that of the reindeer-breeders of the Kolyma river.
Besides grammatical and lexicographic data, I have collected a large
number of texts. I have also collected texts from the Asiatic Eskimo, 1
with literal translation into Chukchee, made by natives and carefully
revised with their aid, as a means of avoiding inexactness in the trans-
lation of the Eskimo material.
1 Some of these have been published in my paper, "The Eskimo of Siberia" (Publications of the
Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. viu, part in). Leyden, E. J. Brill, 1913.
639
640 BUREAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
My work on the Koryak was done during the months from Decem-
ber, 1900, to March, 1901. While Mr. Waldemar Jochelson studied
the ethnology of the Koryak on behalf of the Jesup Expedition, the
morphological study of the language was assigned to me on account
of my familiarity with the Chukchee. I left the Anadyr in Novem-
ber, 1900, joined Mr. Jochelson at Kamenskoye, and spent about a
month with him. From there I proceeded to Kamchatka and studied
the Kamchatka Kon r ak and the Kamchadal. On account of the neces-
sity of devoting some time to the Eskimo of Indian Point, I could not
devote more time to the study of these dialects.
The Koryak is spoken in a number of dialects, which may be classed
in two groups, the western and the eastern. The western group
includes the maritime villages on Penshina Bay of the Sea of Okhotsk, 1
some of which are the largest of the Koryak settlements, and the
reindeer breeders on the rivers flowing into the Pacific Ocean. Here
belong, for instance, the villages of Qa'yihn, Cimi'tqa, and Po'qac. 2
The eastern group includes all the maritime Koryak of Kamchatka
and the villages of the Pacific shore, mainly around Alutor Bay.
The Kerek may form a third group, which, although situated farthest
to the east, is more closely related to the western branch.
I shall call the western group "Koryak I;" the eastern group
"Koryak II." Since the majority of the former group are reindeer
breeders who live north from the maritime villages, and, along the
northern border of the country, come into contact with the Chuk-
chee, I have elsewhere called the Koryak I the northern group; the
Koryak II, the southern group.
The bulk of my Koryak material and all the texts are principally
from the village Kamenskoye on Penshina bay, and also from Paren,
50 miles farther to the west. I have marked this material, respec-
tively, "Kor. Kam." and "Kor. Par." All words and forms marked
simply u Kor." are common to the various dialects. The chief dif-
ference between the dialects of Kamenskoye and Paren both mem-
bers of the eastern branch lies in the rules governing the harmony
of vowels. My material on the Koryak of Kamchatka is not exten-
sive.
i See W. Jochelson, The Koryak (Ibid., vol. vi) , pp. 437 et seq. Leyden, E. J. Brill.
*Ibid., p. 440. See also map at end of volumes vi aad vn of the Publications of the Jesup North
Pacific Expedition.
BOA 8] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEB 641
The Kamchadal material that I have been able to collect is not very
full. The study of this dialect is at present very difficult on account
of its corruption by the introduction of Russian elements.
In Krasheninnikoff's time there were three dialects of the Kamcha-
dal a southern, an eastern (spoken on the Kamchatka river), and a
western. The first two are extinct, the language of the natives hav-
ing been replaced by Russian. The eastern dialect is spoken in 13
villages on the coast of the Sea of Okhotsk. The largest of these is
Kharghiusova (Kamchadal, Plo'xon), where I stayed 20 days. Another
dialect is spoken in the village Sedanka, on the upper course of the
Tighil river. Apart from phonetic differences, the chief features of
this dialect are due to a strong Koryak influence. This, however, is
also quite strong in the dialect of the Sea of Okhotsk. During the
last 50 years, Korj 7 ak reindeer breeders have been living on the
tundras of the eastern part of Kamchatka. The Kamchadal visit
them, and purchase from them reindeer meat and skins for clothing.
These Koryak are not Christianized, and speak only their own lan-
guage. Thus it happens that the Kamchadal of the eastern shore, as
far south as the village Kol, speak more or less the western Koryak
dialect (I); and that among the half -Russianized Kamchadal, remnants
of Koryak have almost completely replaced the old, native Kamcha-
dal. In a few folk stories, fragments of which I was able to collect,
the Kamchadal names have been forgotten, and Koryak names have
taken their places. Sometimes it is not easy to determine whether we
are dealing with Kamchadal or with Koryak terms. In the Sedanka
dialect the influence of Koryak is felt even more markedly. The
people are in the habit of using whole Koryak sentences, or begin a
sentence in Kamchadal and end in Koryak. The dialect that has
influenced the Sedanka people is the Kamchatka Koryak II. 1 Besides,
there is a strong intrusion of Russian into both dialects. The Kam-
chadal has lost many of its numerals, several pronouns, and a consid-
erable number of nouns and adjectives, all of which have been replaced
by Russian terms. These have not been assimilated so as to conform
with the morphology of Kamchadal, but remain unaltered. A Rus-
sianization may also be observed in the grammatical structure.
Nevertheless the Russian spoken by the Russianized natives of
Kamchatka also bears evidence of the influence of the Kamchadal.
1 Sedanka Kamchadal p'ava'telkal THEY PKRISHED (-Ik inchoative in Koryak II, -nivo in Koryak I)
HE WILL FREEZE TO DEATH (s$- future prefix Koryak II, y$- in Koryak I).
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 41
642 BUKEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 40
The Russian suffixes for case and gender do not occur, and all nouns
and adjectives are used in the nominative singular masculine. All
vowels are strongly marked as long, short, or obscure.
In the following study I have confined myself to the main points of
the morphology. The description is based mainly on Chukchee and
on a comparison of Chukchee and the western Koryak of Kamenskoye.
Kamchadal has been utilized only so far as to indicate the peculiar
characteristics of this dialect.
Notes on the Koryak are indicated by a single, those on the Kam-
chadal by a double marginal vertical rule. Examples without refer-
ence are taken from field notes.
All references for the Chukchee indicated by page and line (for in-
stance, 21.3) are to my Chukchee texts contained in the Publications
of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition; those marked R, followed by
page and line (for instance, R 23.5) are to my collection of texts pub-
lished by the Russian Imperial Academy of Sciences. All references
to Koryak (marked, for instance, Kor. 27.6) are to nvy Koryak Texts
published b} r the American Ethnological Society. The following
previous publications on this family of languages may be mentioned:
L. RADLOFF, Ueber die Sprache der Tschuktschen (Memoirs of the Imperial Acad-
emy of Science, St. Petersburg, 1861, Series vii, vol. in, No. 10).
B. P. Boropa3i>, Odpasma MaTepiajiOB r i> nonB^eHno ^yKOTCKaro ^SHKan ^>OJII>K-
jiopa, codpaHHHXb BI> KojisiMCKOMTb OKpyrfe. OTTHCKI> H3i> HsfiicTift HMne-
paTopcKoft AKa^eMiH Hayirc> T. X. No. 3 (MapTt 1899).
[WALDEMAR BOGORAS, Sample Text for the Study of the Chukchee Language and
Folk-Lore, collected in the Kolyma District. Reprint from the Memoirs of
the Imperial Academy of Sciences, vol. x, no. 3 (March, 1899).]
MaxepiajiN no nay^emio ^yKOTCKaro H3HKa H ^ojibKjiopa, co6pairane Bt KOJIBIM-
CKOMI> OKpypb. Ha^anie HMnepaTOpcKoft AKa^eMin HayK'b. B. 1. C.-IIeTep-
(5ypn 1900.
[Materials for the Study of the Chukchee Language and Folk-Lore, collected in the
Kolyma District, Part i. Imperial Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg, 1900.
Chukchee Mythology (Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol.
vni, Part i). Leyden, E. J. Brill, 1910.
Koryak Texts (Publications of the American Ethnological Society, vol. v). Ley-
den, E. J. Brill, 1914.
IQNACY RADLINSKY, Ze zbiorow Prof. B. Dybowskiego. Slowniki Nazzeczy Lud6w
Kamczackich, 5 parts, Krakow, 1891-94.
C. KparaeHHHHHKOBTb Oimcame BCMJIH KaM^iaTKH. C.-IIeTepdyprb 1819. T. 1. n.
[S. KRASHENINNIKOFF, Description of the Land Kamchatka, vols. i and H. St.
Petersburg, 1819.]
B. H. TiomoB'b, Ho xaana^HOMy tfepery KaM^aTKH, C. II. B., 1906.
[W. N. TUSHOFF, Along the Western Shore of Kamchatka. St. Petersburg, 1906.]
PHONETICS ( 1-24)
Chukchee ( 1-13)
1. Voivels
The vowels of the Chukchee language may be divided into three
classes:
(1) Weak vowels: e i i e a u
(2) Strong vowels: e a e o
(3) Neutral vowels: / E A u
The vowels of the first and second classes are always long.
i, 0, M, have their continental values.
a is a long obscure vowel, in rest position of all the muscles of
the oral cavity, posterior nares closed, teeth and lips slightly
opened.
e i is a glide from e to /, with long, accented i. It is always com-
bined with a glottal stop.
e is the open e of hell, but long.
a has its continental value.
o like o in nor.
& u with very slight rounding of lips, with the acoustic effect
of a sound between o and u.
i, E, A, obscure, short vowels corresponding to the respective long
vowels.
u an i with rounded lips, short; somewhat like the Russian w.
Unusual length or shortness of vowels is indicated by the macron
and breve respectively (a, a).
Diphthongs are formed by the combination of any of the vowels
with following i and u:
ai like i in hide. au like ow in how.
ei like ei in vein. eu like eu in Italian leucojo.
01 like oi in choice.
The i and u of diphthongs belong to the neutral vowels. Combina-
tions of the vowels with the weak vowels i and u do not form diph-
thongs.
The i and u of true diphthongs must be considered as voiced con-
sonants, because, in all intervocalic positions where they are not lost,
and in proper position before certain consonants, they have conso-
nantic character; and because they often modify following conso-
nants in the manner of the preceding consonants y and w (see 5, 9).
1
643
644
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
Generally the accent of diphthongs is on the first vowel, although
it is often placed on the second vowel.
qailo'qim indeed it/pan! ma while drinking
When the diphthong is followed by a consonantic cluster, the ter-
minal vocalic sound of the diphthong is lengthened. This gives the
effect of an accent on the first vowel.
upafurltin thou drinkest
Before vowels, the u of the diphthong becomes w.
nipa'w-e-um I am drinking (stem upau)
NOTE. In many cases i neutral, which does not form diphthongs,
originates from contraction of yi (see 10).
Doubled vowels are also of frequent occurrence, particularly
ii in ti'rkiir (male pronunciation *) sun
ee in e'ek lamp
uu in mtu'ulpir son-in-law
ee in ee'thupu from the skin intended for clothing
aa in pa'arkin thou ceasest
oo in ro'olqal food
ii in taini'irgin sinful action
After the loss of #, y, or 0, between two vowels (see 10), clusters
of three repetitions of the same vowel may appear.
miyalaafk < miya' aga s k I will use
A comparison with Koryak suggests that whenever two vowels
appear in contact, an elision of a consonant has occurred. Examples
of this are given in 16, no. 18, p. 670. It would seem that in all
these cases the Chukchee has the tendency to assimilate the vowels
(see 13, p. 665).
2. Consonants
Stop
Affricative
Nasal
Contin-
ued.
Lateral
Trill
Surd
Sonant
Surd
Sonant
Sonant
Surd
Affricative
Contin-
ued
Surd
Sonant
Labial . .
P
_
m
V
Alveolar .
t
-[<*]
(*),
5
n
n
L
I
r, f
Palatalized
alveolar
f
-[<*']
'
V
n-
r
_
Palatal . .
k, wkw*
A
ft
Velar . . .
q
y y(u,o)
Glottal . .
t
1 See 1 13. * Written kw before and after .
2.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 645
p, 77?, as in English.
v bilabial.
t as in English.
like 3 in German Zeit^ used only in female pronunciation.
6 like English cfi in choice.
j like English^' in joy.
n as in English.
L stop produced by the tip of the tongue touching the upper
alveoli, back of the tongue pressed against the hard palate, and
sudden lateral release with slight!} 7 continued stricture.
L like , but sonant.
Z as in German.
r as in French (hard trill, roue).
f dental r with weak trill.
', d', <$*, J*, 7i", the corresponding consonants strongly palatalized,
similar to fy, dy, sy, jy, ny.
6' strongly palatalized, intermediate between f and <5, but weaker
than either.
k as in English.
wkw labialized k.
n like n in singing. Voiceless n is always terminal, and appears
after terminal /,.
<?, g \ velars corresponding to k and g; g in this combination
(u, o) f is often labialized.
w, y, consonantic, as in English. Initial w is sometimes pro-
nounced nasally, as in wo'tgan THIS ONE. In my Russian pub-
lications I have indicated this nasalization; but it has not been
indicated here, since it is not morphologically significant, and
seems to be a characteristic feature of the sound, which appears,
however, of varying strength.
d and d', which are bracketed in the table of consonants, appear
only as the development of a strong palatalization of n', as in
ta'nd'an < ta'n-yan a good one
In only one case is initial d found, di'ndin FIRE (from stem yin;
compare -gayi'nlcfn THE ONE THAT HAS FIRE). The reduplicated
form yinyin changes to yind'in, from which develops by assimila-
tion, d'ind'in; and by intensification of the obscure vowel, di'ndin.
NOTE. Examples of the importance of the glottal stops are
tf'nrkin he comes across i'nrkin he hits
re e 'tirkin he rejoices re'lirkin he brings
yo*'rkm thou overtakest yo'rkin thou puttest in
ye*'tirkm the sky becomes ye'tirkrn thou comest
overcast
6e tf 6e e cold 6e'6e lengthwise
e'te'purJcm it shows itself ete'purkm it grows damp
2.
646 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BUM* 40
The consonants I and 6 are intimately related, and frequently re-
place each other, sometimes with a slight change of meaning (see 122).
v$ta'rkm and veLa'rkm(from vet-la' rkm, see 7, no. 17, p. 654),
he stands
vilu s 'ttim and viu s 'ttim (from stem vilu- ear) ear-bone
tei'wurJcm he walks; lei'wurkm he wanders about
laf'len winter; 6d s '6en cold
Initial ti is sometimes replaced by /.
tiLi-tto 'o6a >6icido'o6a in front of the entrance
NOTE. In words borrowed from the Russian, the following substi-
tutions occur:
For Russian 6 (J), Chukchee v is substituted.
For Russian o (/), Chukchee p or g is substituted.
For Russian x, Chukchee k or q is substituted.
For Russian c, in (s, sh), Chukchee 6 is substituted.
For Russian c (s), Chukchee tf is substituted.
Examples :
Chukchee Russian
tai'van cafi6a (storehouse)
Apo'n A<tOHtKa (Athanasius)
GVclian <J>efli>Ka (Teddy)
da'gar caxapi, (sugar)
6ol co.ii> (salt)
tre'n'non cpe/^ae (middle)
3. Vocalic Ablaut
The vowels have been classified in three groups, weak, strong,
and neutral. The weak ones are indicated by A , the strong ones by .
A word, simple or compound, must contain only strong vowels and
neutrals, or only weak vowels and neutrals, or only vowels of one of
the three classes. When, in composition, weak vowels and strong
vowels come together in the same word, the former are changed by
the ablaut into strong vowels.
e i and i into |
e and a into a
* A s\
u into o or
The sound a differs in origin, therefore, from a, the latter being
the ablaut of e or a. This process is not confined to preceding or fol-
lowing vowels, but pervades the whole word. Elements containing
only weak vowels are combined without ablaut. The same is true of
elements containing either neutral vowels alone or neutral and weak
3.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 647
vowels. A polysyllabic stem which contains a single strong vowe
must have all its vowels strong.
Examples of such compositions are
Weak vowels or weak vowel and neutral vowel:
pi'ri-rkin he takes aqami-tvi'rkm the weather grows
good meat warm
great Pl^'p\ snowstorm
hummock 145.1 nu'nun blade of knife
iul-u'ttuut long wood
Ablaut of weak vowel and strong vowel:
p&refyg (from piri-yg) taken
pena'ipu (from pine-tpu) from a snowstorm
nono'lpu (from nu'nu-lpu) from the blade of knife
again e'nma (from aqdinit-ma) while the weather is growing
warm
awlcwa' tingle (from ewkwet-no) at the beginning of leaving
eu'lu-wa'lat (from iul-vala) long knives 15.2
tan-maini-me'mil good, big seal
giLe'-aqa'n-qgr greedy 1 right-hand driving-reindeer
There are a number of words with neutral, probably auxiliary
vowels (see 8), which produce the ablaut, as tim TO KILL; and
quite a number of suffixes of the same phonetic character that have
the same effect. In these cases it is therefore conceivable either that
a strong vowel has been lost or that the phonetic effect is primarily
due to other reasons. I give here a list of strong stems of this
character: 2
im rising of water wurg dwarf birch
in glue wukw stone 68.36
ipnn first dawn pitv doubled
yip to put on 37.8 pinl (-mUil) news 78.4
yit (-gti) to get pilil ripples, to bubble 41.1
yin fire pilvmt iron, metal
yinf steep bank 'prim darkness produced by a
yikirg mouth 18.12 storm
yiggi bountiful pilhirr flat, flattened 84.25
wui leaf pug float of sealskin
widh thin, with short hair pugl large, round, wooden
102.12 bowl
wulhip to fling ming hand
wur branching mil nimble
1 Greedy for urine given in a small vessel. See W. Bogoras, The Chukchee (The Jesup North
Pacific Expedition, vn, 85).
Forma preceded by a hyphen are those in which stems appear when in medial position (see 12)
3
648
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
miLifl five 107.2:3
tim (-nm) to kill 23.5
timg (-mg) to choke
timli to get near to 44.1
imp to stab
tiL door
tirk testicle
tuw (-tvu) word, promise 49.6
-tkim to crouch
6imy bitter
6uw bruise
lip neck (bone)
lini something kept in re-
serve, spare material
ligup deadfall (trap)
lu e w to vanquish
-Ipmt (pin?) to give
-Ipil (pil) to drink
nthil bridge of nose.
rinn tusk, antler R, 3.31
nnnim gums
ring shy
nn'n to whittle (moving knife
toward body)
nl (-L) to enter the sleeping-
room
nlh finger 22.7, 47.2
nr to hunt down ; (nr [-rn] TO
UNTIE has a weak stem)
nrrit sinew-thread
rig hair
rig git to be too narrow, to
have no room.
ruv (-nv) to scrape; (ruv
[-nv] TO PUSH OFF is a weak
stem)
-rkipl (kipl) to strike 45.12
'kit hard
kitti to hatch (eggs)
kilt middle part of sternum
kirg dry
kirgil fibrous
git thin, sparse
git lake
gilh skin
qiml (kiml 33.12) marrow
nin'n stanchion of sledge
nil smoke R 32.38
nirkil shame.
Prefixes of the same character are
jra- all
Tc$- (-gti~] much, strongly
There are also a number of suffixes with neutral vowel, that are
strong:
-fib ~&b ~ w *b Dilative ( 41)
-Ipu, -epti, -gupu, ablative ( 42)
-\h(iri), -lm(iri), substantival suffix ( 52)
-6h(in), -6m(m), substantival suffix ( 53)
-J/i-, -Inm, augmentative ( 98, 1)
-giTg(iri) verbal noun ( 106, 44)
-&i surface ( 101, 19)
-s'q, -s'qan over, top of ( 101, 20)
-nv, -n, place of ( 109, No. 50)
Still other suffixes are strong because they have strong vowels:
-(i)ng, allative of personal nouns (41)
-nqg ablative, adverbial ( 43)
gg augmentative, ( 98, 3)
-Iqaftm, -Iqanm, space of, (see 101, 20.)
3
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - CHTJKCHEE 649
-ling diminutive ( 98, 7)
gg, ma comitative ( 100, 15)
-madi comitative ( 100, 17)
-qa6, -qal, by the side of ( 101, 26)
-yanv, -yan, provided with ( 104, 38)
-yo<5A, -oodh, receptacle ( 105, 40)
-yo passive participle ( 107, 47)
nng, -no. inchoative ( 110, 63)
-that, verbal suffix expressing contempt ( 110, 66)
In the following sketch the symbols A and have been used wher-
ever clearness seemed to require the exact statement of the character
of the vowels. Wherever the character of the vowel is irrelevant or
the changes due to harmony of vowels are obvious, the symbols have
been omitted.
In a few words, i is apparently a neutral vowel ; as in
ya'tirgin (stem ye't] the act of coming
kanka' Sirgm (stem kenkel-) the act of descending
In these cases the i has originated through palatalization of the
preceding consonant and the elision of g, which, after t and , has
hanged to h (see 7 and 10).
ya'tirgin < ydf-hp^n < y$t-girgin
kanka'tirgin < kanka't'-hyg^i < kanka' -girgin
In pronunciation, e, and |, |, differ very little. The pronunciation
of the last two is, of course, identical. The manner in which the ablaut
occurs with , while it is absent in |, demonstrates, however, their
etymological difference.
elere'rkin he feels dull )
alara'ma while feeling dull ) ( !
meremer tear
pine'pil snowstorm ) .
pena-ipu from a snowstorm j ^ s n ^* *'
kgto'rJcm (stem ketg] he remembers
In most cases a precedes or follows <?, or is followed by the
glottal stop e , which has probably originated through a loss of <?e
With few exceptions, a is a weak vowel.
qfqa'-mi'mil bad water, brandy
of'qalpe quick! hurry!
qaiu' fawn
oflqe'p nail
a e mu f lm workingman
650 BUKEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY ' [BULL. 40
This d is probably developed from e under the influence of the
following glottal stop.
In several suffixes a appears without connection with q or e .
vilu'ta by means of an ear
vala'ta by means of a knife
In a few cases d belongs to the group of strong vowels, and is
probably derived from | under the influence of the glottal stop.
aW day
afttwei' -nan interjection, WHAT DO YOU CALL IT!
In several compounds d appears as connecting vowel instead of /.
This happens also generally before or after q. The sound of d in
these cases is short, and it belongs to the neutral vowels.
In the words a s 'ttm DOG, a?ttim. BONE, the a e replaces the weak ,
and is therefore also weak.
u of diphthongs is generally a nequivalent of w, vocalized when pre-
ceding a consonant. Therefore it is neutral, even if the accent is on
the first part of the diphthong, which increases the vocalic character
of the u.
teike'urkm he wrestles
taikaule'pu from the wrestler
upa'urlcin he drinks
In other cases u is by origin vocalic, and therefore changes to o or o.
VyfrJcm it thaws fyf m % while thawing
but consonantic
i'urkin he speaks % u ' m $ > while speaking
This i f u s may be explained as originating from i'yu & , where, accord-
ing to the rule, the intervocalic y dropped out, strengthening at the
same time / to i.
Consonantic w, especially when initial, requires a u preceding it.
This it, which is simply a strong glottal intonation, is neutral, and
drops out after prefixes.
uwi'rlcin he cooks uwe'ma while cooking
tuwi'rkm he cuts it off duwe'ma while cutting
ge'tvilin he cut it
luwgfurkin he can not galvaulen being unable to do
something
3
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 651
Russian loan-words also conform to the rules of vocalic harmony.
vi'lken fork (Kor. Kam. m'Tkd)\ stem vi'lke; Russian BHJKa
fy'men bag (Kor. Kam. Zu'ma}', stem cume; Russian cyna
kgma'k paper; stem komak; Russian 6yMara
mu'lemul soap (Kor. Kam. inu'\a}\ stem mule; local Russian MV.IO,
instead of MHJO
yeku'tilm Yakut; stem yekut; Russian flKyn.
prffif'&ik commercial agent (Kor. preka'ssek)\ Russian npHKamaKt
(Kor. Kam. bai'n'ek) teakettle; 1 Russian HaHHHKi>
Compositions conform to the rules of harmony, with very few
exceptions. The particles ELO'U and nan enter into close combination
with other particles without affecting their vowels: emiLo'n<emi ELO'U
where is he? euna'n<eun nan so then R41.96. The former com-
pound may even form an augmentative emiLonainin ? where is he then?
43.6.
In pice'g-tmva'rkm THOU TAKEST OFF THE BOOTS, the second part
alone has the ablaut.
In ey-a' mnmen IN DIFFERENT DIRECTIONS, both parts have the
ablaut, while the weak forms diq and emnmin would be expected.
The separate words of the sentence are not affected by these rules.
4. Initial and Terminal Consonants
All sounds occur in initial position, except the consonants L, L,
'> J'l which are not found in uncompounded stems, but seem to be
due throughout to assimilation (see 7).
L<t+l &'<t'+y
L<l+l or r+l j-<d'+y
All sounds occur as terminals except
L, L, t\ [d], [d'], 6', J, J', wkw, f
v, h
1 presume the absence of the former group is due to the fact that
they are by origin double consonants (see 5).
Voiceless n and n appear only as terminal sounds after / and E.
No clusters of more than two consonants occur. Terminal conso-
nantic clusters are not admissible, and are broken either by the intro-
duction of an obscure vowel or by being placed in medial position by
the addition of a terminal obscure vowel. It is important to note
that the glottal stop does not count as a consonant in these clusters.
It always follows a long vowel.
1 Chukchee pi'lhikuk throat-kettle. 4
652
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
Terminal n, particularly after /, becomes voiceless, and hence very
weak.
kenu'nen STAFF ends in voiceless n, but in the plural kenu'nenit
the n is voiced
This may account for the slight nasal character of unaccented
terminal /.
5. Medial Consonantic Clusters
The following consonants never appear in clusters:
s, x, t'S M, [<*],' <5-, J, r, wkw
This proves again that all of these must be considered as double
consonants (see 4).
Besides this, the following do not occur as the first member of a
medial cluster:
&, 3 <?, 4 ^, A.
The medial cluster tr occurs in some derivations of the loan-word
tre'n'non (Russian cpe^ee).
gatre'n'nonta'len they went to Sredne Kolymsk
The following do not occur as second member of a cluster:
*, n', e
The consonantic medial clusters that have been found are con-
tained in the following table, in which dashes indicate inadmissible
clusters.
P
t
k
q
6
m
n
n
V
I
r,f
y
w
h
p
PP
pt
pk
pq
P?
pt
pi
pr
py
t
it
tk
tq
tc
tv
(r)-
ty
tw
th
9
gt
n
99
g6
gn
gl
gr
yy
t
't
'k
'q
e ?
m
n
ft
H
t r
6
c6
tv
th
f
*-p
s-k
8-q
s'n
m
mp
mt
mk
mq
mg
md
mm
mn
mn
ml
mr
my
mw
n
np
nt
nk
nq
na
nm
nn
nv
nl
(nr)nf
ny
n-
n-p
n-k
n-q
n-g
n'm
n-n
n~v
fi
fik
fiq
fig
nn
Ip
It
Ik
Iq
Im
Iv
iy
Iw
Ih
r
rk
rg
-
rv
rr
rw
V
VP
ya
ym
yn
10
wt
(wk)
wq
wg
wm
wn
WT
ww
1 Except t-h.
* Except nd\
8 Except kk, and in one case kr, which is probably an affricative q.
* Except qq.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 653
6. Vocalic Contraction
When sounds that form inadmissible combinations come into contact
through composition, phonetic changes occur.
(1) Of two weak or strong vowels in contact, the first one is elided.
qaL-aa'ek<qaLe'-aa'6ek lazy boy
a*q-u'ttuut<a*qa-u'ttuut bad wood
(2) Obscure /, E, w, A, a, a e , following another vowel are elided. The
glottal stop is always retained.
anqa-nna'n < anqa'-Enna'n sea-fish
gg/ptyu'len < gq-'&pg'ulen he drank
6e f ri l<6e'ri-a f Lel muddy snow
neu*'ttin<ne'u-c'ttin female dog
7. Medial Consonantic Processes
When two consonants come into contact, certain changes occur.
The consonants given on the left-hand side form, when followed by
the consonants at the head of the columns, the following combinations:
p m v w
t n y r I
k n q g
p forms with
mn
mn
v forms with
wkw
w forms with
wkw wkw
wg
(wkw
t forms with
nm
nn rr L
n-n {g
n forms with
nd '{nf
n-tt n'f
6 forms with
8 'P {nm
\ tt {nn \" r L
s-k th s-q th
y forms with
ft fn ft gr gl
r forms with
it nn ti {
I forms with
(il Y r {*
M JS? 7 \y
k \ form with
wp wm wkw wkw
ft fn gg gr gl
fife jffl* QQ. WKW
\7lfi QO 00
9
1^1 rr
ft forms with
mp wm mv mw
F{^;SH
r
q forms with
e p 'm *v 'w
t 'n *'y *f <l
* () *f
These changes may be summarized in part as follows:
(1) Voiceless labial and dental stops before nasals become nasals.
(2) fc and g before labials become w; with v and w, they form a
labialized k.
(3) &, $r, and y before dentals become g.
6,7
654 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BOLL. 4
(4) q before consonants becomes */ only qq occurs.
(5) n before labials becomes in; before dentals, n.
(6) 6 before labials, palatals, and n, becomes s\ When I replaces >
it is treated in the same manner.
(7) Dentals before palatals are palatalized.
(8) w with following v, w, and sometimes also with <7, forms labial-
ized k.
(9) y following #, w, and <7, becomes g.
(10) t ('), and r with following y, form <5*.
(11) I with following y forms jr, or Zy.
(12) tf, , and (/) with following r form r/'.
(13) (), <5, and r with following t form .
(14) ?f with following n and n forms gn and yw.
(15) n and TO with following y form ^'.
(16) 71 and n with following r form often nf.
(17) tf, <$, r, and Z with following I form i. The last two with fol-
lowing I also form L.
(18) I with following r forms rr.
(19) Z with following n forms Ik.
(20) r with following n forms nn.
(21) T with following <5 forms t&.
(22) ^ with following k and ^ form gk and ^r</.
(23) ^ and g with following n, form nn.
(24) ^ with following g forms gg; with following gu, wJcw (u).
(25) g with following ^ forms qq.
(26) Z and ?5 with following g form /A, Zy, and ^A, ^y.
Examples :
/?7i > w?/w- (1) gemne'lin whetted < ge-pn$'-lin
valamnci'lin < vala-pna'lm the knife-whetter
* 44.4 "
nmne'pu from the inner skin (ri'pin inner skin)
pn > WTO (1) gitt$'mnew < gitte'p-new clever woman
namnilo'a n < na-pnilg' -a s n they asked him
"66,24 '
t'fn > nm (1) mmi'nmik < mm-iJt-miJc let us be! 57.1
niilqan-muri < m-yi'lqqt-muri we slept
na'nmua n < na-tmu-Q?n they killed it 8.2
A O <* x O * "
mne' wkwenmiJc < mn-$'wkw$t-inik let us go
away! 17.8
tn > nn (1) ei'minnin < ei'mit-nin he took it 117.9
TO > ^'TO (1, 7) rei'lqan'nit < re-yi'lqqt'nit they will sleep
gen'ni'ulin < ge-tniu-lin he sent it 104.10 (cf.
19.1; 104.3) '
kp > wp (2) mUwpe'nvel < mtikpe'nvel many two-year-old
reindeer-bucks
7
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
655
km > wm (2)
lev > wkw (2)
kw > wkw (2)
muwung' oqor < milk-mo' oqgr many pack-rein-
deer
picawkwa' glmin < pia'k-va'glinm boot-grass
(i. e., grass insole)
gp > wp (2)
gm > wm (2)
gv > wkw (2)
rkm he looks wolf -like
eLe'g-mi'tqdmit sweet blub-
t
> ^
> gt
(2)
(3)
kn>gn (3)
XT > pr (3)
B>gl (3)
(3)
inuwkwe't'hau < muk-we' t' haw (too) manv
O O 6 v / -
words
ew-peraf rkm < eg -
.A / o ) *y
$L$ f w-mi' tqamit <
ber (honey)
ce'wmak < ceg-mak egg-shell
aLa'wkwa'nau < qLa'g-va'nau chewing-gum (lit,
sweet gum)
alawJcwj't'hau < alag-we't'hau sweet talk
uwi'g timne'n < uwi'k timnefn she killed herself
**rO-* * * O -*
72.27
mug-n$'nnet < miik-ne' nnet many otter (skins)
mug-re s 'w < muTc-r#'w many whales
mug li'glig < muk-li'glig man} r eggs
dag-tai'odhin < cai-tai' ob-hyi tea-bag
ma'gm < mai'-m property piled up outside of
house.
ne'gni < nei'-ni mountain
ve g-6u'rmm < ve?i-u'rmm grass border
vgfgran < va i-ran grass house
va^gl^nm < vcf'i-linin grass
narko f gupu < nerhuq-gupu from the swan
a s ne'pu<a'qn-epu from the fish-hook
?na e me'%pti < maqme-tpti, from the arrow
<A -* C O -A -t x* Q-' O
g$ e li f kei,in<ge-qli f ket-lin he has married
A few stems, when preceding consonants, change q to , and their
vowels become subject to ablaut.
te < tiq to cast metal
ye* < yiq quick
me < miq small
ti'qirlcin he casts metal
te 'nin he has cast it
tampera'e < tan-pera'e he appeared well
gempe'lin<ge-npe'-lin they landed 12.9
ta?n-va'irgin<.tan-va f irgm good being,
state of things
tqm-wane'irg in < tan-wane' rr 'gin good work
ranto'a t<ra-nto'-a t they went out 56.8
tan-cai<tan-6ai good tea
7
(3)
yr>gr (3)
y? >'jf* (3)
^ before conso-
nants > 4
For instance:
np>mp (5)
nv>mv (5)
(5)
good
nt>nt
656
BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
ny>ny
nr > nf
nl>nl
*m>s'm (6)
'n (6)
tq>s'q (6)
nn>n'n (I)
ng>n'g (7)
lg>i 9*^, when ^re-
places a 6
wv>wkw (8)
ww>wkw (8)
wg>wkw (8)
vy>vg (9)
wy*>wg (9)
' (10)
(10)
ly>j' or remains
unaltered (11)
(12)
tt>tt(13)
tele'n-ye'p<tele'n-ye'p long time ago
tele'n-remJcin<tele'n-?e'mkin ancient people
tan-fa f n<tan-ra'n a good house; but &z/i-
roglgal < tan-ro' glgal good food
ten-Id ut < ten-le' ut good, clever head
mas'-pa'ae <m,a6-pa'ae he seemed to cease
7nes'-kirpi / s'-mi6<mes'-Hrpi / 6-mi6 of about the
size of a cake of brick tea; but also mes'-
kirpi'n-mid
mei*'ni'mpa,qin<me-ni'mpaqin somewhat slow;
but also menni'mpdqin
kirpi f s'kin<kirpi f kin belonging to a cake of
brick-tea; but from va'sngad THERE is derived
the adjective vasnqa'tken
Tcirpi t s'qa,i<lcirpi'6-qai small piece of brick-tea
(see 29.8)
qun'ne'ekik<qun-ne'ekilc single daughter (see,
however, qun-ne'ekik 29.8)
qon-gitka'ta < qon-gitka'ta one-legged
wu's'qum* <wu f lquul darkness
raanawTcwg,'irgin<raa'naw-va r irgm straight act-
ing
lau'lawkwg'irga<lau'lau'-va r [rga by mischiev-
ous being 117.21
nawkwane'irgin<naw-wane'irgin female work
trmara'wJcwa lc < timarau f -ga Jc I quarreled
cime'wlcwi <eime'u-gi it approached 9.12
nuvg$ntgqnat<n-vyi-ntg-qinet their breath
went out 34.6
awgo'liTca<a-wyol-M without assistant 124.5
na r wg$l<naw-y$l female cousin
egga'ilhm<e s g-ya t ilhm wolf's paw
aLa r ggan<.aLa'gyan the sweet one
yi'lqa'an<yi r lqat-yan the sleeper
~ko'6'o<lco r r-yg the one bought
a'lkij'o < a'lkilyo the one recognized. The unal-
tered form occurs also.
gir-ra'ttam<git-ra'ttam thin curried reindeer-
skin
marra' Enlci <ma-ra f snlci somewhat back of you
mat-tor j'tu-wa'lin < ?na<$-o7'|'w-w^7msomewhat
crazy
ma'nnqat-tye*<mq,'nenqg,6-ty& in what direc-
tion he moved on
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
657
rt > tt (13) tut-tei'Tcik < tur-tei'lcik newly made
nn > gn (14) teg-ne'lhin < ten-ne'lhm good skin
nn>gn (14) teg-ne'us'qdt<ten-ne r y'qat good woman 62.13
ny > nd' (15) mindi' Iqqnmik < minyi' Iqqnmik let us go to sleep !
a, sr ndilha, s n<a,'nyilha, s n let us give it to him!
ny>nd' (15) tand'a'n<tan-ya'n a good one
nr>nf (16) nu'nfi<nu'nri there (to the right or to the left
side from the speaker)
tl > L (17) ge'lqqLin < ge'-lqqt-lin he departed
61>L (17) maLti'mnun-valin<ma6-l'& f mnun-va'lin some-
what lazy
rl>L (17) tULU f k<tur-lu 'k just on seeing it
U>L (17) a e tto'oLa'ut<a s tto'ol-la f ut front head (the star
Arcturus)
gene' Lin <ge-ne'l-lin he has become 116.21
lr>rr (18) girgg f r-rq'mkin<girgo'l-ra f mkin "upper peo-
ple" (i. e., the beings supposed to live in the
world above)
In > Ih (19) ge'lhilin > ge'lndin (auxiliary verb, active)
rn>nn (20) tun-ne'lhin<tur-ne'lhm new skin
rt > t6 (20) tt-tai < tor-6ai new tea
walka 'tdinm <walka' 'r-6inm the jaw-bone house
59.8
JcJc > gk (22) mug-kuke'ni < muJc-kuke'ni numerous kettles, a
number of kettles
kq > c/q (22) mug-gora'tli < muk-qorafni a number of reindeer
kn > nn (23) pe'edvan-na'lvul <pe'evdk-na'lvul one-year rein-
deer-herd
<jn>nn(23) 6en-nito'rkm<deg-nito'rkm egg goes out; i. e.,
young bird hatches
kg>wkw (24) mukwui f gun<mti,k-gui f gun many block-houses
kg>gg (24) mtig-ga'LE<m i &k-ga'LE many birds
gq>qq (only in e i s qqdi< e i s g-qdi little wolf; but e i*g-quli'qul
suffixes) (25) wolf's voice
lg>ly (26) ne'lyi* it became 9.11
ig>ty (26) ri'tya* thou shalt be
8. Auxiliary Vowels
(I) When clusters of more than two consonants are formed by com-
position, the clusters are broken up by an auxiliary vowel, ordina-
rily /.
Before 10, v, the auxiliary vowel is u.
Before or after a p which forms part of a consonantic cluster, the
auxiliary vowel is #. (8
3045 Bull. 40. pt. 212 i2
658 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Before or after g, the auxiliary vowel is a.
ti r m~k-i-le'ut (ti' rrikilgi-le'iit R 278) hummock-head
i'tb-i-pilvi'ntm precious metal (i. e., gold)
gel-i' -tkm-i-lc on the top of the sea-ice 9.1
'na f lvul-i-dhm the herd 79.6, see also na'lvHHhm 32.11
tUii't-i-ka without head 47.8 (<e-lewt-lca)
i't-u-wil precious ware
eul-u-wa'lat long knives 15.2 (<iwl+valat)
n-i'-np-u-qin old one
n-u-plu'qin small one 10.2
lelanpma' Zhaqai eyes (had) the small old man
n-i'tc-d-qin heavy, dear
(2) Consonants that can not form clusters like , , wkw, d, d', t',
&'i J? 3" te-ke also auxiliary vowels when in contact with other
consonants.
mu'Limul blood 117.12
ti'L-i-til the entrance 105.15
mingi'Linin hand 57.10
ga'Lilen he entered into the sleeping-room 109.22
ge'wkuLin they have tied him up 20.10 (<ge-wkut-liri)
(3) When two consonants forming a cluster come to stand in final
position, an auxiliary vowel is introduced.
pi'nil news
pu'Jcil big bowl
evi'nt dresses 7.8
In some cases, however, there is a terminal obscure vowel, which is
derived from an older, stronger vowel.
ga f LE bird (stem galha)
ri'rki walrus (stem rirka)
ve'LE raven (stem velve)
Jci'rni buck, male (stem
9. u, w
Short, obscure u may change to w or v.
tvJurkin thou sayest tu'wtuw word ga'tvilen he has said
ru'urkm thou splittest ru'wgo the split one ga'rvilen he has split
rij/urkm thou scrapest ru'wgg the scraped ga'nvllen he has
one scraped
7*wW&mthoudisplacest ru'wgg displaced ge'nvilin he has dis-
placed
ro'vrkm thou pluckest rg'wgo plucked qeigo'len he has
plucked
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 659
10. Intervocalic Elision
(1) Intervocalic w, y, (#), and g are either much weakened or drop
out altogether. This happens particularly when the vowels preceding
and following these sounds are alike. After an elision, the two vowels
are often assimilated.
ne'ekik < new-ekik daughter
qaala'len < qaqala'len he has passed by
V'/AO * Y * Y O f> * ^
gaalhiLen<gaya'lhj[Len he has moved away
muwa'q&a*lc<muwa t q&gc~k let me sit down!
ya'ilhin and ya'gilhm foot
miti'nmuut<mit-i-tmu-git we killed thee 10.12
pe'gtu-u'rgirgin <pe'gti-wu'rgirgin runner-noise 32.10
dimd0rkm<6imdtirkin thou creakest
(2) i + y followed by a vowel, and y + i preceded by e and /, form
neutral i (see 2, p. 644). The preceding / is assimilated by this
neutral i.
ge'iLin < ge'yiLin given
tig'lhin<tiyg'lhin vein
qigflhin and qiya'lhm heel
gei'lqaLin<ge-yi'lqqLin he slept
mi'ilhit<mi f yilhit I will give thee
11. fJionetic Influences "between Words
The changes described in 6-10 occur not only in word composi-
tion, but also between the end and beginning of words that form parts
of a syntactic unit.
gumni'n ewkwewlcwala! e < g&mni'n e'wkwew gala'e* my left-hand
driving-reindeer passed by
ya s 'ran mu'ri nan'nenai'pu-me're<ycf'rat mu'ri we grew too
angry (ycf'rat too much; mu'ri we; an'nenai'pu to become
angry)
Enne'n' um cflqe'm nito'e?<a s lqe'p nito'e 5 a nail went out (Enne'n'
one; aflqe'p nail; nto, -nito to go out; -i 3d per. sing.)
ni r mnimij'-a'lhitya t<ni'mnimit ya'lhityaft the neighboring
camp moved away
Sometimes n or t is inserted between two vowels one terminal, the
next initial that come together in a sentence.
tele* g-vi*' tarn-i f irkm gradually dying he is
Such insertions, as well as the assimilation of sounds belonging to
different words, are used with a great deal of freedom.
10, 11
660 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
12. Initial Consonantic Clusters
I have found the following initial consonantic clusters:
[BULL. 40
Initial
sound
Second sound
6 m n n
r
1
P
t
p6 pn pn
en ft*
pr
tr
Pi
k
Jfcm
kr
kl
q
qn
qr
ql
m
mn mfi
mr
ml
n
nr
ft
fil
It appears from this table that the stops and nasals, with following
nasal r and Z, are the only admissible classes of initial clusters, and
not all the combinations of these are found. The combination pt
seems exceptional in this series. Combinations which occur in initial
but not in medial position are printed in italics.
Examples:
pr interjection 88.17
pre'rem meat pudding
plagi' that is all 107.21
pla'lcilhin boot
pdegtuwa 'rkin thou takest off the boots
pne'rkm thou whettest it
pno'rkm thou imbibest
tni'rkm thou sewest
tnairge'ti to the dawn 135.16
traya'acfn shall I use it? 93.19
trennike'wkwafn I shall do to it 99.10
Tcmi'ndqdi small son 126.11
Tcn'tkin upper course of a river
Tdoka'lhm a kind of berry
qra'qu to the disowning 94.30
qres'gi'wkwi* git enter! 102.35
qla'ulqai little man 9. 6
gro'e* she brought forth 104.8
mle'rkm thou breakest
mne-ene'nilin sacrificing-shaman 42.5
mne' wkwenmik let us go away! 17.8
mra'gticfk I shall go home 99.2
mra'yo*nin shall we visit him? 108.10
12
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES OHUKCHEE
661
nre'q-i-git what dost thou want? 125.6
flle'n'nlet flame
(ffiaunra* gtaty& take wife home 115.8
Since many stems consist of consonantic clusters that are not admis-
sible either medially or initially, a great number of very curious pho-
netic changes of stems occur, either by consonantic assimilation or
dissimilation, or by the insertion of auxiliary vowels. Since these
changes are not so frequent in Koryak, the latter dialect often shows
the original form of the stem, which can not be recognized from the
Chukchee forms alone. I will give here examples of a series of pho-
netic changes of this type.
(1) Medial modifications.
Initial cluster of stems
Initial form
Probable stem
Medial form
pn
*pn
mn
tn
*tn
nn
m
*tn
n-n
km
*km
wm
ql
*ql
*l
(2) In the second group the stem, when in initial position, loses the
first sound of the consonantic cluster.
Initial form
Probable stem
Medial form
k
*rk
rk
P
*lp
Ip
k
*lk
Ik
q
*lq
Iq
I
*tf
til
k and tik
*tk
tik
w
*wkw
(ufcte)
V
*tv
(to)
(3) In a few cases a substitution of sounds occurs, partly due to the
phonetic laws described before.
Initial
Probable stem
Medial
r
*r
ri
9
*ff
/, y
Not in all cases.
J2
662
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
(4) In a great many cases an auxiliary vowel is introduced between
the members of the cluster.
Initial
Probable stem
Medial
pr and pir
*pr
pr
p&k
*pk
pk
pin
*pn
mn
v and tuiv
*tv
tv
titt
*tt
tt
k and tik
*tk
tk
til
*tl
I
kit
*kt
gt
yit
*yt
gt
kiy
*ky
99
tlm
*tm
nm
git
V
gt
mfik
*mk
mk
nip
*np
mp
nit
*m
nt
no
*fiv
mg
rig
*rg
rg
gil
*gl
gl
tr or rir
*rr
rr
qzy
*qy
*y
vn(i)
*vy
vg
wiy
*ivy
wg
in
*tt
L
ytf
*yg
1j
6uw
*v
cv
lin
*ln
Ih
Stem
*pne
*tni
*ffii
*lcminet
qli'kkin
*rlcile orj
*rkele \
*rkur
*rkipl
pne'rkin t h o u
whettest it
tni'rkin thou sew-
est it
tni'urkin thou
sendest it
Icmine' tirkm she
brings forth
twenty (lit., that
of a man)
kile'nnin he fol-
lowed them 50.8
Jcu'rirkm thou
buyest it
Ici'plinen she
struck her 86.5
pi'nhrkm thou
givest to him
ninemne'qin she whetted it 44.4:
ge'nnilin he sewed
gen'niu'lin he sent it
gewmi'neLin she brought forth
tflikkeu'Jcfalin nineteen (lit., one
lacking to a man)
gerkele'lin she followed him 37.1
ge'rkiiLin he bought
ga'rkiplilen he had struck 86.7
galpi'nhlen he gave
nilpi' n$iqmat they gave them 14.3
512
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 663
Stem
*lpinit or! pini'irJcin t h o u nelpini' tyd s n they bound him 8.1
*lpmit j bindest him
*lqdt qd'tyi* he left ge'lqdLin he left 59.1
100.16
*lqdin qdineu'nin he shot nilqdineu' nin they shot 78.10
at it 78.13
*tku Tcu'rkin thou con- ge'tkulin he consumed it 7.2
suinest it
*wkut wuti'lhm tying ge'wkuLin they had tied him 20.10
stick 104.24
*tva vgfrkin he is 125.2 qatva'rkin stay! 57.3
*tveta vetda'rJcin he gatve'tcalen he stood
stands
wetca'lin standing nitve'tcaqen he stood 48. 1
48.3
*pr pi'rgd e n thou hast ge'prilin plucked out
plucked it
pn'rkin he tears ne'pricfn they tore off 30.7
out
*pkir puki'rgd s t they ge'pkiLin he came 8.6
came 64.2
*pnlo pmlo'nen he asked namnilo'cfn they asked him 66.24
him 80.3
*tvu tu'wnen she prom- ga'tvulen he promised 101.21
ised it 49.6
*ttu tittu'rkm he blows gettu'lin he blowed
*tle tile'd t they moved minle'git let me move thee! 89.7
64.9
*tke tike'rkm thou ga'tkelen he smelled
smellest of
*yto yito'nen he pulls it gagto'len he had been pulled out
out 45.2 42.8
*lcyeu kiye' wlcwi s he geggeu'lin he awoke 55.3
awoke 55.8
*tm timne'n he killed na'nmucfn they killed him 8.2
him 43.11
*gtin giti' n-lu f Iqdl ni'gtingin he is pretty
pretty face
*mk mu'lcitm more nu- nu'mkdqin numerous 12.7
merous 12.3
*npe nipe'd s t they came gempe'lin they landed 12.9
ashore 7.8
*nto nito'e* he went out ganto'len he has gone out 8.4
56.4 12
664 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Stem
*nt niti'rlcin it de- ge'ntilin it has detached itself
taches itself
*nvo noorkin he begins gamgo'len he has begun
*rg ri'girkm he digs gdrailin he has dug out
out
*g'lo gilo'len theonesor- niglo'qen she sorrowed 27.10
rowing 27.12
* rr n'ng untying nerri'net they were untied 63.11
63.12
*rrl nrri'lirkin he puts gem' Lin he has put down
down
rirri'lnin he let nerri'lhtfn they set him free 8.2
him go 121.33
*vya tiuia'arkm he lets gavga'Len he has let go
go (an animal)
*wyo wi'yowi sling gawgo'ta with a sling
*llep lile'pgi* he looked q&Le'pgi* look! 79.11 (stem lile eye;
7.6 -p to put on)
*y$ u yu* urkin thou ge'lgulin he has bitten it
bitest it
*6vi tuwi'pit piece cut nine'Mqin they cut it 72.18
off 72.19
*ln li'nirJcm he has ti'lhigit I have you as 15.8
him as
The change from initial r to medial n occurs only in transitive
verbs:
re'urkin thou pier- geneu'lin he pierced
cest it
ru'rkm thou eatest genu'lin he ate
it
but rine'rkin he flies geri'nelin he new
Initial ti is sometimes replaced by 61 (see 2, p. 646).
6i f 6i-6o'oda before the entrance (lit., entrance before), instead of
ti' Li-tto' o6a.
In a number of cases stems seem to be reduplicated when initial,
and lose this reduplication in medial position.
me'rinfe slow n^nfegin the slow one (stem nfy)
yargfni house gara'len having a house (stem ra)
ygrg'ni sleeping-room garg'len having a sleeping-room
(stem ro)
12
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - CHUKCHEE 665
Perhaps the initial y of the last two examples is derived from r, as
in Koryak it replaces r.
Irregular is
i s rerkm he arranges a rein- (/erfr'lclin he has arranged a rein-
deer driving-match. deer driving-match
When a stem consisting of a consonantic cluster stands alone, auxil-
iary vowels are introduced after the initial and before the terminal
consonant.
pi' nil news (stem pnl)
Jcu'kil one-eyed man (stem
13. Pronunciation of IMLen and Women
The pronunciation of the women 1 differs from that of the men.
Women generally substitute S for 6 and r, particularly after weak
vowels. They also substitute for rk and 6/1. The sounds 6 and r
are quite frequent; so that the speech of women, with its ever-recurring
$, sounds quite peculiar, and is not easily understood by an inexperi-
enced ear. Women are quite able to pronounce 6 and r, and when
quoting the words of a man, as, for instance, in tales, use these
sounds. In ordinary conversation, however, the pronunciation of men
is considered as unbecoming a woman.
Examples are-
Men's pronunciation Women's pronunciation
ra'mTcidhin a'mlcim people
Pa'rkala Pa' Mala by Parkal
Itimna'ta Sumfta'ta by a buck
Caivu'urgm aivu'um (a name)
The men, particularly in the Kolyma district, drop intervocalic
consonants, principally n and t. In this case the two adjoining vow-
els are assimilated.
nitva'qaat < nitva' qenat
gei'miLeet < gei'miLinet
ti'rkiir < ti'rkitir
An example of woman's pronunciation is given in my Chukchee Mythology (Publications of the
Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vin, pp. 144, 145); and more fully in my Chukchee Materials
pp. 121-126, Nos. 26, 27, 28.
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666 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
It would seem that this process of elimination of intervocalic con-
sonants has been very important in the development of the present
form of the Chukchee (see 10).
Among the maritime Chukchee, the men use both the fuller and
shorter forms. Among all the branches of the tribe, women use only
the fuller forms.
Koryak ( 14-18)
14. Vowels
The system of vowels of the Koryak is considerably reduced.
Corresponding to the Chukchee, we may distinguish three classes
of vowels:
(1) Weak vowels i a u
(2) Strong vowels e o, 6
(3) Neutral vowels J
I i E a u
In this series, e and u are rare
o is generally replaced by o
ft, is generally replaced by / or a
A comparison of the table of Ko^ak vowels with that of the
Chukchee vowels shows that the glide e i is missing, e has taken the
place of e, and a neutral that of e weak and a strong (see 3).
Diphthongs formed with terminal i and u occur, but the u of the
Chukchee is often replaced by w or v.
Kor. Kam. apgfvekm Chukchee upa'urkin
In the dialect of the Kerek, i often replaces strong e, and is a
strong vowel.
Kor. Kam. Kerek Chukchee
me' mil thong-seal mi' mil thong-seal me'miL spotted seal
tanne'ti tanni'ti tanne'ti to a tannin
I have observed that the Asiatic Eskimo, when speaking Chuk-
chee, also have a tendency to replace e by i. They say
mi' mil instead of Chukchee me'mil spotted seal
tirga'arkm instead of Chukchee terga'arkm he cries
I do not know whether this peculiarity of the Eskimo is related
to that of the Kerek.
14
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 667
IS. Consonants
Stop
Affricative
Nasal
Contin-
ued
Lateral
Trill
Surd
Sonant
Surd
Sonant
Surd
Sonant
Labial
Alveolar ....
Palatalized alveolar
Palatal .
P
t
f
k
Q
d-
9
s
~
-
771
n
n
V
8, C
s-, 6
X
(Ltfll
Velar
Glottal
h, iv, y,
16. Comparison with Chukchee
The principal differences between this system and that of the
Chukchee are found in the series of affricatives, laterals, and trills.
The laterals and trills are absent in the Koryak of Kamenskoye.
(1) 6 is often replaced by c (in Kor. II, pronounced like English sh).
Koiyak II oia'kocik Kor. 96.22 (Chukchee uwa qo6e'gti Kor.
95.6)
ora'cek Kor. 102.17 (Koryak I oya'tek Kor. 101.1)
(2) 6' and jr are replaced by a strong and long yy.
Tco'yyon the one bought (Chukchee Jco'j'o)
(3) As in Chukchee, I is closely related to c, s', s, (see 2).
la'xlan winter ds'xcex cold
gayi' sqata sleep! Kor. 31.8 tiyoyi'lqatm I will sleep Kor. 31.8
pipi'Tcalftm mouse Kor. 58.7 pipi'kca-naw Mouse- Woman Kor.
23.3
valvi'mtilcfnan to Raven- va'cvi-Ha'ut Raven- Woman Kor.
Man Kor. 12.4 18.4
Correspondences of Koryak 7 and Chukchee , ', 5, and vice versa,
are also not rare.
Koryak yalgi'wifanhe entered Kor. 13. 9 (Chukchee resgifwjffuoi*
11.2)
vos'qe'ti to darkness Kor. 57.6 (Chukchee wu'lqik 126.1)
(4) Koryak I is pronounced almost like Polish I (Russian j), the tip
of the tongue touching the upper teeth, the posterior part of the
back of the tongue being depressed at the same time. The tip of
the tongue is a little farther back than in the corresponding Polish
sound. This sound may be recognized even preceding an i.
gavtf'yalin he has died (Chukchee qevtf'lin)
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The ordinary post-alveolar I is also found.
naw'anpil little woman.
milyafqpil small shell Kor. 23.8
(5) The Chukchee L and L are replaced by a sonant sound produced
by contact between the tip of the tongue and the upper teeth and
between the back of the tongue and the palate. The sound is con-
tinued, and accompanied by a slight trill of the back of the tongue.
Although this sound replaces both L and L of Chukchee, I have
retained for it the second Chukchee symbol, L.
(6) The Chukchee r is replaced in Koryak I by y, which, with pre-
ceding vowels, forms diphthongs. *
The y of the Koryak is always pronounced with a raising of the
tip of the tongue, which gives it a somewhat sibilant, strongly as-
pirated effect. In Paren it sounds sometimes almost like 6.
Kor. Kam.
Icoi'nin
va'yTcm Kor. 13.10
mto'yfan Kor. 12.5
yalqi'wikin Kor. 13.9
ya'qiy'kin Kor. 66.14
tiyayai'tin I'll
Kor. 30.5
Paren
Chukchee
Icoi'nin cup
va'rkin there is
nito'rhin he goes out
resqi'wJffwi* 11.2, 19.3 he entered
re'qarhm 18.6 what has happened
to you?
go home ra'gtie* he goes home 122.7
ye'li Kor. 60.1., 64.14
ya'lvinnen
there
6e'lvinnin he will vanquish him;
but ya'lvunnen Kor. 92.20
In a number of cases r is replaced by s', s, t, or 6.
Koryak
gayi'tbalin Kor. 17.3
ga'tdilin Kor. 15.10
gitgolai'ti to a high place
Kor. 20.1
ftadnin Kor. 60.9
gapi's'qalin Kor. 84.11
yi'ssilc Kor. 39.2
gi'ssa Kor. 18.7
ina'ssman Kor. 24.10
wu'ssin Kor. 30.3
-gitn(m)
palqa' thilnm
Chukchee
geyirre'Lin 96.21 it was full
ge'lhilin 64.4 he had him for
girgo'lqen 124.1 from above
na'rgm 49.7 outside
gepi'rqilin she fell down
n'rik to untie something
gir thou
ine'rnne marline spike, awl (in-
strument to untie with)
wu'rri on the back
-girg(iri) abstract noun
palqa'tirgm old age
1 1 have written the i corresponding to Chukchee diphthongs with t, while for the sound cor-
responding to r I have retained y.
16
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 669
The sound r appears in Koryak I folk-lore as characteristic of
several monsters and evil spirits. It is also used in Russian loan-
words.
Tca'rman pocket (from KapMaet)
preka'ssek commercial agent (from np ana main.)
da'qar' sugar (from caxapt)
In the last of these the r is palatalized.
(7) In Koryak II, r is used in the same way as in Chukchee, and
also sometimes replaces the 7 of Koryak I.
Tca'mak-ru (village Reki'nnok) ] n . 3 .
7 / 7 7 /V \ small image of a guardian
Kamak-lu (Kamenskoye) J
In other cases r is replaced by t, , , as in Koryak I.
Chukchee Kor. Kam. Voyampolka, Kamchatka
ti'rkitir sun ti'ykitiy Kor. 19.3 ti'tkitit
e'ner star a'nay e'ner
mu'ri we mu'yi (dual) mu'ri (dual)
(8) The Chukchee r is replaced by y or by palatalization of the
preceding consonant in Koryak I, by t in Koryak II.
Koryak I, gape'nyilen he attacked him. Kor. 96.8 (Chukchee
pe'nfmen'Kor. 95.10, Koryak II, gape'ntilen, Kor. 96.26)
(9) In the dental series, s appears chiefly in place of Chukchee r;
6 sometimes replaces y; t6 often replaces ik.
missaa'lomi we shall hear (Chukchee mirraa'lomi)
ti'hil tongue Kor. 56.4 (Chukchee yi'liil 7.10)
fiifa't legs Kor. 57.2 (Chukchee gitkaft 51.4)
qilu'tdu drum! Kor. 59.4 (Chukchee qilu'ikui*)
(10) y often replaces Chukchee g.
yiJcta'vekm he makes haste (Chukchee gaita'urkm)
tayyenivo'ykm he began to cough Kor. 84.20 (Chukchee teggi
102.35)
(11) v often replaces Chukchee w. Initial v is much more fre-
quent than initial w.
valo'm Kor. 55.7 (Chukchee walo'm 32.7) to hear.
(12) d' of the Kamenskoye dialect is analogous to the same sound
in Chukchee, and appears after palatalized n.
Kor. Kam. naw-i'nd'ula n<naw-i-nyu-la n the one serving for
a wife (stems naw woman; nyu to watch the herd)
Chukchee neund'u'lm<neu-nyu-lin (stems ntw, -nyu [riu])
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670 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The Paren n in this position is simply palatalized, and we have
the corresponding word newi'nn'iilcfn.
In the same way,
Kamenskoye na'nd'en, or even na'njen (from na'nyeri)
Paren na'n'en that one
(13) h is almost a velar continuant, and after consonants sounds
similar to g.
palqa'thenm and pdlqa'tgenin
qiya'thi Kor. 21.10 come! (Chukchee qaye'tyi* 15.11)
(14) wg or g u (labialized g) replaces Chukchee labialized fc, (wkw).
Koryak Clmkchee
yiwgici'ta Kor. 32.1 iwkudi'ta 37.3 drinking
gawgu'Lin Kor. 23.4 ga'wtcuLin 20.10 they tied him
qdkya'wgi Kor. 28.9 qagge'wkwi* 75.31 wake up!
(15) x often replaces Chukchee q.
(16) In place of the glottal stop of Chukchee, when due to the
elision of #, the older q is often retained or replaced by x.
tv'xcex cold (Chukchee dd 'cen)
mafqmit arrows (dual) (Chukchee maf'mit, plural)
The glottal stop of Koryak is always stronger than the corre-
sponding sound of Chukchee, and has a tendency to lengthen the
preceding vowel.
yo*'ekm he overtakes (Chukchee yo*'rkin)
(17) ' indicates a pause (glottal stop), which does not occur in
Chukchee. upirtali'nin he kicked him
(18) The marked tendency of Chukchee to lose intervocalic consor
nants like y, </, and w a tendency which in the men's speech affects
also n and t is absent in Koryak; and consequently many fuller
forms occur which presumably explain the frequent vocalic clus-
ters of Chukchee. In all those cases in which the Chukchee loses
intervocalic consonants, these are found in Koryak.
Kor. Kam. tyo 'ga an I overtook him (Chukchee tiyo*'a s ri)
Other words that retain no trace of the intervocalic consonant in
Chukchee have it in Ko^ak.
vai'am river (Chukchee ve'ew)
yawa'ykm he uses it (Chukchee ya'arJcin)
a s '2a l axe (Chukchee a 'al, but also cflha'tti, a l-ga'tti, ga'tti
hatchet)
uyidvat to play Kor. 32 7 kchee uutvet 43.3)
16
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 671
These older forms are even more pronounced in Paren.
Kor. Paren ei'ek lamp intu'welpiy son-in-law
Kor. Kam. a'ak intu'ulpiy
Chukchee e'ek intu'ulpir
The Chukchee cluster Ih is replaced by In in Kamenskoye.
Kor. Kam. ke'nmilnin root (Chukchee M'nmilhrn)
17. Vocalic Ablaut
The range of the ablaut is more restricted in the Koryak of Kam-
enskoye than in Chukchee.
i changes into e,
u changes into o;
gi'wlinat the} 7 said Kor. 21.2 gewnivo'len he said Kor. 14.4
nu'tanut countiy, land ya'nya-nota'lo foreigners
but a as ablaut of e does not occur, both sounds being represented
by a neutral a. The Chukchee e is replaced by e, the same sound
that represents the ablaut of i.
The neutral a is exemplified in the following words of the Kam-
enskoye dialect:
Kor. Kam. Chukchee
kaliJyhin (stem kali) keli'rfan (stem keli)
nu'tanut land (stem nuta) nu'tenut (stem nute)
a'kkat sons (stem a' Ma) e'kket (stem ekke)
aima'wikm thou approachest (stem eime'urkin (stem eimeu]
aimaw)
kama'na dish (stem kama) kerne' ni (stem kerne)
Since a is neutral, these stems are also combined with weak vow-
els. For instance,
i'tfa-kama'na heavy dish (from itci heavy, dear)
There are, however, cases in which the a represents the type ^,
which requires the ablaut,
e'vil-ta'mtam goitre, long tumor (stems i'vil long, ta'mtam
tumor); Chukchee ta'mtam
qata'p-e'mat load of food for winter use Kor. 86.17 (stems qatap
fish for winter use; imt load); Chukchee qata'p-e'mit
An example of the occurrence of e, corresponding to Chukchee |,
is
m$'yem$y tear (stem m$ye)\ Chukchee me'remer (stem m$re)
gapefnyilen she attacked her, Kor. 96.8 (stem j?gny); Chukchee
pe'nhnen Kor. 95.10 (stem pgnr)
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672 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Since the vowel-pair g-a, and the vowels | and a of Chukchee,
are much more common than the i and u groups, the ablaut is not
as striking a feature of Koryak as it is of Chukchee.
In the Kamenskoye dialect the ablaut of i and u is not as rigidly
required as in Chukchee. Particularly in word composition the
weak vowels often remain uninfluenced by the strong vowels with
which they come into contact. We find, for instance,
napela' -mu' yu instead of napela'-mo'yo we are left.
The weak i of Chukchee, which is due to the contraction of thi
and chi into ti and &', does not occur, since the consonantic cluster
remains unchanged.
palqa' thitnin or palqathe'nin old age (compare Chukchee
palqa'tirgin <,palqa'thirgin)
Initial u inserted before w, labialized k (w&w), and y, occurs here
as in Chukchee, and is neutral.
Koryak Chukchee
uwa'tikin he kisses (stem uwat) ukwe'erkin (stem ukivet]
uyaFqut husband (stem uya 'qud) uwa 'quc (stem uwa f qudi)
Several dialects of both groups of the Koryak have retained the
vowels and |. These have the ablaut analogous to that of the
Chukchee.
Kor. Kamenskoye gatai'kilin (stem taiki) 1
Kor. Paren getei'kilin (stem teiki) \ he has made
Chukchee getei'kilin (stem teiki) j
18. Other Phonetic Processes
Lack of Vocalic Contraction. When two vowels come together,
contraction rarely occurs.
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
anqa'-nna'n<anqa'-Enna f n anqa'-snna'n sea-fish
neu*'ttin<neu-a*'ttin naw-a s 'ttin she-dog
Medial Consonantic Processes. The alveolars t and 6 are not pala-
talized by following g or h (see 7, 26).
Chukchee Koryak
palqa'ti-rgin<palqat-girgin palqath-e'-nin old age
n generally remains unchanged before other consonants.
Chukchee Koryak
tam-pera'rkm<tan-pera'rkin tan-peye'ykin he looks well
qinere'mpei* take meat out of kokaftpalai'ke they take meat
kettle for me (stem mpe) out of kettle Kor. 27.5
Jc before other consonants occurs.
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
673
Chukchee Koryak
nigtaqen<ni< Tct-qen mkta'qen hard
The medial clusters fcm, pn, pn, which are absent in Chukchee,
occur in Koryak.
Chukchee
gewmine'Lin < ge-lcminel-lin
amnilka < a-pnl-ka
namffiila 'tinat 78.4 <na-ptil-
atinat
Koryak
gdkmi'nalin she brought forth
a child
apnilka no news
gapnilanvo'lenau they told
about Kor. 26.1
Auxiliary Vowels. The most frequent auxiliary vowel is /; but
a, which replaces Chukchee <z, also occurs.
Chukchee Koryak
yara'ni yaya'na house
nittdqin ni'ttaqin heavy
The terminal vowel i in Koryak often assumes a more per-
ceptible nasalisation than the corresponding Chukchee sound
(see 2, p. 645).
ee'ti and ee'tm to the sky Kor. 14.9, 10.
(Compare Chukchee anqa-borme' ti to the seashore 67.17)
Initial Consonantic Clusters. I have found the following initial
clusters in the Koryak of Kamenskoye:
Second sound
Initial
sound
(5 m n ft y 1
V
P
pt pn pft py pi
t
tn tft ty
tv
k
km ky kl
Q
qy o\
9
m
ml
n
nl
ft
It will be seen that this table agrees well with the corresponding
table in Chukchee (r being throughout replaced by y), except that
tv occurs, which is impossible in Chukchee.
Kor. Kam. Chukchee
tvi'tikin he stands vetd'a'rlcm (stem -tvetda)
bottai' nik-tvt' t$km he stands gatve'ttalen
on the outer part of the
house Kor. 43.5
gatvi'Un he stood
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 43 18
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However, va'ykin Kor. 13.10<#y0-y&//i loses its initial t.
The changes that occur in consonantic stems in medial and initial
position are quite analogous to those of the Chukchee, except that Jc
appears with following consonant in initial position. Other differ-
ences are shown in the following table:
Chukchee
Koryak
Initial
Stem
Medial
Initial
Stem
Medial
pn
*pn
mn
pn
* pn
pn
km
*km
wm
km
*km
km
k or tik
*tk
tik
k or tik
*tk
t
k
*rk
rk
k
*yk
yk
q
*lq
Iq
q
*lq
lq
v or tuw
*tv
tv
v or tv
*tv
tv
pift
*p1i
mri
pin
*pn
pn
fio
*nv
mg
fiiv
*nv
nv
rig
*r f
rg
sh or yig
*sh
sh
tr or rlr
*rr
rr
\yiy
\ yiss
*yy
*S8
yy
ss
vu (i)
yu
*vy
*yg
vg
ig
viy
yig
*vy
*ig
vy
IG
Examples:
pna'flcm he whets
tni'ilcm thou sewest it
tni'vikin thou sendest it
lemina'tilcin she brings forth
"ku'yikm thou bu^^est it
pmydTcm thou givest to him
qati' you left Kor. 18.5
Tcu'tkin thou consumest it
Ici'plik striking Kor. 62.4
va'ikm he is
vafivo'ykin he begins to stay
Kor. 13.6
tvi'tikm he stands
tve'tik to stretch Kor. 38.8
pyi'lkm thou tearest it out
pinlo'lkin thou askest him
tittu'flcin he blows
he moves
18
tikdlkin thou smellest of
gapna'lin he has whetted
ganni'lin he has sewed it
ganniu'lin he has sent it
gakmi'nalin she has brought
forth
gctiku'ylin he has bought it
galpi'nyelen he has given
ga'lqaLin he has left Kor. 17.3
ga'tculin he has consumed it
qaykipla' gitca strike him! Kor.
23.8*
ga'tvalen he has been
gatvanvo'lenau they began to
stay Kor. 23.1
ga'tvilin he stood
ga'tvelen they stretched it Kor.
38.8
gapyi'lin he has torn it out
gapnilo'len he has asked
gettu'lin he has blown
gdla'lin he has moved
14.9
ga'ttelen he smelled of
Kor.
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
675
yito'lkm he pulls out
time'Tcin thou killest it
nito'ykm he goes out
nivo'lkin he begins
yigi'lcm or shi'lcin he digs out
yi'yilcin thou untiest it
yi'ssik to untie Kor. 39.2
yissi'ltkin thou puttest down
viya'tekin he lets go (an ani-
mal)
vuyalannivo'ykm a snow-
storm set in Kor. 13.10
yigu'ikm thou bitest it
ya'wikin thou piercest it
yu'lcka to eat Kor. 57.1
yu'lkm he eats
yina'tikm he flees
lelapittonvo' ykm he looks
up Kor. 42.8
Irregular is
iycf'ikm he arranges a rein-
deer driving-match
galto'len he has pulled out
ga'nmilen he has killed it
Kor. 43.6
ganto'len he went out Kor. 48.6
ganvo'len he has begun Kor.
48.3*
ga'shilin he has dug out
gayyi'lin he has untied it
nassi'nvogum they are untying
me Kor. 39.3
gassi'lin he has put down
gavya'len he has let go
gawya'lyolen there was a snow-
storm Kor. 13.1
gaigu'lin he has bitten
gana'wlin he has pierced it
ganu'linat they have eaten
(transitive) Kor. 57.2
gayi'nalin he has fled (intransi-
tive)
aqaLapnivo'ykin he looks bad
Kor. 13.8
gali'yaflin he has arranged a
reindeer driving-match
Dropping of Suffixes. It may be mentioned here that all dialects
of the Koryak tend to drop the last syllables or sounds mostly
suffixes when these are not accented
Kor. Kam. mini'lqanmilc or mmi'lqat (Chukchee mini'lgdnmik)
let us go!
Kor. Kam. gaa'Lin, Kor. II (village Qare'nin) geye'Lin or
gey e' LI (Chukchee ge'eLin), he has come
Kor. Kam. vi'tvitpili^ Kor. II (village Voyampolka) vi'tvitpi,
small seal
Kamchadal ( 19-23)
19. Vowels
(1) Weak vowels I i e u u E
(2) Strong vowels c- e a o o 6 u
(3) Neutral vowels i E i a A u
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The symbols designate the same sounds as those in Chukchee.
f almost like a diphthong ie, long; a glide from long i to long o.
e like English a in make, long, lips wide apart, corners of mouth
much retracted.
French eu in beurre.
o German 6 in offnen.
u French u in lune, but harder; more like the Yakut y.
6 English short o in not.
u English u in hut.
u as in Chukchee.
, , tt indicate the resonance of the respective vowels; for instance,
in lc!tx a l
Unusual length and shortness are expressed by the macron and
breve respectively.
20. Consonants
Stop
Affricative
Nasal
Continued
Lateral
Trill
Surd
Fortis
Sonant
Surd
Fortis
Surd
Sonant
Labial
P
t
k
q
pi
k!
qt
9
t '
61
m
n
n'
ft
/
8
C
S'
X'
X
V
z
j
\l
T
Alveolar
Palatized alveolar.
Anterior palatal...
Palatal
Velar
Glottal
w, y, h
f is rather rare; for instance, \\\flib a fish of the genus Coregonus.
x German ch in Bach.
x' German ch in ich.
j French j in jour, but with a weak preceding trill, somewhat like
Polish rz in rzeka.
z sonant s, as in French rose.
I as in Koryak.
Wj y, always consonantic.
fi , ', glottal stops, the former only after short vowels, the latter
after consonants, as in vi'Tvil.
T, 6", n'\ are pronounced with strong initial aspiration.
20
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 677
j, c, <5, are often pronounced with the tip of the tongue in dental
position, so that they attain a lisping character,
j between z' and z
c between s' and s
6 between ' and $
I am inclined to attribute this mannerism, which is affected by
many individuals, to the influence of the speech of the Russian
Creoles and half-bloods, who have this peculiarity in the whole area
between the Kolyma and the Sea of Okhotsk. In Krasheninni-
koff's records there are only slight indications of this tendency.
It may be, however, that some of the older dialects had this
tendency. Thus Krasheninnikoff writes (in my transcription)
cemt (Western dialect) 1 earth d
semt (Southern dialect) J
(Southern dialect)
At present in the western dialect, the only one surviving, the
word is pronounced both cimt and simt.
21. Comparison with Chukchee and Koryak
(1) Chukchee r, Koryak I j, , s, or , is replaced in most cases by j,
Chukchee Kamchadal
git, gir Ici'ja thou
mu'ri mu'ja we
(2) Chukchee and Koryak g is replaced by It or x.
Chukchee Koryak Kamchadal
gum, gum Tci'mma I
gi'ningi yigi'ngin xi'ligin fish-net
(3) Initial g of the comitative and verbal prefix (see 48, 64, 66)
is replaced by Jo!.
Chukchee Koryak Kamchadal
gene'w&na gana'wana Tclne'dum with a wife
genu'lin ganu'lin Jdnu'Jclnm he has eaten
(4) Chukchee gw (Koryak gv) is replaced by xv.
xo'xval thence
(5) Chukchee and Koryak w and v are replaced by hv.
Chukchee Koryak Kamchadal
watta'p vata'p hvata'pb reindeer-moss
va'ls va'la hvalt knife
wi'ut viut hivt whalebone
vi'n'vi vi'nva hvi'nve secretly
21
678 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
(6) The glottal stop following the initial vowel of Chukchee and
Koryak is often replaced by x or ~k preceding the vowel.
Chukchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal
e i*'tin i f nnim xei'ten neck
' e i 'm i 'gir, e gi'lnm xei'hini wolf
d > Lel a 'la l Tco'lol snow
e s 'le l altf'al lce 'M excrement
(7) Chukchee L and L are replaced by tl and tc.
Chukchee Kamchadal
tiLe'a ~k tcek I entered
tie there!
(8) In Kamchadal, I, c, c, and^' often replace one another (see 2,
p. 646).
chijc thou art Vic thou wert
txcjm I strike him txlin 1 struck him
(9) In the Sedanka dialect, c changes to j; s changes to z; and
sometimes &, Tc! change to ^, q!
Examples:
Okhotsk dialect Sedanka dialect
cuncjci n juncjci^n thev live
sonk zotik into the wood
ci'la-tumx zla-tomx brother
Jcom'n quni'n one
Ido'lkmin qfd'lkrnin he has come
(10) In the Sedanka dialect there is also a tendency to drop the last
syllables of suffixes. Not as many auxiliary vowels occur as in other
dialects, and of double consonants one is always omitted.
Okhotsk dialect Sedanka dialect
a'tinti/m a'tnom village
te'vsxicjJc te'vsxis I ascend
Jci'mma Icimct' I
(11) Instead of the pure ??, we find an n with somewhat lateral pro-
nunciation.
Okhotsk dialect Sedanka dialect
s'nu E n nu then
22. Vocalic Ablaut
In Kamchadal the ablaut affects almost all the vowels, which are
much more numerous than those of either Chukchee or Koryak.
'i changes to e. u changes to o.
i changes to | or a. u changes to g.
e changes to a. B changes to 6 or y.
22
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 679
Examples:
lcif*tenk at the house Tee? stank to the house (stem Jcist
house)
sunk in the wood sonic to the wood (stem sun)
txi' ink by them txa'anlcE to them (stem itx)
nJc in the trough ~k$px'$nk to the trough (stem
M'x'enk in the river Tee' wank to the river (stem Jcix')
kuke'-kumnin he cooked it Icoka jo- humnen he began to cook
*it
The obscure vowels /, #, A, u, are neutral, as are also 0, a, <?. In
this respect Kamchadal differs from Chukchee, in which dialect
vowels that are hard or weak never appear as neutral.
In Kamchadal the initial vowels of suffixes, and auxiliary vowels,
are also subject to the ablaut, their form being determined by the
vocalic character of the stem, which is generally monosyllabic.
Thus a system develops which is somewhat similar to the vocalic
harmony of the Ural Altaic languages.
ki'$t$nk at the house Tc&stg/nk to the house (stem kist)
k'l*xonk at the lake ktfpx'gnk at the trough
(stem kVx) Tcq'px'onk to the trough (stem kKpx.)
tisunulo' tijlc I always live in the woods (ti I: sun wood; u auxiliary
vowel: lo to live; t always; -jk I)
23. Other Phonetic Processes
Comonantic Clusters. In Kamchadal consonantic clusters are of
frequent occurrence. I have found, for instance, Jctv&t, txcj, txcjh,
txctx, ntxcjh, ~k!lkn.
Sometimes auxiliary vowels are inserted, or some of the consonants
have a decided vocalic resonance, but more often the clusters are free
from vocalic elements. The peculiar consonantic character of pro-
nunciation may be observed also among the Russianized Kamchadal;
and the natives are taunted by the Russian Creoles, and even in the
intercourse of various villages, on account of this peculiarity of their
speech. Nevertheless not all consonantic clusters are admissible.
t
U changes to nl.
~ko'lol (absolute form), Tcolo'nF < kolol-l* (instrumental), snow
elliein (absolute form), inl <il-l (instrumental), ear (pi. i e l)
23
680 BUBBAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Note, however,
l&l (absolute form), lule'l* < ltil-V (instrumental), eye
Auxiliary Vowels. Auxiliary vowels are introduced to avoid con-
sonantic clusters originating by composition, although the corre-
sponding clusters may be admissible in the stem itself. All neutral
vowels perform this function. Although / is more frequent than
all the others, u, E, e, (#), are also found rather often.
lule'l*<lul-r eye
tveta'tijlc<tveta r t-j~k I work
Initial Cliisters. The prefix Ic! is omitted before ~k and Jcf
Ido'lkmin he has come
The prefix fc before initial fc and JcJ changes to x.
xke'jxtik accept him
The prefix t of the first person singular is dropped before verbal
stems with initial t.
txlin < ttxlin I struck him
The prefix t of the first person singular changes to 6 before
verbal stems with initial 61 or 61.
Jcr'mma didi'ninife < t-dinin-jlc I sew
Compare also
Chukchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal
e*'tqin a'66m e'tikelax the bad one
wuwffilTca'lhm 6et6e'lnin ti'xtax shrew
Stems with the initial clusters Ik and rk, when appearing at the
beginning of a word, add a preceding vowel.
i'lkarujc<lk-r-jc (Chukchee qati'rkin<lqat-rkm} he leaves
In other cases the Chukchee Z or r of these clusters is replaced
by <5 and c respectively.
ckla'ujlc<cklau-jlc (Chukchee lcila'urkin<rkilau-rkiri) he runs
24. Accent
r In all three languages the accent usually recedes to the beginning of
the word, even as far as the fourth or" fifth syllable from the end.
Chukchee pa'riLinin shoulder-blade
Kor. Kam. mqe' shiqenat those two that have been bought
Kamchadal kHa'tilJcqjuknan they began to perform the cere-
monial
24
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 681
To give emphasis to the word, the accent may be thrown upon the
last syllable, the vowel of which then changes to o.
Chukchee tipenhrko'n < tip&nhrkiri\
Kor. Kam. tipenn'eko'n<tipe'nn'ekm\ I attack him
Kamchadal tipencijo'n<tipe'ncijm J
MORPHOLOGY ( 25-129.)
25. Morphological Processes
The Chukchee group of languages uses a great variety of morpho-
logical processes for expressing grammatical relations. The unity of
the syntactic group which forms a close unit is maintained by a law
of vocalic harmony which requires that if one vowel of the unit is
strong, all the others, that may be either weak or strong, must also
take the strong form. This law does not act in any particular direc-
tion ; but whenever a strong vowel appears in any part of the word,
it strengthens all the other preceding and following vowels. In the
present condition of the language, this law is not quite strictly con-
fined to certain vowels ; but a few stems and endings that have no
vocalic element except auxiliary vowels are always strong. It may
be, of course, that here strong vocalic elements have been lost.
Stems appear almost always with morphological affixes. Only par-
ticles and a number of nouns occur as independent members of the
sentence in the form of the simple stem, their independence being
indicated b} r their failure to modify their weak vowels in conformity
with the strong vowels of those words with which they are most
closely associated. The general occurrence of nominal affixes, and the
restriction of stem forms occurring independently to certain phonetic
types of nouns, make it plausible that we are dealing here also with
a loss of older affixes. If this view should be correct, there would be
no forms of nouns or verbs and related classes of words without affixes.
Either the stems consist of consonantic clusters or they are monos} 7 !-
labic or polysyllabic. Only predicative stems consist of consonantic
clusters. Denominative stems have fuller phonetic values. In all
polysyllabic stems a certain symmetry of form is required by the laws
of vocalic harmony ; so that in the same stem we find, besides neutral
vowels, only strong vowels or only weak vowels.
25
682 BUREAU OP AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. *o
Owing to the 'inadmissibility of extended consonantic clusters, and
to the avoidance of initial consonantic clusters, stems undergo im-
portant changes due to the insertion of auxiliary vowels, to elision
of consonants, or modification of consonants, according to the position
and connections of the stems in the word.
Composition of stems is of extended use; and we find many types
of composition of denominative, predicative, and of denominative
with predicative stems, which form firm units. Owing to the signifi-
cance of some of these stems, they never appear outside of such com-
pounds, and therefore take on the aspects of elements that are no
longer free, although their phonetic character and general appearance
are such that they might appear as independent elements. Certain
particles are also incorporated in the word complex. The stems
which are united in such synthetic groups influence one another ac-
cording to the laws of vocalic harmony and by contact phenomena,
which often modify the terminal sound of the first member of a com
pound, and the initial sound of the following member, or cause the
introduction of auxiliary vowels. Although ordinarily these com-
pounds originate by a simple juxtaposition of stems, there are cases
in which certain formative elements m&y be recognized.
The function of a simple or compound nominal or verbal unit in
the sentence is further determined by reduplication, prefixes, and
suffixes.
Reduplication is confined to denominating concepts, and is of pecu-
liar character, the first .part of the stem being repeated at the close of
the stem as far as the first consonant following the first vowel. This
gives the impression of a partially suppressed repetition of the stem:
for instance, stem or go SLEDGE, reduplicated orgo-or.
Both prefixes and suffixes are numerous. The same phonetic laws
that cause a differentiation of the forms of the stem cause differentia-
tion in the manner of joining affixes to the stems or to the compounds.
In some cases a distinction between compounds and words with affixes
is difficult to draw, neither is it possible to carry through a rigid dis-
tinction between nominal and verbal affixes. There is great freedom
in the use of stems for either predicative or denominative purposes.
In the Chukchee language nominal concepts are classified as
common nouns and proper names. A nominal singular and plural
occur, but in Koryak we find besides these a dual. As in many
525
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUCKCHEE 683
American languages, the relation between subject and predicate is
conceived differently in the case of the transitive and of the intransi-
tive verb.
The relation between noun and verb is expressed by inflection of
the noun. A subjective form of the noun expresses the subject of
the transitive verb and an absolute form designates the subject of
the intransitive and the object of the transitive verb. The subjective
form is primarily instrumental. It expresses also the object which
is used in the performance of an action as: COOKING (WITH) MEAT.
It would seem that the transitive verb has primarily a passive sig-
nificance, but this view does not satisfactorily explain many of the
forms.
Locative ideas in, at, towards, from are expressed by means of
nominal postpositions. These are given extended meanings and are
applied to express a variety of relations between verb and indirect
object. The genetive relation is not ordinarily expressed by post-
positions and is not analogous to a case form, but is rather expressed
by derivatives which signify, PERTAINING TO, BELONGING TO. These
elements are even added to the personal pronoun to express posses-
sive relations. The characteristic American incorporated possessive
pronoun is not found. Demonstrative ideas are expressed with
great nicety particularly in the Chukchee dialect. The syntactic
forms of the personal demonstrative and indefinite pronouns are
analogous to the corresponding forms of proper names.
In the predicate are expressed singular and plural, (in Koryak also
dual), tense and modality. There is no distinction made between
inclusive and exclusive first person plural. Declarative and inter-
rogative have the same forms. Among the tenses only the future is
derived from the verb therne in a manner analogous to the formation
of modes. A continuative is expressed by a derived form, the
verbal theme being expanded by the sufnx-/rfcm. Other temporal
concepts are expressed by nominal derivatives, and temporal subor-
dination is often expressed by syntactic forms of the verbal noun.
Other modes are a subjunctive, expressing conditional and other
subordinate clauses which, however, is very rarely used, an
exhortative and an imperative.
The verb complex consists of pronominal prefixes which enter into
combination with temporal and modal prefixes. These are followed
25
684 BUBEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL.*)
by the verbal theme which takes additional temporal and modal
suffixes. The end of the verbal complex is a pronominal suffix. In
the transitive verb, the pronominal prefix designates the subject, the
pronominal suffix the object. There is a strong tendency to express
the predicate in the form of a predicating noun analogous to a rela-
tive clause. For instance, instead of i KILL THE REINDEER, the
Chukchee will say, THE REINDEER ARE THE ONES WHOM i KILLED.
These forms receive a treatment different from that of the true verb.
Stems may be developed by affixing subordinate elements. There
are a number of attributive elements of this class such as LARGE,
SMALL, NUMEROUS. Furthermore, we find locative terms such as,
WHAT IS ON, WITH, ON TOP OF, NEAR, INSIDE OF SOMETHING ELSE
and also, WHAT is SIMILAR TO, WHAT is USED FOR, WHAT is PRO-
VIDED WITH SOMETHING, A RECEPTACLE FOR SOMETHING. Nominal
forms derived from verbs are abstract nouns, results of actions,
instruments. The verb is developed by adverbial suffixes expressing
for instance, reciprocity, a desiderative, single action, intensity,
beginning, duration, causation, negation and also ideas like, TO
FEEL LIKE SOMETHING or the bad temper of the speaker. Verbs
derived from nouns are TO BRING, TAKE OFF, LOOK FOR, CONSUME
SOMETHING. Prefixes are quite numerous and are largely of an
attributive or adverbial character as, A LITTLE, QUITE, ALL, EN-
TIRELY, MERELY, SOMEWHAT, TRULY, NOT.
Furthermore, words may be compounded quite freely, adverbs
with verbs, verbal stems among themselves, nouns among them-
selves. Nouns are also incorporated in the verbal complex, both
as the subject of the intransitive verb and the object of the tran-
sitive verb. Such incorporated themes are used both for habitual
and single actions.
26. Comparison of Dialects
The chief differences between Chukchee and Koryak lie in the lesser
amount of consonantic decay of stems in Koryak, the modification of
stems due to phonetic processes being considerably less extended in the
latter dialect; in the lesser extent of the occurrence of the ablaut in
the Koryak; and in the substitution of other consonants for the Chuk-
chee r, which process is more pronounced in Koryak 1 than in Kor-
yak II. Besides this, Koryak I is characterized by the restriction of
the forms of the Chukchee plural to the dual, while a distinct form
26
BOA3]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUCKCHEE
685
is used by all the Koryak dialects, even those that have no dual
for expressing the plural.
Chukchee and Koryak are so much alike, that the languages, are
mutually intelligible at least in part. On the northern border of
the Koryak territory a considerable amount of lexicographic bor-
rowing may be noticed, which extends even as far as the Anadyr
country. Thus we find
Kolyma Chukchee tegge'nirkin he desires
Anadyr Chukchee tegge'nirkin or gaima'tirkm
Koryak, Karnenskoye tajja'niTcin or gaima'tekin
Of these words, the first one is common to Chukchee and Koryak,
while the second is Koryak and is borrowed from them by the Anadyr
Chukchee.
Kolyma Chukchee wetha'urkin he speaks
Anadyr Chukchee wetha'urkin and vanava' tirkin
Koryak, Kamenskoye vetha'vekin and vanava' 'tekin
The lexical differences between Koryak and Chukchee are consider-
able. Still certain Chukchee words that do not occur in the Kamen-
skoye dialect re-appear in other dialects, some even in remote villages
in the valle} 7 s of Kamchatka.
Chukchee . . . .
Koryak, Kamenskoye
Koryak II Qare'nin .
Koryak II, Lesna
(Kamchatka). . .
Kerek
Kamchadal
AGAIN
NEGATION
(refusal)
lu'mna
qare'm
gu'mla
qaye'm
i'nnik
i'hut
WHALE
yu'ni (stem yunyu)
yu'ni (stem yunyu)
ligi'mmen qate'mm'i
ya w
yu'nyu (stem yunyu)
On the whole, however, all branches of the Koryak, even in their
most distinct dialects, like those of the Kerek near Cape Anannon on
Bering Sea, and of Voyampolka on the Sea of Okhotsk, are much
more closely related among themselves than to the Chukchee.
In the pronunciation of men of the Kotyma district many intervocalic
consonants are dropped (see 13). This is not so common among
the men of the Anadyr Chukchee, who use both the fuller forms and
those with dropped consonants. Among the Kolyma people the dif-
ference between the pronunciation of men and that of women is so
regular that the use of the fuller forms by the eastern people lays
them open to ridicule as using the speech of women.
686 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 40
Nouns ( 27-55).
27. General HemarJcs
The noun appears in a number of forms and with a number of suf-
fixes, the interpretation of which is not easy. A few of these have
clearly purely syntactic meaning, while others appear rather as post-
positions which are somewhat loosely connected with the noun. Some
elements of this group seem to form compound nouns, while I suspect
that others may have a verbal character.
The forms which are clearly syntactic are
(1) The absolute form, which expresses the subject of the intransi-
tive verb, and the object of the transitive verb.
(2) The absolute form, plural.
(3) The subjective form, which expresses the subject of the transitive
verb, and the instrument with which an action is performed. In
several cases our indirect object appears as direct object, while our
direct object appears as instrument, somewhat as in the two expres-
sions i GIVE IT TO HIM and i BESTOW HIM WITH IT. In Kamchadal
this form is not used for the subject of the transitive verb, but the
locative-possessive. In Koryak sometimes the one form is used,
sometimes the other.
(4) The locative possessive expresses the place where an event hap-
pens or where an action is performed. With terms designating living
beings it expresses possession.
Suffixes which express the allative and ablative form a second group.
These are not so distinctively syntactic forms, but give the impression
of post-positions, particularly since they appear sometimes in compo-
sition with syntactic forms of the first group.
A third class, quite distinct from the first two in form as well as in
function, comprises derivations of nouns and verbs which express
WHAT BELONGS TO, WHAT PERTAINS TO, THAT WHICH HAS THE QUALITY
OF SOMETHING, THE POSSESSOR OF, THE MEASURE OF BEING IN A CER-
TAIN CONDITION. These are frequently used to express the relations
between two nouns or between an adjective and a noun.
The fourth class expresses mainly various types of emphatic forms
of the noun.
We shall first take up the syntactic forms.
27
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUCKCHEE
687
ri'Lu carcass 65.14
afs'qe'ku a barren doe 97.17
venke'nfu a mother doe
The Absolute Form ( 28-32).
28. ABSOLUTE FORM EXPRESSED BY STEM
The absolute form of the noun serves to express the subject of the
intransitive verb and the object of the transitive verb. It shows a
great variety of formations.
The absolute form is expressed by the nominal stem. This form
can occur only in those cases in which the terminal sound is a vowel or
a single consonant. Since no ending occurs, the stem has no ablaut.
Examples are
(1) Stems with terminal vowels:
Tdtve'yu old walrus 8.12, 14
ELCL' mother 30.6
qe'li cap
lo'lg penis 45.1
(2) Stems or compounds with single terminal consonant (including
diphthongs in i and if). To this class belong words ending in y, w,
p, ra, t, n, &, <5, r, q, I.
ELa'qai little mother 35.5
ni'nqai little child 37.14
mi'rgew a suit of armor 116.24
r#'w whale 73.4
inpine'w old woman 19.5
tmu'p blue fox 96.17
re'lup quid
ve'em river 37.3 (Koryak v$'-
yem, va'yam Kor. 17.6, ac-
cording to dialect)
ret trail 37.1
le'ut head 44.11 (Koryak la'-
wutKoT. 82.11)
fie' wan wife 36.3 (Koryak na'-
wan)
Ai'wan the Ai'wan 7.1
na'nqan belly 43.9
uwd e 'qud husband 105.12
Ice' per wolverene 78.2, qe'per
92.21 (Jce'perd 78.11) (Kor-
yak qapay)
Tcn'mqor three-year-old doe
117.9
wanqa's'qor two-year-old doe
117.10
ol&Y fox 92.19
mtu'ulpir son-in-law 80.6
u'nel thong-seal 70.7
pe'nvel two-year-old buck
117.12
me'mil seal 96.4 (Koryak me!-
mil Kor. 90.6)
lu'mnil stoiy 61.5
pe'lcul butcher-knife 85.23
(Kor. pa'qul Kor. 78.23)
ne'lvul herd 49.3
qe'ptiril backbone 51.3
qlaful man 43.1 (Kor. qla'wiil
Kor. 17.4)
uwi'Jc body 35.11 (Kor. 32.5)
Ica'mak evil spirit 61.6 (Kor.
35.5)
ai'mak carcass 81.17
gmni'Tc game 84.28 (Koryak
gi'ynik Kor. 61.8)
e'ek lamp 68.12, 106.18
pu'reg white whale 96.9
o'Laq sea-lion 65.16
28
688 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL.40
(3) Stems ending in two consonants generally insert a vowel in the
terminal consonatic cluster.
qe'pil football (stem qepl); (Kor. Kam. qa'pil; Kor. Par. qepil)
maF'qim arrow 75.23
lo'nil walrus -blubber 47.4
pi' nil tidings 61.5
de'nil trunk 96.3
29. REDUPLICATED FORMS
Some stems are reduplicated.
(1) Monosyllabic stems are doubled. When the contact between
the last consonant of the repeated word and of the stem form an inad-
missible cluster, the usual changes occur.
Stem Reduplicated absolute form
nim ni'mnim settlement 7.7
leer Tcefrker combination -suit 37.8
yin di'ndin 1 fire 39.11
eFl <f'le*l excrement 80.11; (e"lu 81.12)
lig H'glig (Kor. liglig) egg
rig n'gng hair
om o'mom (Kor. o'mom) heat
lin li'nli heart (see 31, 3)
pon po'mpo fly agaric (see 31, 3)
tuw tu'wtuw word
06 o'tot chief
dot to'ttot bag-pillow 29.5
wut wu'twut leaf
gil gilgil sea ice 8.14
( e i s 'tit Anser segetum)
Koryak :
HZ Td'lkil navel string Kor. 63.10
pip pi' pip comb Kor. 78.9
vit vi'tvit ringed seal Kor. 17.12
nai nai'nai mountain Kor. 42.2
wiy wfyiwi breath Kor. 33.8
(2) Stems ending in a consonantic cluster always insert an auxiliary
vowel (8), and therefore appear in dissyllabic form. The redupli-
cation consists in the repetition of the beginning of the word at the
29 i Compares 2, p 645.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - CHUCKCHEE 689
end, including the initial consonant, vowel, and the first consonant
following the first vowel.
Stem Reduplicated absolute form
pilh pi'lhipil famine
qerg qe'rgiqer light
tirk ti'rkitir sun
terg te'rgiter crying 20.12
tirg ti'rgitir meat 48.8
tumg tu'mgitum companion 103.35
mitk mi'tlcdmit blubber 47.4
(Kor.) ye'lk ye'lkiyel pudding Kor. 34.2
muL 19.3 mu'Lumul 25.3 blood
*wdq wi'lquul 22.7 coal (Kor. Kam.
wu'lkuul, cf. Kor. 31.9)
*qerg (Kor. Kam. qesh) qe'rgiqer light (Kor. Kam.
qe'shjqes)
viyil (Kor. vyil) vi'yilviyil image (vi'yilviyil
Kor. 32.3)
A number of words of this group, particularly those beginning with
a vowel, repeat the stem vowel before the repeated syllable.
Stem Reduplicated absolute form
org o'rgoor sledge
omlc o'mkoom 79.5 willow
wus'q (Kor. Kam. vus'q) wu's'quus (Kor. vu's'quvus
cf. Kor. 57.6) darkness
el e'leel summer (Kor. Kam.
_
il i' liil rain ( Kor. Kam . mu'qamuq)
(yil) yi'liil language 7.10
yir yi'riir a full one 86.29
Related to this group are
ew ei'veei part of meat given to
neighbors, alms (Kor. Kam.
ai'vaai cf. Kor. 63.12)
snn snne'n fish (Kor. Kam. Enna'n)
(3) Some bases which end in inadmissible sound-clusters have initial
or terminal reduplication, and insert auxiliary vowels.
Stem Reduplioated absolute form.
iml (Kor. iml) mi'mil water (Kor. mi'mil)
mlti (Kor. mlti) mtifmil louse (Kor. m&'mil;
mi'mit Kor. 55.1)
elV) ilv (866^^7^^89.32; ge'l- ilvilu' wild reindeer 88.4 (Kor.
vulin 88.1) Kam. ilhu'lu, elhu'lu)
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 - 44 29
690 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
(4) Dissyllabic words repeat the first syllable at the end of the
word:
Stem Reduplicated absolute form
mere me'remer tears 116.8
qo*le 41.5 qo e le'qo e l snuff 41.4
yile (see 90.2) yi'leil marmot 89.33
yili (Kor. til) yi'liil tongue 48.8 (Kor. ti'lnl
Kor. 56.4)
quli quli'qul voice 44.7
nute nu'tenut land
yi'lqa,(t} (Kor. Kam. yilqa[t]) yi'lqail sleep (Kor. Kam. yi'l-
qayil)
Koryak:
mi'tqa mi'tqamit oil Kor. 90.17
qanga qa'ngaqan fire Kor. 30.8
Tci'lTca Tci'ltdkU shell-fish Kor. 70.2
(5) Some polysyllabic words double the whole word.
ene'nenen southeast wind
In Kamchadal analogous forms are derived principally from ad-
jective stems:
o'mom heat
bright a'txatx light
txu'nldx dark txu'ntxun darkness
tpilhe'tijlc I suffer from hun- pi'lhrpil and pe'lhepel famine
ger
Other Kamchadal forms of duplication and reduplication for the
absolute forms are:
6u f x6ux rain (stem dux)
pa'lapal leaf (stem pal)
Tcd'mlokom marrow (Chukchee fc/m/Z; Kor. Kam. Ici'miT)
lu'ntdunulc heart (Chukchee li'nli; Kor. li'nlin)
NOTE 1. A number of stems which in Koryak form their absolute
form by duplication have different forms in Chukchee.
Chukchee Kor. Kain.
go'pTci elk ve'pJcavep
n'rki walrus yi'ykayik
Presumably the Koryak has retained here the older forms.
NOTE 2. In a few cases the reduplicated or doubled form is used
not only in the absolute form, but also with other suffixes and in com-
position.
29
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 691
ke'rker combination-suit (stem ker)\ Kor. I key'lcey (stem key) ;
Icerke'rgupu and ke'rgupu from the combination-suit; ke'rkenlc
in the combination-suit
na'wker woman's suit
nimni'mgupu from the settlement 10.12
gelgeli' tlcinik on the ice fields 7.3; geli'tkinik on the sea-ice 9.2
merrdi'tkinik on top of the water 9.3
NOTE 3. It is not impossible that the forms
yara'ni house , . OAN
,~ i (see 30)
yoroni sleeping-room v
ya'rar drum
contain reduplicated stems in which the initial r has changed to y.
30. SUFFIXES -n, -ni
Stems ending in a vowel take the suffixes, in Chukchee -?i, -ra, in
Koryak -ne 9 -na, according to dialect.
lu'metun name of a spirit 22.6
kuke'ni kettle (ku'kek 75.13); Kor. Kara. Tcuka'fta; Kor. Par.
kuke'ne
yoro'ni sleeping-room 107.9
yara'ni house 7.8; 30.11 (Kor. yaya'na Kor. 22.4)
kerne' ni dish 86.23; 87.31, 33 \kama' gti to a dish 88.24) (Kor.
Tcama'fti Kor. 64.3)
qora'ni reindeer 51.6
npe'ni stone hammer 77.13, 16 (Kor. yipa'na Kor. 43.2)
*im wolf 78.2, 96.28
upa'ni broth (Kor. ipa'na Kor. 28.6)
Stems ending in two consonants, or in consonants that can not form
clusters with the terminal n^ take the ending -n with a connective
vowel, /, E; after q the connective vowel is a (Kor. Kam. a).
poi'gm spear 97.27 (poi'g& 117.29) (Kor. poi'gm)
na'nqan belly 43.9 (Kor. Par. na'nqan)
riggo'lgin cellar 36.8 (nggolge'ti to the cellar 36.10)
re'mkin people 8.8, 10 (re'mku 107.20) (Kor. ya'mkm Kor. 39.7)
tu'mgin companion 38.12 (tu'mga 37.7)
qi'thin lake 37.4 (gi'thik in a lake 37.5)
upa'lhm tallow 87.4 (upa'lha 86.23)
gi'lhin skin 23.9
gela'rgm gray fox 96.14
e'tm fat (Kor. '(5m Kor. 15.4)
ELI' gin father 73.10 (stem L)
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692 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Ice'nitvm boy 11.7
kopa'lhin walrus-blubber 12.6 (kopa'lha 14.11)
yi'lgin month 7.2
a 'tim dog 135.20 (a f ttu 135.20) (Kor. a f tta e n Kor. 48.8)
Iceinin brown bear 78.3 (Jceinu 136.20) (Kor. Kam. kaifftin)
reLoi'nm big old carcass 136.19
kokai'nin big kettle 33.10
i'rm fur shirt 83.24 (i'ru 116.26)
wu'lcwun stone (stem wuJcw R 3.19) (Kor. vu'gvm)
ni'lhm thong 41.10 (Kor. ni'lnm Kor. 40.5, 8)
To this group belong the endings -llun, -ynin, -thin, -girgin,
-yinn -lin (see 52; 53; 98; 1,99,8; 106, 44)
31. ABSOLUTE FORM WITH LOSS OF PHONETIC ELEMENTS
(1) Stems ending in a vowel weaken their terminal vowel or lose it
entirely. Those ending in e often change it to / slightly nasalized.
va'ls knife 15.13; 16.4; 43.7 (stem va'la)
n'rJcr walrus 8.5
"ke'ls an evil spirit 61.6
tU'mni buck (stem frumfta)
Tcnmi'nti three-year-old buck 117.11
u'rafc/bear 110.11
wi'ur scraping board (stem wiuri)
e'wid small bag (stem ewidu)
In case the loss of terminal vowel results in an inadmissible terminal
cluster, auxiliary vowels are introduced:
e'kiTc son (stem ekke)
e'nm, e'rem chief (stem erme)
ku'kil one-eyed (stem ~kuwle < *kukle)
lu'hil driving-reindeer, not properly broken in; (stem luwle
(2) Stems ending in -nv lose their terminal v.
e'wgan incantation 129.18 (stem ewganv)
e'tm master 122.38 (stem etmv)
(3) Stems ending in n with preceding vowel drop the terminal n or
at least reduce its pronunciation to a voiceless n. This occurs par-
ticularly in Chukchee.
31
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 693
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
ena'nvma scraper (stem ena'n- ena'nvma (stem enanvman)
vina'n)
kenu'ne staff (stem Tcenu'nen) 101.9
li'nli heart (stem lin) li'nlin
po'mpo mushroom (stem pon) po 'npo*n
pi'mpi powder (stem pin)
(4) A number of stems with consonantic ending have a double form
of the stem, one ending with the consonant, another one ending in #,
0, or , which are suffixed to the stem. The absolute form is the stem
form without terminal vowel.
Ai'wan an Asiatic Eskimo (stems ai'wan and aiwana)
intu'ulpir son-in-law (stems mtuulpir and intuulpire)
uwa e 'qud husband (stems uwa s 'qu6 and uwa qu6i)
ilir island (stems ilir and iliri)
(5) Irregular forms are
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
e i f 'ni wolf (stem [l]. e i g) i 'yiy (stem i y)
e i lt tm neck (stem e i e nn) tf'nmin (stem [l]i nn, i nn)
ELu'e nephew (stem ELuwgo) iLo'yo (stem iLoy)
mte' daughter-in-law (stem mtiyo)
a'kan fishhook (stem a n <*aqn^)
ga'LE bird (stem galJia)
VC'LE raven (stem velve)
e i e 'tit anser segetum (stem e i tu)
tu'mgin stranger (stem tumtik);
compare, however, the redupli-
cated form tu'mgitum COMPANION
formed from tu'mgin (in com-
pounds -tu'mgin, as yitdmit-tu'-
mgm BROTHER) tu'muk serves
also as possessive form.
32 SPECIAL FORMS
A number of pronouns form the absolute form in a special manner.
(1) Personal pronouns.
gum I (Kor. gumma; Kamch. Tci'mma)
git thou (Kor. gi'ssa-, Kamch. Jci'ja)
(2) The personal pronoun Ena'n (Kor. E'nnu, Kamch. sna') HE is
formed from the stem EU-.
(3) The personal pronouns of the plural are formed with the suf-
fix -i. In Koryak the dual has the suffix -i\ the plural, -u. In Kam-
chadal we find -a for the first and second persons.
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694 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
mu'ri (Kor. dual mu'yi, pi. mu'yu; Kamch. mu'jd) we (stem murg-
[Kor. much-, Kamch. mijg-])
tu'ri (Kor. dual tu'yi, pi. tu'yu; Kamch. tu'ja) ye (stem turg- [Kor.
tuth-, Kamch. tijg-])
s'rri (Kor. dual a 1 Mi, pi. a'66u; Kamch. itx) they (stem Erg- [Kor.
<zM-, Kamch. tx-])
(4) Interrogative personal pronoun.
me'nin who (stem m^-) (Kor. ma'Jci [stem wafc])
(5) Indefinite pronoun.
rffnut what (stem r<?^) (Kor. yi'nna [stem ya*?])
ni'rkmut a certain one (stem ww^) (Kor. ni'yka, ni'ykinvut [stem
ni'kinut a certain thing ( stem nike)
Dual and Plural (g 33-33).
33. GENERAL REMARKS
Chukchee, Koryak II, and Kamchadal have only two numbers;
while Koryak I has also a dual, which corresponds in form to the
plural of the Chukchee. The plural of the Koryak, both I and II,
presents a set of distinct forms.
34. PLURAL OF COMMON NOUNS
The plural of common nouns occurs only in the absolute form. In
Chukchee it is formed by the suffix -/. Stems ending in Z, r, n, c, y, t,
take -ti instead.
lildt eyes pe'Tculti butcher-knives 84.21
e'Tcket sons ni'ngaiti children 112.10, 15;
113.12
qu'tti the others 115.17 ni'nqagti 51.10
qla'ulte men 121.9 af'ttiqagti pups 122.18
yibemre'tti brothers 64.3 inpine' wqdgti little old women
ne'wanti women 50.4, 6 45.1
neus'qd'tti women 112.5 Idutti heads 86.8
Words which have a double stem form (see 31, 4), have also double
forms in the plural.
Ai'wan an Asiatic Eskimo (stems aiwan^ aiwana}\ plural ai'wante,
ai'ivanat
uwaf'quc husband (stems uwafquc, uwd e quci)\ plural uwcf'qutti,
uwa? qucit
i'lir island (stems ilir, iliri); plural ili'tti, i'lirit
33-34
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 695
Koryak:
The dual of Koryak I has the same suffix.
Ittaft two eyes
qo'yat two reindeer (Chukchee qa'at reindeer)
vai'amit two rivers (vai'amti Kor. 17.1, Chukchee ve'emit rivers)
The plural is formed in many Koryak dialects by -u after termi-
nal consonants, -wgi, -vvi (according to dialect), after terminal vowel.
qla'wulu men Kor. 44.3
na'witqatu women Kor. 44.2
qai-pipi'Tcalnu little mice Kor. 25.6
nawa'Tcku daughters Kor. 27.1
a'gimu bags Kor. 28.5
Icmi'nu children Kor. 44.7
vai'amu rivers (stem vaiam)
lila'wgi eyes
mimlu'wgi lice Kor. 25.4
imtandla'wge ermines Kor. 66.18
qgya'wge reindeer (stem qoya; qoya'we Kor. 22.4)
qapa'au wolverenes (<qapay-u) Kor. 12.7
u'lckamau vessels Kor. 28.5
Tci'plau mortars Kor. 51.5 (kipla'wi Kor. 53.8)
Kamchadal:
The plural suffix of Kamchadal is -(i) n.
u s h tree u sf hi e n trees
~kocx dog Jccxo n dogs
Jcist house ~ki'sti s n houses
Stems ending in n or I take the glottal stop before the terminal
consonant, and take no ending, but may modify the last vowel of
the stem.
lul eye lu l eyes
JcSli'lan spotted seal JcEli'li s n spotted seals
me'mil ground-seal me'mi e l ground-seals
In the material collected by Dybowsky 1 in southern Kamchatka,
t and d occur as plural endings.
iauin ear ivut ears
kosch dog Icosgut dogs
uan stone uad stones
i Slowniki Narzeczy Ludow Kamczackich Rozprawe WidziaJu filologicznego Akademii Ume
jtn6sci w Krakowie, 1892, vol. xvii, pp. 107, 113,120.
34
696 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The Kamchadal dialect of Sedanka also has the ending -t.
veto,' tilan workman veta'tilat workmen
su'nkil the one who flies su'nkilat those who fly
This can not be due to the influence of the neighboring Koryak
II, which has no dual, and uses only the u ending of the plural.
35. PLURAL OF PERSONAL NOUNS.
-( I)nti (Kor. Kam. the same) [~(i)n + ti ; for -(f)n see 39], expresses
a group of people belonging to and including a person of the name to
which the suffix is added. In Koryak Kamenskoye the ending
designates two persons only. This form is also used with the inter-
rogative pronoun.
Yf'tilinti Yetilin and bis family
(Kor. AMe'pimnti) Ace'pm and his wife
ne'wanti their wives
mi'lcwti (Kor. Kam. ma'tenti) who? (see p. 726)
Koryak Kamenskoye:
Valvimtila 5 ' ninti Raven-Man and his wife Kor. 12.1
Yini'a-na'wgutinti Yini'a-nawgut and her husband Kor. 19.5
A group of more than two is expressed in Koryak Kamenskoye
by the plural ending -wgi, but also by -inn.
AMepmafwge A66e'pin and his family.
Quyqmn'aqu'wgi Big-Raven and his people Kor. 39.10
Amamqu' tinu Ememqut's people Kor. 43.7
pipi'lcta-na'wgutinu mouse-women Kor. 23.3
36. Exclamatory Form of Nouns
Nouns may be given an exclamatory form by transferring the
accent to the end of the stem, especially with the last word of the
sentence.
kimilhi'n worms 39.3
When the accentuation is stronger, the last vowel is changed to o.
In this case, proper names lose their suffixes, and have the accent on
the last vowel of the stem.
Teto'l O Ye'tilm! remkilo'n a guest! 111.19
Quto'w O Qutu'wgi!
Koryak:
miko'n vannilno'n! whose tooth Kor. 34.4
nawako'lc! daughter! Kor. 22.7
tilago'n! I found! Kor. 24.1
35-36 '
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHBE 697
ID some cases, when the noun ends in a vowel, an -i is added,
and the accent thrown upon the end of the word.
Araroi' O Ara'ro!
Uperikei' R 72.15 O Upe'nke!
Mitel' 83.12 Kor. 37. 2 O Miti!
Kor. Quqe'! Kor. 74.29 O Quyqinn'a'qu
Kor. Yiftei' Kor. 88.1 O Yini'ana'wgut
also qlei O man! (from qlik, which other-
wise is used only in compounds)
37. Subjective Form
-e, -ta, a (Chukchee). Instrumental; used in place of object when
the verb is intransitive (e. g, she cooked with meat = she cooked meat);
subject of transitive verb. 1
(a) After terminal vowel -ta:
ekke'td by the son 18.9 vala'ta with knives 16.4
temu'netd with shell-fish 9.8 n'rkata by walrus 9.9; 10.6
uwd e 'quditd i'unin the hus- tar-qa'ata ge'rkuLin bought with
band told her how many reindeer
lile'ta with an eye
(b) After terminal consonant -a:
ene'nild by a shaman 7.5; evird clothing (obj.) 13.6
14.12; 15.9 u'tta with wood
wu'lqd by darkness 18.12 ELi'gd re'nnin the father brought it
SLi'gd by the father 18.4 poi'ga with a spear 12.9
rd'yipd with a drill 8.1 ; 11.2 kopa'lha with walrus-blubber 14. 11
yi'lqd by sleep 10.6, 7 Aiwhuyanpind 6ha by an old
a 'ttwild by the boat's crew St. Lawrence man 13.9
10.9; 12.4 Eiwhue'la by the St. Lawrence
re*'nld by the bow-man 10.10 people 11.10; 12.3, 11; 17.1
ene'nd with the spirits 16.3
(c) After terminal consonant -e. This e may be part of the stem
that drops out on the absolute form.
e'e uwi'i* with fat she cooked (i. e., she cooked fat)
(d) After terminal n often, after r sometimes, -$ta. Words of this
group are those with double-stem forms 31.4
gelefkma! ta along the ice-top 13.7
nmne'td and n'mnd with the inner skin
1 For proper names, see 39. Compare nominal forms of verbs, No. 3, $ 64.
37
698
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
aiwana'ta the Aiwan 46.6; 49.2
mtuf ulprreta by the son-in-law 80.22 and intu'ulpird
-ta, -a (Kor. Kam). Instrumental and subject of transitive verbs
(as in Chukchee).
lila'ta with an eye
u'tta with the wood
-A A.
cfla'ta with excrement Kor. 12.5
take'ta by the sister Kor. 18.10
ni'lna with a line Kor. 41.3
yita'myi-tu'mga by the brother Kor. 20.6
na'witqata by the woman Kor. 21.5
yaf'mha by the people Kor. 39. 7
yi'pna with the inner skin Kor. 48.8
With these endings are also found, formed from locatives (see
38, 58)
by which place
by this place
by that place
by that place (midway)
at night
at rnid-day
-l
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
minke'ia, minlca'ta
wutke'td wutca'ta
En'ke'ta Enka'ta
va'ankata vaiefia'ta
nilci'ta 12.9-, 14.10 niki'ta
gme't-a lo' gino't-a e lo'
hunqe'td there, by itself
no'tmqata there, behind the speaker
no'onkata there, farther on
nenke'ta there, far off
Here belong also the Chukchee forms
nunqe'td there, by itself
no'tinqata there, behind speaker
no'onqanata there, farther on
neiike'td there, far off
' Kamchadal. Instrumental.
u^ with wood (from u*h wood)
lule'l' with the eye (stem lul)
Locative Form( 38-39)
38. COMMON NOUNS
, -kl, -qi (Koryak the same) expresses the locative. :
ve'emilc nitvgfqen he lives on the river
ELa'qi nitva'qen he lives with the mother
nu'tek (Kor. nu'tak) on the land
38
See also Nominal Forms of Verb, 64, 65,
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 699
The forms -Jcl and -ql, also -ekl and -eqt are used after some stems,
but no definite rule in regard to their use can be laid down.
gu'mulc and gu'muql in my possession
yo'oql in the wind (from yo'o WIND)
ELafqi at the mother's (from ELO! MOTHER)
nelvule'M at the herd (from ne'lvul HERD)
veli'tke-laula'ki at the merchant's (from velitke-la'id MERCHANT)
Stems with the terminal clusters Ih, ch, th, rg, ng may drop the
terminal sound in the locative:
pi'lhin throat pi'lik in the throat
gi'thm lake gi'tik at the lake
mi'ngiLinm hand mi'nik at the hand
The forms pi'lhik, gi'thiJc, mi'ngik, however, are also in use.
Verbal nouns with the suffix -girg(m) ( 106.44) have in the locative
-inkior -nk:
Tcanka'tirgm descent kafika' tvrmJ&i and katika'&nk
titta'tirgin climbing up titta! tinnki and titta'tinJc
NOTE. These two forms appear with distinctive meaning in the
locative of gito'lhin SIDE:
gito'linki on the side of the mountain
gito'lhilc on the side of a person
This suffix is often weakened to -p, or even disappears entirely.
Thus we find nu'tek, nu'teg, and nu'te IN THE COUNTRY; ya'rak and
ya'ra AT HOME; the Jc may also be replaced by i. The leu'ti ON THE
HEAD 44.5; a'nqa-do'rmi ON THE SEASHORE 12.4
walqa'rik in the jawbone house, 44.14
nute's'qak on the ground, 15.5
rag-do' rmiJc on the house border, 12.12
a'nqak on the sea, 13.3; Kor. 25.7
gi'lgilik on the sea ice, 13.3
tu'wkik on the ice-floe, 13.3
ti'rrikik on a hummock, 62.7
qa'dekidhiJc on a thong of young walrus-hide, 62.8
lile'lc (Kor. lila'Jc) in the eye
Koryak:
va'amik in the river Kor. 32. 1, 2
di'chiniJc in the armpits Kor. 18.9
ya'yak in the house Kor. 19.9
iilgu'vilc in the cache Kor. 80.10
yaqa'lik in the porch Kor. 80.13
i'ycfg in the sky Kor. 19.3
qas'wuge'nki at the foot of the stone-pine bushes Kor. 21.7
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700 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
With nouns designating animate beings, the suffix -Jc expresses the
possessor.
e'lckek va'rkin (Kor. Kam., a'kkak va'ykin) it is the son's
maa'lik va'rkin in the neighbor's (house) he is 19.2
ge'mge-ni'kek whosoever 20.7
Kor. a'al tu'yik va'ykin have you an axe? Kor. 63.5
Kor. Tike'nviyik va'ykin With-Smell-Pusher-Away has it Kor. 63. 4
Personal pronouns also have this ending, while proper names and
personal demonstrative pronouns have the ending -(i)na (see 41).
The personal pronoun is used with the ending -fc, particularly when
the noun to which it is attached with possessive significance has a suffix
(-ta, -gti, etc.), while in the absolute form the suffix -in BELONGING TO
or MADE OF is used (see 46 and also 47). In similar cases nouns
designating animate beings are often used with the ending -k.
gumu'k e'lckeg nalvule'pu qdi'mithin take from my son's herd
gumu'lc alcka'lpu from my son (gum I; -k possessive; ekke son;
-ipu from [ 42])
sm'g-nu'tek ne'rmeqin ke'ls in his own country the kele is strong
123.25
mo'reg-rak in our houses 84.16
Kor. mamaJnak tetei'tin on mamma's needle Kor. 25.2
Kor. Miti'nak dai'uthu into Miti's work-bag Kor. 38.4.
Here belong
wu'iku (Kor. wu'tduk) here
E'n'ki (Kor. afnki, Kamchadal s'nki) there
va'dnkr (Kor. vai'en) there (midway to)
no'onki there (farther on)
ra'dnki there (behind the person addressed)
no'tmlci, no'tmqi, there (behind the speaker)
nu'nki (Kamchadal no'nke] (aside by itself)
mi'nki (Kor. mi'nki) where
fte'n'lcu there (far off)
All these form allative, ablative, and instrumental, see 58.
-nk (Kamchadal); after terminal n, -&, also in some other cases.
Locative, and subject of transitive verbs.
lu'lenk on the eye txu'ntxunk in the darkness
(from txu'ntxun)
ci'mtenk on the land. a'tmtink and a'tmtik in the
village (from atmtim)
38
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 701
With nouns designating animate objects, the suffix -nk designates
the possessor.
p!i'6!ink bJii'zkinin it is the son's
The suffixes expressing DIRECTIONS TO AND FROM of the Kam-
chadal also contain the ending -nk, while in Chukchee and Koryak
they are formed by the endings -gt^ and -gtipti (see 40-43). The
distinct origin of these elements may still be recognized in Kam-
chadal by the fact that the termination for TOWARD always, that for
FROM generally, causes ablaut, while the -nk of the locative is
neutral. For DIRECTION FROM we find, for instance
Jcist house Tci'stenk in or from the house
Ice' stank to the house
Jcios' river Tci'x'enk in or on the river
Jce'x'anlc to or from the river
txu'ntxun darkness txu'ntxunlc in the darkness
txo'ntxonk to the darkness
a'tinum village a'tmftnk or a'tinuk in, to, or
from the village
These forms may be related to the possessive form of the
Koryak proper names (see 39).
39. PERSONAL NOUNS
-(I)nd. Subjective and possessive of proper names of persons and
of a few appellative nouns.
Ye' tiling, Yetilm's
gftena father's (a'ts FATHER, in the language of children)
apai'ninq grandfather's (qpai'nin<epe-ynm GRANDFATHER, in
the language of children)
tptqa'yma grandmother's ($p$'q(ii<epe-qq,i GRANDMOTHER, in the
language of children)
tumgi'ina friend's (tumgi'nina, in the pronunciation of women)
Telpune'nd lo f o things seen by Telpune R 379, no. 142 title
Tno'tirgma ti'lqatya'Jc I go to Tiio'tirgin 120.36
ni'rke- a certain one, gut another one ( 60), all personal demonstra-
tives and interrogatives ( 58) have the same forms.
-(I)nak (Kor. Kam.). Probably formed from the suffix -(i)na
and the possessive -Tc.
Miti'nak Miti's Kor. 15.11
Pldi'qala'nak Bird-Man Kor. 16.4
AMe'pmdk A6ce'pin's
wu'tininak this one's
mi'lcindk who Kor. 12.7
39
702 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
NOTE. The subjective of the personal pronoun in -nan may be
related to this form. The possessive form of these pronouns, how-
ever, is formed in -n (see 56)
Allative and Ablative ( 40-43.)
40. ALLATIVE OF COMMON NOUNS, CHUKCHEE AND KORYAK
-gti, -etl, -wtf (Chukchee); -$J(#), -etl(n) (Koryak), expresses
THE DIRECTION TO, also THE INDIRECT OBJECT, ON ACCOUNT OF, FOR
THE BENEFIT OF.
In Chukchee -gti is used after vowels, except o\
-eti after consonants;
-wtfo after o.
Examples of -gti after vowels:
qaa'gti ti f Iq&tyafk I went to the reindeer
anqa'gti eine'utkui* he called to the sea 8.5; also 49.5; 25.5
anqanqafa' gti to the seaside 49.6
ngta'gti to the country 51.2
to the reindeer-breeder 48.9
yara'gti to the house 105.27
Ulq'gti to the eye
aflq-qoplg! gti on an excrement-pile 45.5
Tcafy'gti to -a kele 9T.12
gir gold' gti upward 16.5
girgogba'gti upward 47.4
qnve! nqukq' gti to an unbroken one 50.12 (a lea not)
ta'lva-pa'lko-vfgti to one merely dying of old age 21.7
alcka'gti tre'tyafn I brought it for the son
on account of the reindeer 48.12
on account of the husband 48.12
Examples of -efi after consonants:
Icalt&ti to the bottom 9.7
naranentitko' nmonin notas'qe'ti it shall be thrown on the ground
25.3; also 16.7
memle't^ to the water 48.5
rafule'ti to the whaler 46.5
a qa'lcamaanve'ti to the owners of bad dishes 96.7
rnnne'ti to the inner skin
note'ti to the poor ones 96.26
ELigeti qdti' he went to the father 109.3
ye'camet-to'mgeti qati' he went to the brothers 110.1
tnairge'ti to the dawn 41.7
ye e lh'ti to the moon 41.11
40
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 703
penyolke'ti on to the hearth 32.7
gmo'nUi to the middle 10.7; 16.8
Ergip-ya'lheti on account of the bright moon 14.11
Examples of -wti, -uti, after o
qaaratikou' ti under the sledge-cover 110.8
yorou'ti to the sleeping-room 39.10
memlibikou' ti into the water 17.4
-Itl, -etl (Koryak)
-tti used after all vowels.
yaya'iti to the house (yaite'ti verbal, from yaite'km Kor. 17.3)
yoyo'iti to the sleeping-room
lela'iti to the eye
gUgolai'ti to the upper part Kor. 20.1
yinoi'ti to the rear storeroom Kor. 35.6
-eti after consonants.
yipne'ti to the inner skin
olhiwe'tm to the cache Kor. 36.3
yinootne'ti into the vent-hole Kor. 43.3
Here belong the allatives of the locative demonstratives and inter-
rogatives, which take -ri in Chukchee.
Chukchee Koryak Kamchadel
whither mi'nkri menkei'ti ma'nke
hither wotcai'ti
'dnkai'tin
' Kor. 17.2
thither (midway) va'anre vaienai'ti
thither ne'nri nankai'ti
41. ALLATIVE OF PERSONAL NOUNS
"(l)na TO, TOWARDS. Used only with proper names, personal
demonstratives, and with a few appellative nouns.
Ya'tilma to Yetil in
atena to father (a'ts FATHER, in the language of children)
apai'nrna to grandfather (apai'nin [<$p$-ynm], GRANDFATHER in
the language of children)
apaqa'yina to grandmother ($p$'q&i [<%P$-<l%i] GRANDMOTHER in
the language of children)
temge'ena to the friend (t&'mgmina, in the pronunciation of
women)
wo'tqanena (Kor. Kam. wo'tenena) to this one
me'hena (Kor. Kam. me'lcena) to whom
-(I)na(n) (Kor. Kam.) TOWARDS, TO. Used only with proper
names. Pronouns belonging to this group have na like the corre-
sponding Chukchee form.
41
704 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
to A66epina
Mete'na to Miti Kor. 43.2
The related suffix, -(i)n or -na(n), may be used with a few appel-
lative nouns; -tti (see 40) occurs as well.
to! tan or ta'tanan to father; to! tana Kor. 74.15 (ta'ta FATHER,
in the language of children) ; but iLai'ti to the mother
42. ABLATIVE IN -ffiipu
-'P$> -gtyPty (Chukchee) FROM, OUT OF, ACROSS, ALONG.
ending in a vowel.
lela'lpu from the eye pottmai'pu by the holes 47.2
Roltannenai' <pu f rom Rulte'n- anqanqatai'pu from the seaside
nin 124.8 (see 31, 4) 49.8 (see 31, 4)
qaai'pu lei'wulm along the qaatikoi'-ptt from the herd 51.2
reindeer (herd) the walking pagtalkoi' pu along the crevices
one 22.6
nargmoi'pG, from outside tottagmbikoi' pu from the outer
12.10 (see 31, 4; of nargi- tent 131.5
no'lm that staying in the eutai'pu from below 131.5
outer tent) En'Jcetilcoi'pu from there (inside)
qole-notai'pu from another 131.12
land 14.12; 113.11; 136.21
notai'pu nilei' vuqinet they
walked along the (open)
land 17.9
-gtipti mostly with stems ending in a single consonant,
va'amgtipti from the river
mmni'mgtipu m'pkir-mu'ri we came from the settlement 10.12
pepe'ggupu by the ankle 50.11
-epti mostly with stems ending in two consonants.
orge'pu from the sledge
lautefpu Tci'plmen he struck him across the head (see 8.1)
ronme'pti from under the outer tent-cover 12.9
yikirge'pu across its mouth 115.1
lot-tagne'pu from the outer tent
gamga-va'irge'pu among all beings 22.2
ranme'pu from the border of the house 130.16
epi'nmepu from under the wall 130.16
-e'pu (only in Koryak II, in a number of dialects; for instance, in the
village of Ki'bhm in Kamchatka).
nute'pu galai'vulin he walked along the open land
542
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 705
43. POST-POSITIONS IN -nk, -nq, -nq, -(ri)qo, -nqor*
-ftqo (Koryak I) FROM, OUT OF (not with the meaning ACROSS,
ALONG).
Ida'nqo from the eye
ega'nko from heaven Kor. 33.4
Jcipla'giginko out of the bottom of the mortar Kor. 53.3
merikafnqo (mane'nko Kor. 33.7) whence
wotta'nqo from here
nankafnqo thence
na'ndkanqo Kor. 42.3
dnka'nqp from there
vai'enqp from there (not ver}^ far)
, -nqo'ri (Chukchee) FROM, not free; only in the following
adverbs:
me'?iqo and menqo'n whence (me'liko 113.19)
no'onqo and no'onqp'n from there (far oft) (no'onko 76.5; 131.8)
va'snqo va'dnqo and va'dnqpn from there (not very far)
no'tEnqo and no'tmqpn from behind the speaker
ra'Enqo from behind the person addressed
nu'nqu and nunqu'ri from there
s'nqo, 86.18 sn'qo'ro 65.18 and snqp'n from there 125.3;
wo'tqp, wotqoro 124.10 and wotqp'n from here
(na'nqp means, however, simply HERE)
na'riko 12.7 From this is formed the ablative nan'Jcoi'pw.
na'ni'ko there Kor. 32.1
qoro' COME HERE! (Kor. qoyo is probably the exclamatory form
for na'nqon HITHER. The latter form is rarely used. Kor.
Kam. qp'yin HITHER is perhaps the ablative of the same form.
qoro' na'nko then come here! K 73.76 qo'ro 101.3
-nJc (Kamchadal). Used in most oblique cases. Since all Kam-
chadal stems end in consonants, this suffix requires a connecting
vowel which corresponds in character to the vowel of the stem.
\-> 5 $ U"> $? 1 are found in this position.
The allative always has the strong form of the connecting vowel.
The suffix often takes the termination -e.
sun the wood lul the eye
sunlc from the wood lu'laiik from the eye
so' nice to the wood lu'larik to the eye
Tcix the sea s'nki there
Ic'i'xenk from the sea no'nke there, thus
Ice'xanke to the sea ma'nke whence, whither, how
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 45 43
706 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
44. Post- positions of Plurals of Personal Nouns
The plurals of personal nouns form their locative, allative, ablative
( 39, 41), and possessives (p. 709) by adding the stein of the pronoun
(i)rg THEY (Kor. Kam. [i]y) to the stem. The allative and ablative
forms differ, however, somewhat, from the forms of the independent
pronoun.
stem (i)rg THEY
Independent pronoun. Suffix of plural of
personal noun.
absolute E'TTI
allative Enka'gti Erik
ablative Enkai'pu i f rgupu
qla'ul man qlauli'rgupu from the people
ora'weLan person oraweLa'rgen belonging to men
Tma'p (a name) Tina'psrik with Tina'p and his family
(locative and allative)
Tina'pirgen belonging to Tina'p's fam-
ily, belonging to Tina'p 1
Kor. Kam.:
Pipi'kta-na'wgul Mouse- Woman Pipi'Ma-na'wgutiyik by Mouse-
Women Kor. 31.1
Annimaya't Frost-Man Anmmaya'tiyik by those with
the Frost-Man Kor. 38.9
Ai'ginvi With-Odor- Pushing- Aiginvi'yikm to the people of
Away With -Odor -Pushing -Away
Kor. 63.6
Quyqinn'aqu Big-Raven Qoyqmn'aqoyikai'ti to the Big-
Raven's people Kor. 19.9;
35.6
The k in the suffixes of these forms is evidently related to the k
which appears in the allative and ablative of the independent pronoun
derived from the stem (i)rg (Chukchee), as given in 56.
Miti's'hin belonging to Miti Kor, 28.7
Quyqimr aqu' thin belonging to Big-Raven Kor. 28. 7
Here Koryak s'h and 6h are analogous to Chukchee rg.
1 In cases of this kind the plural is often used to refer to the person himself.
44
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 707
45-50. Form in -in
45. GENERAL REMARKS
A considerable number of forms ending in -in occur, which are
seminominal in character. I have found
Chukchee Koryak Kamchadal
-in -in -in possessive
-Jcin -kin -in, -n pertaining to
-lin -la n measure of a
quality
ni qin ni 'qin quality of
ge lin ga lin possessor of
All of these form their plural and post-positional forms by adding
the vowel e before the affix added to -in. For example:
Chukchee Koryak Kam.
Absolute nime'lgin nima'lqin
Subjective nimelqine'tq nimalqina'ta
Locative nim.e'Lqwek nima'lqinak
Plural-Dual nime'lqinet 1 mma'lqinat
Plural nima'lqinaw
On the whole, forms of this type with post-positions are rare.
mi'nkri-va'lit ple'lcit tegge'nu nine' Igi git? Nime'ymqinet mei'-
mitmet. How do you want your boots? I want large ones
(mi'nkri how; va'lit being, pi. ( 54); ple'lcit boots pi. ; teggen
desire; -u serving for; ni- prefix of nominalized verb [ 73];
-nelg to have; -git thou; ni qinet nominalized form of verb,
pi.; me' in large, m- 1st per. exhortative; eim.it to take;
-net [I] them, exhortative)
To the question ra*-ne'lha gerkuLinf With what kind of skins has
it been bought? (req what; ne'lfiin skin; -a instrumental; ge lin
nominalized verb [ 73]; -rkur to buy) one may answer
nitenqine' t(i with good ones (ni qin nominalized verb; ni
qineta instrumental of this form; ten good);
but it is better to avoid the nominalized form with suffix, and to say,
ten-ne'lha with a good skin
em-te'n'nila nike'i* the sportful people teased him (em- mere;
te'n'nila subjective form of te'n'nilm sportful [the correspond-
ing verb with the suffix -eu is ten'ne'urkin TO LAUGH]; nike'i*
indefinite pronominal verb, nike'rkin TO DO SOMETHING)
1 Men's pronunciation nime'lqect.
45
708 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
These forms, however, have definite, augmentative, and diminutive
forms.
ten good nite'nqin definite form nitanqe-
na'thin (see 53)
te'ni&m (see 55) augmentative form
tanMynin (see
98, no. 1)
ta'num-vaflm (see 76) augmentative form
ta' num-vali' ynm
tand'ya'n(sQe 104.38) diminutive form
tand'yafnvuqai
In Koryak these forms are not found, as a rule.
46. SUFFIX -in.
-in (Kor. -in; Kamchadal -in) expresses material of which an
object is made, and possession.
(a) Material.
u'ttin wooden (Kor. u'ttiri)
ga'lgen um ern'r^t bird dresses 7.8
ga'Uien i'rin bird clothes 14.3
qg'ren ne'lhin reindeer-skins 14.4
e le 'lin qla'yl man of excrement 39.6
yara'ni wu'Jcwen house of stone 92.5
Jcg'nen made of horse (hair) (stem ko'ne from Russian KOHI>)
r^gr^gen made of hair
Koryak:
Tcuka'ldn gatai'lcilin it is made of a kettle Kor. 78.1
mi'mdin (made) of a louse Kor. 78.1
The same idea is also expressed by composition.
ga'lga-na'lhin bird-skin
u'tti-yu'ni wooden whale Kor. 40.9
(b) Possessive. Used only in absolute form.
e'lckin the son's (Kor. Kam. a'Jclcin)
(Kamchadal i'cxin the father's)
qo'ren the reindeer's (Kor. Kam. qo'yen; Kamchadal Jcfo'jan)
6au f duwen ne'wan the reindeer-breeder's wife 48.6
e'lckin ygrg'ni the son's sleeping-room 53.8
inpina'cheen ELi'ginen yoro'ni the old man's, the father's sleeping-
room 53.9
tu'mgin stranger's (see p. 689) 53.9
grp'wfatn aimdki'ynm a man's big body 90.14
46
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 709
nays' qa'ttinmen ELO! the woman's father 85.22
ne'ekJcin ya'nfa yorg'ni daughter's separate sleeping-room 28.3
ne'ekkin to'ttot the daughter's bag pillow 29.4
ora'weLen gq'mga-tE'tirgm man's every source of illness 24.3
Jce f le-ne'us : qdtin .Ice'rker the combination-suit of the kele-woman
85.33
qla'ulqaien i'nn the man's suit 85.35
ninqa'yin em'nn the child's clothes 25.8
Eu'urkilin e'Jcilc Ku'urkil's son 79.23
Tno'tirgmen Tno'tirgm's 120.16
Umqaqdi'in U'mqaqai's 63.12
Koryak:
tami'nni-qla' widen nawa'~kak an artisan's daughter Kor. 24.10
awa'ni-ndwin nawa'lcak the daughter of a seamstress Kor. 25.2
tu'mginau Jcawa'ssodhu other people's wallets Kor. 46.1
qo'yen gitca'lnin reindeer-leg Kor. 53.3
Proper names form their possessives of this type also with the suf-
fix -(i)n, especially when the terminal sound of the stern is a vowel.
A'nna (a name) A'nnan belonging to A'nna
Qutu'wgi (a name) Qutu'wgin belonging to Qutu'wgi
Ainanwa't (a name) Ainanwa' tin and Ainanwaf ten belonging
TJpe'riken belonging to Aina'nwat.
to UpenkeR72.13
Niro'nen belonging
to Niro'n R377,
141 title.
In Koryak the suffix m, characteristic for the postpositional
forms of proper names, is sometimes inserted before the possessive
suffix in.
Amamqitftinin na'witqat Ememqut's woman Kor. 45.1.
Quyqinn'aqu'nin nawafTcak Brig Raven's daughter Kor. 76.14
The plural takes the regular plural ending -et (Kor. Kam. -at dual,
-an plural, Kamchadal -e' s n instead of -in)
e'Jcfcinet those of the son (Kor. Kam. a'lckinat dual, a'kkinau pi.)
(Kamchadal i'cxe e n those of the father)
Often, however, the singular is used instead of the plural.
The possessive forms of proper names have no plural.
The possessive pronoun is evidently based on this suffix. It has,
however, somewhat irregular forms.
710
BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
Chukchee
Per. Pron. Poss. Pron.
1st per. sing.
. gum gumni'n
2d per. sing.
. git gmi'n
3d per. sing.
. sna'n sni'n
1st per. pi. .
. mu'ri mu'rgin
2d per. pi. .
. tu'ri tu'rgiii
3d per. pi. .
. s'rri s'rgin
Kor. Kam.
Per. Pron. Poss. Pron.
gumma gumni'n
gi'ssa gini'n
s'nnu ani'n
mu'yu mu'cliin
tu'yu tu'chin
a'ctu a' Man
Kamchadal
Per. Pron. Poss. Pron.
n
Jci'mma Tcima
Tci'ja
Ena'
mu'ja
tu'ja
itx
Tcini'n
sna'n
mi'jgin
ti'jhin
txi'in
The Koryak dual has no possessive forms.
Plural and dual are formed in the same way as in all attributive
terms in -in:
Chukchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal
my .... glmni'net (pi.) gumni'nat (dual) Tcima n(p\.)
gumni'nau (pi.)
From these possessives, forms with suffixes originate.
gumnine'td (Kor. Kam. gumnina'ta) with mine.
It is, however, more customary to use the personal pronoun with
the suffix instead.
gomokal'pu qdi'mityin TAKE IT FROM ME! (instead of TAKE IT FROM
MINE) (gomokaipu see 56; q gin imperative; eimit to take)
Demonstrative pronouns form two possessive forms:
wo'tqan\ wo'tqanen and wo'tqansnen j belonging
this [(men's pronunciation wo'tg&en and wo'tqasndn)! to t^ 8
Enqa'n\ znqa'nen and E'nqanEnen Ibelonging
that ((men's pronunciation snqd'en and snqaEnen} ^ na ^
The forms in snin may be considered as compounded with the
possessive of the third person singular personal pronoun Eni'n, so that
they would be parallel to the plural forms of the demonstrative
possessives discussed in 58, p. 729: wo'tq&nErgen (man's pronunciation
wo' 'tgasrgen) and E'nqanErgen (man's pronunciation E'nqdErgen).
The possessives of proper names in Koryak are formed in the
same manner; as
Quyqinnaqu' nin nawa'kdk Big-Haven's daughter Kor. 76, 14.
Amamqu'tmin na' v.utqat Ememqut's woman Kor. 45.1.
Kamchadal uses the suffixes with the possessive pronoun quite
frequently.
Jctma'nPinF with my Q&rs(Jci?nan my; -Z* instrumental; in ear)
mi'nenl* x'va'nl* with which knife ?
i'lcninT Iccx'oV with other dogs
46
BOASJ
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
711
47. SUFFIX -kin
-kin (Kor. Kam.-&|n; Kamchadal -in, -n) PERTAINING TO. This
suffix is added to all kinds of steins, nominal, pronominal, verbal,
and adverbial.
anqa'lcen of the sea 69.9 (Kor. Kam. anqa'qen Kor. 76.17)
tele'nkin pertaining to the remote past (tele'n-yep long ago); Kor.
Kam. ankiye'pkin (stem anki-ye'p)
Erga'tkm pertaining to to-morrow (Kor. Kam. miti'wkm)
pi'lhikin pertaining to the throat 9.3
a*ttwile'Jcin pertaining to the people of the boats 11.9; 12. 1
cf'ttwukin pertaining to the boat 14.6
qe'ptikin pertaining to the back 16.10
tile'lcin pertaining to motion 16.10
me'triliken pertaining to water 25.6
Jcele'Tcin pertaining to spirits 104.26
g'rguken pertaining to a sledge 62.11
qoi'mq-rg'Tcfyi pertaining to the rear sleeping-room 55.8
nute's'qakin ti'nikilhin a ground hummock 62.5
telenye'pkin belonging to olden times 61.5
menko'ken whence belonging? 113.20
wane'ken working, referring to work (from wane)
yilqa'tkin referring to sleep
Forms with post-positions are rare.
girgolktna'ta by the one belonging above 126.6
The possessive of the personal and of some demonstrative and in-
terrogative pronouns, with the suffix -kin (Kor. Kam. -kin) expresses
THAT PERTAINING TO
Chukchee
murtke'lcin
tite'lcin
minke'kin 1
menko'ken }
wutke'Tcin
Kor. Kam.
muyka'lcin (dual)
mu&ka'Tcwi (pi)
tita'Tcin
Kamchadal
Man, ite'nan
minkakin Kor
66.11
wutta'kin
minka'lcinau
ya'qkinau
nanka'Tcenat
mi nein
ta'nin
one being with us,
one of ours
one of our country
[from what time be-
1 in g
from where be-
ing, belonging
to what country
belonging here
whose? Kor. 60.4
of what kind (pi.)
Kor. 64.14
the two belonging
there Kor. 70.22
47
712 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 4O
Here belong also the following Chukchee forms:
En'Tce'kin belonging there
flen'Jcu'Jcm belonging there (farther on)
raEnqa'ken belonging there (not very far, midway to)
vdEnqafTcen belonging there (behind the person addressed)
notinqa'lcen belonging there (behind the speaker)
Such Koryak forms as mirikafMlcfn BELONGING TO WHAT COUNTRY
(Kor. 40.7), ganka'Wcfn BELONGING TO THAT COUNTRY (Kor. 40.7),
combine two suffixes 5 -Kw and-7&%, and refer to persons.
Temporal adverbs also take this suffix.
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
i'gitkin a'thikin what belongs to the
present
tite'lcin tita'Tcin belonging to which
time
Numeral predicates with the ending -kin express ordinal numbers.
miLirikau'lcen or miLinka' 'ulin the fifth
48. SUFFIX -l%n
-lin (Kor. Kam. ~la s n) (oblique cases formed from -, Kor. -Z)
expresses the measure of a quality.
minke'mil qe'tvulin what likeness strong? (i. e., how strong?);
Kor. Kam. menke'mit qa f tvula*n\ Kor. Par. menke'mis*
qe'tvulafn
en'Tce'mil gitte'pilium that likeness I am sensible (i. e., I am so
sensible) (en'Tce that; -ium [73])
With the prefix ge- it indicates the possessor of an object.
ye lin (Chukchee), pajin (Kor. Kam). This is identical with the
verbal forms given in 73. It expresses possession.
ga-qa'a-len (Kor. Kam. ga-qgya' -len) he who has reindeer
g-ekke'-lin (Kor. Kam. g-ateka'-Un) he who has sons
garai'-git thou who hast a home 89.7 (see 73).
ga-pela'-i-gum I have left
ga-qaaf -i-gum I who have reindeer.
Koryak:
gavagmna'len with nails Kor. 24.2
gaLa'lin with eyes Kor. 24.2
48
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 713
49. SUFFIX -q\n
n(l)qin&nd -lln (Chukchee), n(I) qin (Kor. Kara.), are added
to stems, most of which express a quality. Many of these are
also bases of intransitive and transitive verbs which are formed
with the suffixes -eu or -et (see p. 810). Some verbs, however, are
formed without these suffixes.
The attributive terms in n(i) gin are identical in form with the ver-
bal mode in n(i) gin, discussed in 73. When the verb has no
verbifying suffix -eu or -et, the verbal form and the attributive
term are the same, and the verbal form seems to assume nominal
functions. It may even take post-positions.
Examples of stems that are verbified by means of the suffixes -eu
OT-et:
Stems terg-] tergat to weep m-t&'r-d-qen or}
. / 7 (teariul
te rg-i-lin J
Stem ~kim-\ ~kime'u (Kor. } . ni-ld' m-a-qin 1 ,
T^ ? / , r-7 i\ slow -.*., **. slow-going
Kam. Kvmafw- [ikin]) \ ni-Td'm-a-qin J
Stem ayilh-'jayilhay, (Kor. 1 , ., n-aui r l-a-qe;i }.
y 7/ x " afraid e ' y 7 - J * fearful
Kam. ayil/iav) \ n-ayil-a-qen J
Examples of words that take no verbify ing suffix:
Stem no-; ni-no'-qen poor, needy
Stem tam-pera; ni-tam-pera'qen pretty
A number of words expressing qualities do not take the forms in
n i qin.
upli'li (stem uplil); (Kor. Kam. ipli'li [stem iplil]), yellowish
e f tqin (stem e f tqin and aqa)', (Kor. Kam. cf'tcin [stem a 'tta]',
Kor. Par. e 'tqen [stem aqa]); bad
gumni'n qa'at e 'tqinii my reindeer are bad
also uwe'li (stem uwele) and nu'uqin (stem uu 1 ) Kor. Kam. nu'gin
[stem u]), black
When used in nominal form, such adjectives take the usual suffixes.
6 'tqin a bad one
e tqi'ni6in or dqd'tin a worse one
cftqe'nin-va'lm or aqa'm-va'lin a bad or worse one
cftqend'ya'n or aqaya'n one who is bad
Examples of forms in -lin are given in 54.
For other adjective forms see 76.
1 This stem consists of two consonants uu < ww which form a vocalic unit.
49
714 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
50. KAMCHADAL SUFFIXES
is added to stems expressing qualities:
o'm-lax (from dm) deep (cf. Chukchee num-qin broad)
iuldx (from iul) long (cf. Chukchee n-iu'l-a-qin
o'lo-lax (from olo) small.
The plural of these is formed with the usual suffix -(i) e n
ololax-i n ki'sti n6 small little houses.
In post-positional forms the attribute forms a compound with the
noun:
o'lolax-ke 1 'sttanke to the small houses.
Several adjectival forms borrowed from Russian and Koryak
ii are also used.
vo'stroi' xvaU, ni'rugin xvaU a sharp knife.
nve'ihaqen u h a straight tree.
Here vo'stroi is Kussian, ni'ruqin and nv&'ihagen are Koryak n.
The last forms the Kamchadal plural nve'ihala e n u e 'hi n.
kfin (-fan) corresponds to the Chukchee and Koryak forms in
n(i) gin ( 49), and is used with verbal themes expressing
qualities as well as with intransitive verbs.
Jc!-ni'ta-in (Chukchee ni-gite'p qin) clever
Tcl-nu'-m (from nu TO EAT) voracious
lc!-veta't- an (from vetat TO WORK) laborious
k!-klnin seems to correspond to the Chukchee and Koryak forms
in ge lln ( 48), and is used with intransitive verbs.
It! -nu' -Tcifiin (from nu TO EAT) the one who ate
Both of these suffixes are also used with the transitive verb, Jc! in
with verbs of Type I (see 70, p. 744), Jcllcinin with verbs of
Type II (see 71, p. 746). These forms have a passive meaning,
pi. -faiVa*n f forms the personal noun of intransitive verbs.
nu'lcil\ pi. nu'TciFcPn.) the one who is eating
veta'ikal\ pi. vetatkaV'cjfn, the one who busies himself
colkef, pi. colk$l*a*n) the one who lies down
With transitive verbs it expresses the same idea.
txlkir the one who beats
Ice'jTciV the one who keeps
Suffixes in -i(n) 51-55
51. GENERAL REMARKS
A considerable number of nominal suffixes have the termination -n
in the absolute form. Some of these occur only in the absolute form.
-Ifdn (Kor. -Inm)
-Iffim,- iLinin (Kor. -Iffim)
-thin (Kor. -6
50, 51
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 715
-d^nin (Kor. -dnm)
~inin augmentative ( 98, No. 1)
-girgm ( 106, No. 44) (Kor. -gehm, -gitftm -gidnin) abstract noun
-fan
-lin
-tkin (Kor. Kam.-^m) surface
52. SUFFIXES -Ih- and -liR-
-lh(fri) (Kor. -Jftfri), the absolute form of a suffix -Ih-, which occurs
with great frequency as the absolute form of certain words.
In most cases it is not retained with other suffixes, although cases
of its retention are also numerous.
ttlqflhm eye (stem lile)
ti'mkilhm (and ti'mkitim) hummock 79.2 (stem tmik 62.7; but
timkdhe'ti 62.5)
melota'lhin hare 78.24 (stem milute 78.15)
reqoqq'lliin fox 78.3 (stem riquqe 78.12)
wu'Jcwulhin stone 35.11 (stem wukw 35.11)
Ta'milhm 1 worm 37.3 (stem Jcnn 36.11)
tamona'lhm a bivalve shell 9.7 (stem temune 9.8)
Koryak :
lela'lnin eye Kor. 49.5
gitta'lnm leg Kor. 53.3
pipi'Jcalnm mouse Kor. 58.7
va'nnilnin tooth Kor. 34.3,4
-If ft (in) (Kor. -If ft [/^], sometimes -H;Ift[~in] is used in the same
way as the preceding suffix.
vaf'glinm (stem ve g) (Kor. Kam. va^y-l^nin [stem ve s y]) grass
It is not always easy to determine whether the -Ik belongs to the
stem or not.
upa'lhm tallow 86.23 (ftpa'lha 87.4)
Tcopa'lhin walrus-blubber 12.6 (kopa'lka 14.11)
repa'lhin walrus-hide 13.13
penyo'lhm hearth 31.13
nawgo'lhm old woman 39.5; 40.1
vamilqa'lhm lip 14.5
penaka'lhin tassel 16.10
auta'lhin obsidian scraper 39.12
perka'lhin bowlder 129.6
n'llii' Linin and reliLinm wing (stem nlh, ril) 15.2
Of these, the first five stems retain the suffix Ih with post-positions.
The primary stem, however, is without this suffix: for instance,
i The text has kimilhi'n because emphasis is laid on the word which is the last in the sentence. If
there had ben more stress this form would have been kimilho'n (see 36). & 52
716 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
penyo'lhin hearth (stem pin, absolute form pi'mpi powder, ashes)
The following have weak vowels, and it may be assumed that the Ih
belongs to the stem.
pVlhin throat (stem pilh}\ (Kor. Kam. pi'Thin [stem pith]). Loca-
tive: pi'lJuk', p$'lik\ (Kor. Kam. pi'l hilc)
ni'lhin thong 4-8.4
ne'lhin skin 7.9
53. SUFFIXES -ch- and -cJT-
-eh(lri},-cin(lri) (Kor.-c$[J-/i], cfn [Jn];-*^[i-w];-*-f [in],
according to dialect). This suffix seems to express an em-
phatic form. Sometimes it corresponds to the definite article
or designates an object as referred to before. In other cases it
might be translated as A PARTICULAR ONE, in contradistinction to
other objects of the same or other classes. Some words seem
to have the suffix throughout.
Etymologically it may be related to the suffix -/J-, since 6 and I
(Kor. 6 and /) replace each other frequently (see 122).
vala f hin knife (stem vala, absolute va'ls) ; Kor. Kam. vala'-6nm
(stem vglg,, absolute va'la)
ra'mkitihm people (stem remJc, absolute re'mkin)', Kor. ya'mkidnin
(stem yamJc, absolute yalmkin)
ELi'githm the aforesaid father 19.11
ora'weLacTiin the aforesaid man 18.11
o o + *. o
penyo'lhithin the aforesaid hearth 32.9
ye'litihm the aforesaid tongue 40.10, 12
lela'lhitihin the aforesaid eve 106.19
-* >\ o
qplp-a 'tti6hm a particular kind of dog 121.11
Icalgfcliin a particular kele 105.14
va' ami chin a particular river 40.12
lolo'thm a particular penis 26.8
na'lvulidhm a particular kind of herd 79.6
Koryak :
qoqlo'witnm hole Kor. 15.8
lawtiki'Uicnin head-band Kor. 17.12
-clil (in).
nawa'nd^nin a particular wife 38.4
nau8ga't&inm the aforesaid woman 39.7
pako'ld^nin a particular kind of woman's knife 44.3, 5
NOTE 1. A number of steins end in A, and are not related to this
class.
tai'o6hi6hn the bag mentioned before (stem teiudh, absolute tei'-
udhin)', Kor. Kam. 6ai'o6hi6ni?i (stem taiuch, absolute dai'udhrn)
53
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 717
NOTE 2. In words which have the absolute form in -lh-, -Zjn-, the
suffix -<5J-, -fyfi-, may be added to the stem or to the suffixes -lh-, -lin-.
lela'lhichin 106.19, or lela'6hin eye (stem lih, absolute lela'lhm):
.* ^ O O * A O O J \ A ' * A o ' "
Kor. Kam. Idalh^nm or lela'cnm, (stem /i7a, absolute lela'l/iin)
54. SUFFIXES -/J- (-l<fn, -8&n)
-ll-, -le n, (Kor. Kam. -la e n f -[a]{a n, -[i]Ja n are similar to the
participle of the intransitive verb. As suffixes of substantives,
they indicate a person related in some more or less direct way
to the object.
After stems with terminal vowel -lin is used; after the terminal
consonant of a stem (except /, r, ??, and t] the auxiliary vowel / is in-
serted before -lin. After terminal /, r, n, and t, the suffix -le n is used,
which forms with terminal I or r the ending -Le n, with terminal t the
ending-i^ 7i. W 7 ith names this ending expresses A PERSON ACTiNG(f).
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
ri'Len (<ril + -le n', baserj^) yi'Lcfn (base winged
reli' ' Linin yiT) yeli'lnin wing
naw-JceLa n ( < Jcer-le^n) flaw-Tee' $la s n clad in woman's dress
ya'aLcfn ( < ya r al-la ri) ya'aLcfn that in the rear
ve'emilin vaya'mila s n River man
a'ngalm a'nqalcfn Maritime man
na'tkila genpelqu'wlin by a left-handed man
was he vanquished
Numeral terms with the ending -lin express ordinal numbers.
miLinka'ulm or miLinkau'lcen the fifth
With intransitive verbs this suffix forms the expression THE ONE
WHO .
upa'uhn the one who drinks (stem upau to drink) (Kor. apa'ula n
[stem apau])
Here belong also
e'telin the one who is fat (Kor. Kam. gata'Un)
gai'midilin the rich one x
Plural, dual, and oblique cases are formed like those of the adjec-
tive in -lin ( 49).
Verbal stems terminating in I and r are contracted with this suffix,
and form -Le n.
une'Le n<unel-lin wood-carrier 27.5
te r Le n<tel-lin the suffering one 34.7
nlte'La n one who is lying there 28.6
1 See 48, 49. The two examples here given have no corresponding forms in n(i) gin.
54
718 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
i Le n<.i r-lin the one who crosses over
a s ttooLe!ti qi'irikwi* say to the one in front!
In Koryak the corresponding forms are not contracted.
te'La n the suffering one
e 'yla n the one crossing over
In Korj^ak the same suffix is used with transitive verbs to express
the actor.
pela'la n the one who leaves
In Chukchee the same form, when derived from transitive verbs,
requires the prefix ine- or the suffix -tku.
ewptltflin U e one who leaves
pgla'tkqlin )
In some cases both forms in -lin and in -~kin (see 47) are used
indiscrim i nately .
na'Mulin (Kor. Kam. na'6hala n) or na'dsn'lcen that to the left
mra'lin (Kor. Kam. mya'lcfn) or mra'Tcen that to the right
Similar forms in -la n occur in Kamchadal. These seem to be due
however, to the influence of the Koryak.
Jci'stilcfn and Tci'stiin that of the house
atmo'lafn and atino'an that of the village
55. SUFFIX -tin- (-ce^n)
-ein (-cefri) (Kor. Kam. -ca n, Kor. Par. -sa s n) is used principally
to express the comparative. The form -6e n is used after the
single terminal consonants n, r, I. With this ending, the
object of the comparison assumes the locative form.
me'Ue n the better one (Kor. Kam. ma'Ua n)
meinidm the larger one (Kor. Kam. mai'nita'n; Kor. Par.
jnei'nisafn)
ia'm mi'lci&in ine'ilirkm ta'aq, mei'nitm um qi?ie'ilhi why do you
give me the smaller bundle of tobacco ? G ive me the larger one
(ia'm why; mk large; in$-yil-i-rJcm you give me [ 67]; ta'aq
tobacco; mei'n large; urn particle expresssing slight emphasis;
q-ine-yil-gi* give me ! [ 67]); (Kor. Kam. me'ngangad iplu'ta n
ine'ydi ta'waq, maini6a n qine'yil; Kor. a '66ini6a n the worst
Kor. 30.7)
gafmga-qlcL'ulilc qe'tvu&ium I am stronger than all others (gemge-
every; qla'ul man; -Tc locative; qe'tvu strong; -ium [ 73]);
Kor. Kam. ga'mga-qla'widak ina'n qa' tvucegum)
It would seem as if the older meaning of this form were related to
-6hm THE PARTICULAR ONE. We find, for instance,
55
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 719
e'rmedm the strong man (stem erme)
no' cm the poor man (stem no)
This ending has oblique cases:
ya e e'pu qdtvi'gm cimqulc cut off some rawer part (ycf raw; -epu
from; qd-cvi-gm [stem 6vi] to cut [ 67]; di'mqulc some)
armace'ti to the strong man
armace'pu from the strong man
The ending appears also in composition without formative endings.
I'npic-akkai'pu from the elder son (np old; ekke son)
The subjective form of the third person pronoun combined with the
suffix -dm or va'lm (Kor. Kam. -6a n or i'tala e n) expresses our
superlative.
sna'n mai'nicin (Kor. Kam. ma'n-mai'nita s ri)
Ena'n-ma'yinku-wa'lmQLoY. Kam. ina'n-ma'yinkm-
the largest one
i'taltfn)
-cei (Kamchadal) expresses the emphatic comparative form of the
adjective, and replaces the ending -lax. As in Chukchee and
Koryak, the object of comparison is expressed in the locative
form.
Ici'mma Tcmi'nlc 6inm6ei' I am prettier than you (kimma' I;
Tcini'nk on thee; cini'nlax pretty)
Pronouns ( 56-60).
&(>. Personal Pronouns
The personal pronouns are
Chukchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal
I ... gum gumma, gum Tci'mma
thou . . git gi'ssa, 1 gi Jci'ja
he ... Ena'n 2 a'nnu Ena'
\inu'yi (dual) mu'ja
we mu n [mu'yu (plural)
itu'yi (dual) tu'ja
>' e turt (tu'yu (plural)
la' Hi (dual) itx
they . .Err, {^ (p , ural)
From these absolute forms, forms analogous to those of the noun are
derived. The locative, subjective, and possessive are derived from the
stems; while the forms in -gti, -ipu, of Chukchee, require the suffix
lea after the pronominal stem. Thus we find the following forms:
'The Koryak of Paren has gltca, although ordinarily tc is characteristic of Kamenskoye, ss of
Paren.
'The particle ELO'U is also used in the absolute form of the pronoun. Otherwise its meaning is
generally weakly concessive, like that of German doch.
56
720
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
I BULL. 40
I
&3 ^ S ~ U
CO
lj ^* R^
E " 1 1 f. 1 5
fi, ^ B, ^ 6, ^
a
1
V
(X
Z
(^
13
- S ^ >3
-2 - 8 T3, S
^* 5 1 -S e'
^ 75 ^5 ; 3>. o* ^
K t- i. O. *- 'W ">
1 S 3 ^ 3 | |
a
^.
a>
P<
3
\ a t.* J
?lllfl 1
1 1 1 1 1 1 1
I
^
%
_ >-< _ "i. ' '"2
e * * a ^ 1 1
S 9 K K S &S ^
ft) ft) t) K) fc) fc) &q
<a
e
bo
a
!
S i3 >S
02
13
*> 3*- ^
J; ,.- 2 e e e o
3>. ^ ?* -g ^ r AJ
~ e s s s s s
3. 5. t. 0,. . C>. S*.
rt
^
I
1 fi ^ ", >^
<=> ^ ^ .j*. ^ .-T^ p.
%
x^'b^-^S'^S
gill lltlf
>3 >3 >3 a 3 >3 o J 3 o.
*> 5X-B- ** ** ** ** ' a '' Ca -
S S ^ -^ * ^
~ ' V $ '
% | HI %
1
I
a a
3
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a
>o t2 ^ .^ KJ r
5* ^ 5* % ^ a
000 1
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&
-< s
1. 1
s S 5 -2
CJ 7 *O
. AJ g . . -tS .
f
g S * ?
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1
e 111
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1
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3 o 3 S 'S
S S S ^ 5 f
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S S |
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s
- . . 2 S *
S s $ s
o
"S
* ?
9
S g 'S 'g ^S ^
o>
*> * * <* *
a
S
ill 1 1 S
S
1 1 1 1 1 1
1
HI 2
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 721
!
j a| j i
*; -S 53 -Is -8 -S
2d person
i
Pi
fl
e 1 1 -1 1 1
1 1 1 t i
&
CO
11111 1
d
be
G
53
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** "S *
.s _s _ ^ ^
d
I
1 1 ? { 1 1
5 5 5 5 5_ 5 j 5
2 B u
._g o < > &
IJII q 5
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 46
56
722 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
In Chukchee and Koryak there is also a form expressing theaequa-
lis i. e. similar to, of the same size as, according to the wants of .
They are generally used with this suffix mic,-mil ( 102, 30).
Chukchee Koryak
similar to me gu'muw gu'muw
similar to thee gi'niw gi'niw
similar to him s'niw a'niw
similar to us mu'ruw
similar to you tu'ruw
not known
similar to them E'TIW
In both Chukchee and Koryak the plural forms of the first and
second persons are often used in place of the singular, without, how-
ever, conveying the idea of respect.
am.to" ', geyi'lq&t-tu'ri well, have }^ou slept? (singular or plural)
In Koryak the dual and plural forms are not sharply distinguished.
In Chukchee the plural subjective forms are, in the pronunciation
of men, as follows:
mergaa'n, tergaafn, srgda'n
In several dialects of Korak II the following forms of the third
person plural occur:
Absolute Ethu
Locative EtJiik
Subjective Ethma'n
The Kamchadal forms in itx, and the Chuckchee forms derived
from Erg., are evidently related to this series.
In both Chukchee and Koryak of Kamenskoye the subjective form
is used in some compounds.
gumna'n tini't myself (Ch. and Kor. Kam.)
In other cases the possessive forms are used:
gumnin ini r tkin(Ko\'. gumni'n tini'nkiri) my own.
The idea of SELF, however, is expressed differently in oblique cases.
Jcata'm-gomo Ica'gti (Chukchee) just to me (i. e., to myself)
tini't uwi'Tc ga'nmilen he killed himself, (lit. his own body;
uwi'Jc body)'
Kor. u'wik qnu'nvon he consumed himself (literally, his body)
Kor. 56.10.
Kor. gittaft uwi'kinat ganu'linat he consumed his own legs, lit.
legs body belonging to he consumed them Kor. 57.2
The term uwi'Jcin BELONGING TO THE BODY is thus used to express
OWN.
56
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
723
We find, however, in Koryak, the pronoun also used in oblique
cases to express OWN:
gu'irikin tini'nkina with my own.
Personal pronouns have also definite, augmentative and diminutive
forms, which take the suffix -onaiolh following the possessive form
of the pronoun.
gumiik-onaiolh-i6h-e-um big I
These forms are used in jesting, in children's play, etc.
Demonstrative and Interrogative (Indefinite) Pronouns
( 5
57. PARTICLES AND ABSOLUTE FORMS
The idea of position is expressed with great nicety, and in Chukchee
there are nine terms expressing the position of an object in relation to
the speaker. In Koryak there are only five, and in Kamchadal I have
found only two. The exact relation to the speaker is not quite clear
in all of these. In Chukchee the independent form of all of these is
formed by the suffix -qan (with n belonging to the suffix); only one
has the ending -qin. In Koryak a few have the corresponding endings
-Tcin, -gen, -qala'lcen.
Particles
Chukchee
Kor. Kara.
Kamchadal
Stem
Independent form
this
vai
Wlj/'t-
wgtqan, 65.22; 137.1;
133.4
f wu'ssin
[wu'tcin (Paren)
\nu , H'n
that
\fian
\Enqan
\sn-ft-
Enqa'n 115.2J; 71.13,
29; 63.7, 10
na'nyen
he'nlim
that yonder ....
ftoon
ng'gn-
ng^nqan 70.22; also as
Enka'kin
adverb
that yonder ....
na'an-, less
ila'anqan
frequent-
ly ftq'n-
that there (not very
\nan
* o
na'nqan 133.3
far)
there (quite far) . .
gan
ga'nqan 63.13
that there (midway to i]
\va'en-
ra'Enqan 121.24
va'yenqen
some other object)
>vat
\va'en
that behind the person
addressed ....
Irai
ra'En-ja'En
ra'snqan
that behind the person
speaking ....
Ino'ti
Ho'tin 70.21
no'tinqan
notmqala'ken
that apart from the
speaker
\ftun
nu'n-
fiu'nqin 137.3
who, somebody . .
(rott-)
mc'nin 11.4
min-
57
724 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
It may be noted that all demonstratives, except wut-, sn'n-, and
no' tin, end in -n which remains in all forms.
The demonstrative stems have strong vowels, except wut-, En'n-,
and nun. The last of these is treated more frequently as an un-
changeable stem; for instance,
nu'nin-iwtai!pti from that land,
although the two vowels u and i belong to the weak, changeable group.
When the demonstratives enter into composition, they take the
ending -in, except no' tin. The same ending is found in the interroga-
tive me'nin, which, according to the forms with suffixes, must be
derived from a stem mik- (see 58, p. 1726). These forms appear in
adjectival form in oblique cases.
wo'tin-notanqa'tlcen that one belonging to this country 7.1
wo'tm-irgiro'lc that (morning) dawn 10.3
wu' tin-nu' tek (Kor. Kam. wu' tin-nu' tak) in that country
mane'n-notai'pu(K.Qv. Kam. ma'nen-nota'nqo) from what country.
Kor. ma'nin-ni'Tcli-ye'Tkiyel which stone-pine nut pudding? Kor.
34.2
Kor. m,d nin-qai-'Tia' wis' qatik to which small woman? Kor. 34.5
For greater emphasis the independent, absolute forms of the demon-
strative may be used with the corresponding particle, as given on
p. 723, or with repetition of independent form, connected by the
particle um (see also p. 726).
no'onqan um noon
snqa'n urn snqa'n 130.9, etc.
The particles are, however, used also independently or combined
with various other forms.
raiQl.S wo'ten-rai 29.1
vai 61.9; 62.7; 63.6; 66.30, 35; ELO'U um vai 66.29
71.15; 76.25, 30 ELO'U vai 67.33
nan 71.3, 16; 62.4, 8; 65.1; 66.32 vai um na'n(i) 131.3, 10
na'an 63.13 e'nme nan 66.32
no' on 64.1 Enqa'n um vai 130.7
wot 81.12 wo'tqanm um vai 45.12
vai nan 62.9
wu'tku-m vai 120.11
NOTE. The Korj^ak form in -gala'Jcen given in the preceding table
of demonstratives is derived from the post-position -gal,- qac (Chukchee
-qal,-qac) CLOSE TO, BY THE SIDE OF. The Koryak suffix -qala'lcen cor-
57
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN" LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
725
responds to the Chukchee form -qatken, which is used to form a great
many derivatives. The following forms derived from demonstrative
pronouns may serve as examples:
Adverbial form va'snqad (Kor. Kam. va'yenqal) by the side, half-
way
Independent form vasnqa'tktn (Kor. Kam. vayeflqala'Jcm)
Adverbial form wo'tdnqat (Kor. Kam. vo'teflqal) here
Independent form wotinqa' tken 14.2 (Kor. Kam. voteftqala'lcen}
wotqani'rgupu (pronunciation of men wotqadrgupu) from those
58. PLURAL AND POST-POSITIONAL FORMS
Plural and suffix forms are derived from the forms in -qan adding
the -e (Kor. Kam. -a) to the terminal n that is found in all words with
terminal n of the stem ( 31, 4; 34). For personal forms the con-
nective vowel is i.
As examples may serve,
Chukchee
Kor. Kam.
Absolute
luo/tnan
wu'ssin Kor 49 9
Plural (Dual Kor )
wq'tqanat 1
wu't'ssat
Plural (Koryak)
wu'ttssdu Kor 32 2
Subjective not personal
wotqana'tz
wutfssa'ta
Subjective personal
wo'tqanSna, 2
wu'tininak
Locative not personal
wo'tqcinak
wu'tissak
Allative not personal .
wotqana' qti
wotesscti'ti
Allative, personal ,
u'o'tqqn&nj, 2
wo'tenena
Ablative not personal
wotqanai'pu
wotessa'nqo
Ablative, personal .
wotqanai'pti
wotenena'fiqo
1 Pronunciation of men wg'tqaat.
2 Pronunciation of men wo'tqasna.
Also Enqa'nat 49.5; 53.10; 96.6; Enqaa't those 62.10; snqa'n&na
by that one 44.8; wo'tqana this time 76.18
Koryak:
na'nyen that one (absolute) Kor. IT. 5, 9; 51.2, 5
na'nyeu (pi.) Kor. 21.1; 44.6; 62.4; na'nyau 25.6, 9; 42.4
na'nyenata (subjective, not personal) Kor. 43.5
na'nenenak (subjective, personal) Kor. 34.11; na'nyenena~K.or.
76.16
The plural of the demonstrative is used in nominal, adjectival, and
predicative expressions.
Enqa'nat qani' ntininet throw away those! 49.5
wo'gcicA qanu'uiki eat these! 33.12
Enqa'at qa'at those reindeer
Kor. Kam. na'nyenau a 'ttu those dogs
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In some cases the singular form is used when we should expect the
plural:
snqa'n gitiile'ti nine'l-i-um there I give to those who are hungry
96.24 (cf. 96.9, 12, 17).
Enqa'n oraweLat these men 63.5
snqa'n Umqaqai' mti these people of Umqaqai 63.10
Erqa'n ni'raq ora'weLat these two men 7.10
The corresponding forms of the personal interrogative WHO, SOME-
BODY, and of the Kamchadal impersonal interrogative, are
Chukchee
Kor. Kam.
Kamchadal
Kamchadal
Absolute
Plural (Dual Koryak)
Plural (Korvak)
me'Hin
mi'kinti
ma'ki Kor.17.6
ma'kinti
maku'wgi
WHO
k.'e
k.'e'n
WHAT
(rain)
mi'ni e n
Subjective ,
mi' kind
mi'kinak Kor.
k.'ink
mi'nenl'
Allative
m'kna
76.16
me'kena
k.'a'nke
m&'nank
Ablative
mekZnai'pu
mekend'Tiqo
k.'ink
mi'nenk
Examples :
me'nin um ELa' who is (your) mother? 113.14
mi'lcin yaarkme'tki Jcanci'irg in whose lullaby are you singing?
120.14
mi'lcind ganto'len by whom born? 142.1
In Kamchadal the form corresponding to the stem mile- signifies
the inanimate interrogative.
Nominal forms of the plural, when appearing with suffixes, have,
instead of the regular plural, forms compounded with the third person
plural personal pronoun (see p. 706).
In Chukchee we find also ma'lcirgin, pi. ma'Tcirginte, WHOSE HOUSE'S,
WHOSE FAMILY'S; related to the Koryak stem male-, and formed with
the stem -Erg of the personal pronoun third person plural (see 44).
These particles doubled, and connected by um, are also used as ex-
clamations.
nan um nan! you there! na'an um nan 95. 35 yonder
vai um vaif halfway there!
noon um noon! far off there!
They occur in the same way with interrogative pronouns.
me'nin nan ye'tirlcin? who comes there?
rd 'nun not wurre' erlcin? what is visible behind there ?
mi'nkri rai ne'lhi*? how then became he? 29.7
mi'nkri not a s qa-ras'qe'um,-va'lit? why! those are bad ones to
58 pass! 130.3
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Demonstrative and interrogative adverbs are derived from the par-
ticle stems by means of the locative endings. From these are derived
others bv means of nominal suffixes (see examples below).
Chukchee
Kor. Kam.
Kamchadal
here
wu'tku 7.5
wu'tiuk, a'nki
nux, te'a
there . .
E'n-kl 119.31
na'nko, na'nako, ne'-
s'nki, x f u, (xo'xval
there (midway to some object) .
there (behind the person ad -
dressed)
va'anki
ra'aflkl
niko
vai'en
therefrom)
there (behind the speaker) . .
there (away from the speaker) .
where
no'tlnkl
ftu'nkl
mi'nkl, me'nkl 12.2
mi'nki, Kor. 20.1
ma, mas
In Chukchee two forms in -qan are also used as adverbs.
there (some distance away) . no'onqan
there (far away) .... ga'nqan
Derived from demonstrative elements are also
Chukchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal
thus . . . sn'ni'n 63.13; snna'an Kor. 13.1, no'nke
65.22 10
Adverbs with suffixes derived from the locative forms are the fol-
lowing:
HERE
THERE
WHERE
Chukchee
Kor. Kam.
Chukchee
Kor. Kam.
Chukchee
Kor. Kam.
Kamchadal
Stem . . .
wut
un<tt
En
Han, an
mik
mik
ma
Instrumental
wutke'td
wutca'ta
Enke'td
nanka'ta,
minke'ta
minka'ta
dnka'ta
Allative . .
wotfai'ti
Enkri
nankai'ti ,
minkri 60.6,
menkei'ti
ma'nke
ankai'tin
61.8
Ablative .
wo'tqorl
wotia'fiqo
E'n qo ,
nanka'nqo,
mZ'nqo 60.5,
menka'nqo
ma'nke
Enqo'n,
dnka'nqo
11; 71.26;
Enqo'ro
72.12 men-
65.24
qo'rl
Also in the same way Chukchee va'dnkata, va'anre, va'dligo or
va'anqon; Koryak vaiena'ta, vaienai'ti, vai'enqo from stem vai.
Examples:
wo'tko from here 43.1; wo'tqo En'qo'ro thence 49.2; 65.18,24
121.20; 131.14; wuftqu here En'lce'ggi thither 71.23
73.14
sn'Tce' '6iku in there 73.20
En-no' t 64.7; 66.3; 72.6
En'qe'kin one from there 67.3
En'nata'l from that time on, after
that 64. 19; 65.31
no'onfe thither 76.20
fta'nko hither 137.13
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E'nke here (vocative form) Kor.
13.7; 58.7
Enka'ta at that place Kor. 21.8, 9
snkai'ti to that place Kor. 17.2;
19.1
mefikeito' whither (vocative
form 36) Kor. 64.21
mane'nqo whence Kor. 60.10
Koryak :
wti'ttu this time Kor. 41.2
nafnko there Kor. 41.6
ne'nako there Kor. 19.11
na'niko there Kor. 32.1; see
Kor. 62. 7
nanikai'tin thither Kor. 36.5
na'nakanqo from that one Kor.
42.3
The forms mi'nkri (Chukchee), me'nkan (Kor. Kam.), ma'nke
(Kamchadal), also signify HOW.
Derivatives with suffixes are
menko'lcenat where are you from 65.10
minkd-mil 66.34
menke'mid, mani'nn'ad (Kor. 66.1)
men'lce' ml\ also lact (Kamchadal)
Demonstrative elements with the verbal noun va'lin (Kor. Kam.
i'tala n) THE ONE WHO is , are also used to express demonstrative
terms.
sn'ni'n-va'lin 128.24 (Chukchee), Enntf'an i'talcfn (Kor. Kam.),
one being thus; i. e., such a one
Enno't-va'lin (Chukchee) being near here thus; i. e., such a one
nearer to the speaker than the preceding
En'nu-w-i'lm such a one (expressing reproach)
En'nu'-wa'le-git such a one art thou 21.11
?ni' nkri-va' lin (Chukchee 14.4), me'nkan iiala n (Kor. Kam.) what
kind of (also in oblique cases)
In Kamchadal only a few forms of the demonstrative survive,
and these take the nominal suffixes.
to what degree, in what
manner
THIS
THIS HERE
WHICH, WHAT
Absolute . ... . .
nu
ti e n<.ti f nu
min(<^ininu)
Plural
ini'ni e n
Possessive
nvfhe'nk
ti s 'nuherik
mi'nenk
Subjective
nu e he'nk
ti $ 'nuhenk
mi'nenk
Instrumental
Allative
ntf'hel'
no hti'nk
ti*'nuheP
t s nohcink
mi'nenU
m&'nank
Ablative
ttf'nuhenk
Most of the other forms are replaced by the corresponding Rus-
sian forms, which are usually taken in the nominative singular
masculine; such as e'lcoi (SKOH), edakol
58
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As in Chukchee and Koryak, the interrogative appears in syn-
thetical form mi'ncn, which corresponds to Chukchee me'nin
(see p. 726.)
me'nan-lctxoj-qol which road along ?
but the oblique cases are also used in attributive form.
mi'nenr hvanV clean with which knife have you made it?
From the demonstrative and interrogative pronouns verbal forms
are derived in the same manner as from nouns. I give here a number
of examples. The verbal forms will be found discussed in 82.
Enqanai'-git this art thou 20.7.
wotqanai' -gum this am I 43.5, 121.14
wotqana' -m& f re here we are 69.5
mi'Tc-i-wn who am I
mi'lc-i-git who art thou; mi'lc-i-or 127.11
mi'w-mu'ri who are we
mi'g-tu'ri who are ye 120.9
I Kor. Kam. wutmnalai-gum this am I Kor. 22. 1
Possessives:
sni'n his 17.13
Enqa'nen of this one 50.10
mi'Tcin, whose (possessor sing., object possessed sing, and pi.);
Kor. Kam. mi'lcin, dual mi'lcinat, pi. mikina'wgi (possessor
sing.; object possessed sing., dual, pi.), vocative miko'n ( 36)
Kor. 34.4
mifkirgin (possessor pi., object possessed sing.), mi'Jcirginet
(object possessed pi.), whose; Kor. Kam. mi'Tcithin, dual mi'-
Mchinat, pi. mi'lcichinau ( 34); Kamchadal ~k/en, pi. Jcfe n
59. Indefinite Pronoun raq
The non-personal interrogative and indefinite pronoun is, Chukchee
rag; Kor. Kam. ya(q), yax; Kor. II ta(q); Kamchadal seq.
The following are the forms with post-positions:
Chukchee
Stem
ran
van
Absolute .
raf'nut
Plural (dual Kor.) ... .
r&'*nuti
raf'nutet l
ya'qat
Plural Kor
Instrumental
re'qd
rafnute'ta,
ya'qct,
Locative
re'qak
ro, e niitek
Allative
Taqe'tl
Ablative
Jra'j7upul
Tafnotai'pu 3
Designative (see 94) .
[raqt'pu]
re'nu
Comitative (see 100)
gara 'm(i
gavct'on
Kor. Kam.
1 Men's pronunciation ra' nect.
?ra e naa'gti.
z ra f naai'pu.
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730 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The set of forms derived from rd s nut, except the plural, are not
often used.
^ f me-ra e 'nut whatsoever; i. e., of every kind 13.13; 133.18
r&'nut what? object 29.1, subject 111.4; something obj. 29.5
ra e 'nut um what was it then? 34.1
rd e 'nut um qine'ilki* give me something
raf'nutet whatever kind of things obj. 32.5; intr. subj. 58.2
reqa by what means? 22.1; 23.5; 14.2
re'qa what? 34.8, 9; whatever 32.5
ra'qa-not with what there 139.8
refqtik at what? 26.1
re qum why 88.7
rtf'qu how 17.5, 7; why 23.1
Kor. Kam. ya'ga with what Kor. 46.9
Kor. Kam. ya'qkin-lci what for Kor. 26.10
Kor. Kam. ya'qin-yaq what then? Kor. 45.9
These forms are also used in composition:
rcf'-qa'at (Chukchee), yax-qoya'wge (Kor. Kam.), 8eq~Tco'js?n
(Kamchadal), what kind of reindeer
riiq-a*' tta ge'eLin (Chukchee) with what kind of dogs has he come?
ra* f -ni'mnim what settlement, obj. 33.7
ra s -pi'nil what tidings? 11.2
ra? not a' chit what kind are 14.3
Koryak I:
ya'qlau what are they doing Kor. 24.5
yaqlaikine'tik what are you (pi.) doing? Kor. 24.8
Koryak II has the same forms as Koryak Kamenskoye, derived
from the stem taq.
Verbs derived from these stems are used with great frequency
(see 82); for instance,
re'qarkin (Chukchee), ya'qiylcin Kor. 28.10 (Kor. Kam.), ta'qatkm
(Kor. II) what do you want? what are you doing?
rtf'i* what is the matter 19.11
rdqarkin what is the matter with thee 18.9
re'q-i-git what do you want? 18.12
riraga'unvo what for? 19.1, 6
re'qalit which ones 139.9
re'qal-i-git what do you want? 22.8
nre'q-i-git what are you doing? 33.1
I Kor. Kam. mya'qi-gi what are you doing? Kor. 39.5
59
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731
Kamchadal has another form for WHAT, SOMETHING, evidently
corresponding to the demonstrative in Enk-.
Absolute
Instrumental
Locative
Allative Enka'nk
Ablative Enlca'nk
Verbs derived from this stem are formed as in Chukchee and
Koryak.
enka'nejd what are you doing?
Under Russian influence, these forms are going out of use, and
are being replaced by post-positional forms and verbs.
Eiika'rike Jc/ojc why, or for what do you come?
60. Other Indefinite Pronouns
1. The stem nirk- (Kor. Kam. niylc-) expresses a certain well-known
person, THE ONE WE THINK OF, THE ONE REFERRED TO; nik- A CERTAIN
WELL-KNOWN THING OR ACT WE THINK OF, OR REFERRED TO.
These form post-positional forms analogous to demonstrative pro-
nouns.
PERSONAL
Chukchee
Kor. Kam.
Absolute
Plural (dual Koryak) ni'rkenti
Plural Koryak
Subjective ni'rkena
Allative
Ablative n&rkai'pu
Designative (see 94) I nirke'nu
NON-PERSONAL
Absolute ni'kiftut
Plural ni'ket
Subjective nike'ta,
Locative ni'kek
Allative ntka'gtl
Ablative n$kai'pu
Comitative (see 100) . . \? anSka ' ma
[genike'ta
Designative (see 94) nike'nu
ni'yka, ni'ykiflvut
ni'ykanti
niyka'wgi, ni'ykau Kor.
50.4
ni'ykanak
ne'ykana
neyka'nqo
niyka'nu
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Examples:
ni'rkeflut a certain one 90.20; 119.12
ni'lcek somewhere 12.12
Also derived forms, as
ni'rTcen (Kor. Kam. niyka'nen) belonging to the one referred to or
thought of
ni'Tcin belonging to the thing referred to or thought of 20.8
ai'vs nerkai'pti, qora'ni tei'mityafn } r esterday 1 took reindeer from
the man we are thinking of
Verbal forms are also derived from this pronoun; for instance,
nikt/rkm (Kor. Kam. nika'ykiri] he does the thing referred to or
thought of
nnike'urlcin whatsoever shall be 21.10
Kor. Kam. mniJcdk I'll do something Kor. 42.1
Kor. Kam. nekanvo' ykm he did something Kor. 51.9
In Kamchadal, sxu'zijS YOU DO A CERTAIN THING is used in the
same way.
2. qol (Chukchee), qollo! (Kor. Kam.), ~k!ola? (Kamchadal) OTHER.
In Chukchee the synthetic stem quli is used throughout with non-
personal nouns. It is also used in adverbial form in temporal adverbs.
quli'-nikek afterwards ( = at another certain one)
qole't-a s lo r some future day ( = in the other day)
gol yara'dhin a house 86.17
qol yi'lgin another month 7.2
Post-positional forms occur only with personal nouns, while in
Koryak these are used for all kinds of nouns.
Chukchee Personal
Koryak
Kamchadal
Personal
Non-personal
Absolute
98'
qu'tti
quti'(n)ina l
quti'(n)ind l
qte'(n)Sna l
qote(n)enai'pui
quti'(n)inu *
quti'ninak
quti'ninak
qolla'
qu'tti
qu'ttau
qutinina'ta
quti'ninak
qote'ninan
qotcnrna'iiqo
qutinina'nu
k'ola'
k.'ola'nk
klola'nk
k.'ola'nk
Plural (dual Koryak) .
Plural Koryak ....
Subjective
Possessive (locative) .
Allative
Ablative
Designative .
Without n in men's pronunciation.
qol ELI' gin another father, a certain father 107.22
qol um na'nmirkm they kill the other one 8.1 (see also 8.12; 15.6;
14.9; 17.1)
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 733
qu'tti others (subj. intr.) 12.5
qutti'ina by one of them 8.11 (see also 7.4; 15.3), on one of them
8.13
| Kor. Kam. qo'Tla another one Kor. 24.9
Synthetic forms:
qole-notai' pu from another land 14.12
qole-rafgti to another house 12.11
qole-tke' unvulc on another sleeping 13.5
8. elve (Chukchee), alva (Kor. Kam.), eknen (Kamchadal), OTHER,
occur in synthetic form as given here, and in the forms
elve'lin (Chukchee), 117.7, elve'linet 113.3, dtva'lm (Kor. Kam.)
Kor. 76.19.
' celc-a'lvam-va'lin how differently it is Kor. 80.9 (Kor. Kam).
a'faa titva'nvolc I was in a different way Kor. 18.6
4. A number of prefixed particles express also ideas related to the
indefinite pronoun (see 113, nos. 6, 7, 14, 24):
im- all gemge- every
em- mere ter- how much
Most of the interrogative and indefinite pronouns take the definite,
augmentative, and diminutive forms, the same as nouns, and some of
these are used with great frequency.
manena'clun that one, who is he (from me'nin WHO)
rtf'nutqai (from ra"nut WHAT) or
rd'qqai
some little thing
ya'xpil (Kor. Kam.)
qoLai'nin another big one] , ., ,
**', ... ,, ,.;,, are used quite often
qu Leqai another little one]
The Predicate ( 61-82)
61. Introductory Remarks
The predicate appears in two distinct forms, according to the char-
acter of the word forming the predicate. The first class is formed
by verbs; the latter, by nominal terms which are used as predicate.
While all verbs may appear in nominalized forms, and therefore may
take the form of the noun as predicate, nouns can not readily be trans-
formed into verbs except by the use of verbalizing suffixes, which give
the compound stem a verbal character. Thus we find that true verbal
forms are confined to verbal stems, to the numerals (except OISE), and
61
734 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
to the indefinite (or interrogative) pronouns, which may be used as
nouns as well as verbs.
The structure of the first class of predicative forms is quite com-
plex. We have to distinguish between intransitive and transitive
verbs. The following structural elements may be recognized. We
have
I. Intransitive verbs: II. Transitive verbs :
1. Pronominal prefix. 1. Pronominal subjective prefix,
2. Temporal or modal prefix. 2. Temporal or modal prefix.
3. Verbal theme. 3. Verbal theme.
4. Temporal or modal suifix. 4. Temporal or modal suffix.
5. Pronominal suffix. 5. Pronominal objective suffix.
The following simple modes and tenses m&y be distinguished:
Indicative without prefix, no suffix
Subjunctive:
(a) Exhortative . . with the prefix n(i) the suffix gi
(b) Subjunctive . . with the prefix the suffix gi
Imperative .... with the prefix q the suffix gi
Future with the prefix re the suffix n(i)
Besides these, there is a peculiar series of derived modes in -irkin
(Koryak I -lykin, -ikm; Koryak II -itkin, Kamchadal -jJc), the pro-
nominal endings of which differ from the ordinary forms, many of
them being dropped. In some cases the Koryak drops the terminal
-in, as is done in all forms in Kamchadal.
The second class, predicative nominal terms, consists either of
nouns or of verbal stems, which are nominalized by certain prefixes,
and which take suffixes expressing the terminal relations. The simple
nominalized forms are used as predicative terms of the third person.
These have been discussed before. They are the nominalized forms
in -in, -kin, -lin, n(i)-qin ( 45-49). In the first and second persons
singular these take a suffix -j-, which may be derived from the verb
-it 1 TO BE. In the first and second persons plural the nominalized
form appears in composition with the personal pronouns muri WE,
and turi YOU; so that the whole complex represents in the same way
a nominal form with predicative function, as in the third persons.
The nominalized form has no true tenses.
I consider this unlikely, since in Koryak the t should be preserved, although in Chukchee it
might disappear according to the phonetic laws governing the pronunciation of men. Mr. Bogoras
points out that the t can not be an auxiliary vowel, since this would have to be /. F. BOAS.
61
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 735
62. Structure of the Intransitive Verb
1. The pronominal prefixes of the intransitive verb are confined to
the first person, singular and plural: t- for the singular, mt- for the
plural. The m of the plural may perhaps be related to the same ele-
ment in muri WE, while the t of singular and plural may be the same.
The element mt- conveys the idea of plurality of the first person with
such energy, that, in Koryak at least, the suffix -mik, which repeats
the same idea, may be omitted; the same omission occurs rarely in
Chukchee.
2. The temporal and modal elements enter into close relation with
the pronominal prefixes. Most of these follow the ordinary phonetic
laws. Thus
t + re becomes tre-
mt + re becomes mirre-
mt + e becomes mm(i) e -
The last of these is not quite regular, since mit(i) would also seem
to be possible. The forms of the exhortative can not be explained by
phonetic laws. Here we find that the expected
t-\-n becomes m
m.t + n becomes mm
In the subjunctive (&), when the verb begins with a vowel, the aux-
iliary vowel disappears, and the glottal stop follows the initial vowel
of the stem. This occurs both in Chukchee and Kor} 7 ak:
tu e wi'd k (stem uwi) I should cook
3. The verbal themes may be simple or compound. The former
undergo peculiar phonetic changes according to their position, the forms
in initial position differing from those found in medial position.
This subject has been discussed in T and 12. A number of forma-
tions, however, are irregular, and not due to the action of phonetic
laws.
qdmi-plitku eating finishing (stem garni, from gamitva)
tam'ngaft they built a house (from teilci to make, yara house)
Icmmi'rkin he kills children (Jcminm timirkin)
Tcuwi"rkm he has dead children (kmMin, m rkm)
The vocalic elements of prefixes, personal and modal, are modified
by the vowels of the stem (see 3).
The terminal phonetic character of the stem also influences the
temporal, modal, and the pronominal suffixes (see 72) .
62
736 BUREA.U OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
4. The temporal and modal suffixes have been mentioned before.
Through contraction between them and the pronominal suffixes origi-
nate forms the historical development of which is not by any means
clear. It would seem that there is also a suffix -gi- which appears in
many forms, and does not seem to form part of the pronominal
element. This, however, has undergone so many changes that its
character and function are not clear.
5. The pronominal suffixes do not show a very close relation to the
personal pronoun, and, furthermore, are somewhat differentiated in
different modes of the verb. A comparison of the various forms
suggests the following as the essential elements of the suffixed pro-
nominal verbal forms:
INTRANSITIVE
I . . . . -lc we -ink
thou . . . ? ye -tk
he .... they -t
It may be that the m and t of the first and second persons plural are
related to muri and turi, which may contain the same endings as srri
(see pp. 706, 719, 726). The second person singular is quite doubtful;
but it is conceivable that it may contain by origin a form in -gi related
to the pronoun git. In the intransitive verb the second and third per-
sons singular are, in their present forms, identical. The third person
plural has clearly the element t* which is not the same as the t of the
second person plural.
63. Structure of the Transitive Verb
The structure of the transitive verb is, on the whole, analogous to
that of the intransitive.
1. For the first persons singular and plural, the same pronominal
prefixes as in the intransitive appear, as subjects. The transitive
forms of the third person, singular and plural, have the prefix ne-,
The clearness of the picture is obscured by the fact that the transitive
forms
THOU us; YE ME, us and
THOU, YE, HE ME
do not exist, and generalized intransitive forms are used in their
place. These are formed with the prefix ine- or with the suffix -iku
(see p. 819, no. 28; p. 808, no. 67). It is possible that the peculiar
form YE HIM, THEM has the same origin (see p. 809). I presume this
1 See plural of nouns, p. 694.
$63
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 737
form has originated from -tku-tilc and is parallel to -tkui s THOU us.
The g of the intransitive endings disappears in the series of forms
THOU us because its position is intervocalic; for instance
-tku-gi becomes -tkui s
2. The temporal and modal prefixes are the same as those of the
intransitive.
3. The stems are treated like those of the intransitive verb.
4. The temporal and modal suffixes enter into compound forms
with the pronominal suffixes. The intransitive g is apparently absent,
owing to its frequent intervocalic position.
5. The analogy between the transitive pronominal suffixes and the
intransitive suffixes is fairly clear, if we consider only those forms
which have true pronominal suffixes. We find then the object
-git thee -mile us -tile you
which evidently correspond to the subjects of the intransitive verb.
The correspondence is strict for the two plural pronouns: -git may
be the older form of the second person intransitive pronoun -gi (pp.
719 et seq.; p. 710).
The third person object shows forms in -n which recall the nominal
forms in -in ( 45-49), and, like these forms, form their plurals in -et.
In a way these forms seem related to the nominal predicate. To the
same group belongs the form in -um THEY ME, which contains the
pronoun gwn, like the nominal forms.
Attention may be called to the fact that the number of the pronomi-
nal suffix, which designates the object, is naturally determined by the
number of the object.
qa'at tipe'lanat (Kor. Kam. qoya'wge tipe'lanau} I left the reindeer
For the first person object the intransitive form with ine- is used.
rcfi'nutqai gine'ild give me something
The Koryak forms resemble the Chukchee forms. The Koryak
dual corresponds to the Chukchee plural. The plural -la- of the
Koryak is always placed immediately following the stem. It indicates
plurality of subject or object, but occurs once only in each form, even
if both subject and object are plural.
Certain verbal stems may be used both as transitive and as intransi-
tive, generally with a slight change in meaning.
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 47 03
738
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
tuwalo'murkm I know, hear, obey (intransitive)
tuwalo'murkinegit I know thee (transitive)
tuwa'lomgcflc I heard
tuwa'lomga e n I knew him
The Forms of the Intransitive Ver"b( 64-66)
64. CHUKCHEE
PRINCIPAL MODES
Person
Past I
Subjunctive
Imperative
Future
Prefixes
Suffixes
(a)
(&)
2d pi. ...
3d pi. . . .
tik
-gvt
*
n (i,u,ti.)
n (/ ,w ,ft)
n (l f ,u e ,ti e )
tik
ntt
q (l,d,a)pftlk
r$nltik
r^^nit
2d, 3d sing. .
{If
}
n (i,u,ti)\
n (/,,#)
\-gVn 1
[-in \
q(l,a,a**)-pl
-{If
1st sing. . .
1st pi. . . .
{:f
mitmik
mi
mm
t (/,,#)
mm (/,&*,#)
r-gyk
{-!k
mik
'.{If
mirr$ ga e
*No 2d person. **No 3d person.
DERIVED MODES IN -irkln (PREFIXES AS IN PRINCIPAL MODES)
2d pi. .
(tik
[tik
itik
intik
3d pi. . . .
t*
-tt
tnit
Other forms .
* t takes the place of final n: irkit.
The prefix t- of the first person singular appears without
vowel when it forms an admissible cluster with the initial sound of the
verbal theme.
The derived form -rkm is used after vowels. After terminal con-
sonants an auxiliary / is inserted between stem and suffix:
qami'tva-rlcin he eats
walo' m-i-rkin he knows
NOMINAL FORMS
I
II
1
e'ti
2
Ik, -I
3
-w<?
fff-(t) a
4
ma
5
ma'ci
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
65. KORYAK
PRINCIPAL MODES
INTRANSITIVE VERB
739
Subjunctive
Person
Past I
Prefixes.
Impera-
Future
Present
indefi-
nite
(a)
(&)
2d dual . . .
-tik
*
na e
tik
q(gi)tik
ya nitik
Jht-***
2d pi
la' tik
*
na
latik
qlatik
ya I antik
ku-
3d dual . . .
-f!
n(i)
na s
nat
yani
ku-
lal or
3d pi
-lage
" ( "
na s
nau
ya lane
ku-
2d, 3d sing. . .
i
*n
na f
in
q**-(?i)
ya i
fctz-
1st sing. . . .
tiik
mi
ta s
Ik
tyai
tiku-
1st dual . . .
mit mik
mm
mlna f
mik
missa mik
mitku-
1st pi
mitlamik
mm
mina s
la(mik)
missa-la(mlk)
mitku-
() May be omitted. * No 2d person.
*** Also qu. This form does not exist in Koryak II.
**No 3d person.
DERIVED MODES IN -irkln (PREFIXES AS IN PRINCIPAL MODES)
2d dual . . .
iklmtik
iklnitlk
ikinUik
intik
2dpl
lalkmetik
laime'tik*
lalkmetik
lalkmentik
3d dual . . .
-\ki
ikinat
lkin\n\
3d pi
Idike
[kininau**
lalkinefte
1st, 2d, 3d |
ikin
ikin
(km
ikin
sing.;lstdualj
1st pi
lalkm
laikmemik*
lalkmimik
* Subjunctive (&) has la-l instead of la. ** Subjunctive (6) has em instead of inau.
The prefix ti- of the first person singular appears without auxiliary
vowel whenever it forms an admissible cluster with the first sound
of the verb.
The ending -ikin (Koryak I) of the derived forms is used mostly
after stems ending in a single consonant, as walo'm-ekin HE KNOWS.
After terminal vowel the i changes to a neutral , as va-tlcm HE is.
In many cases, however, the i is also weakened to % or y after a ter-
minal consonant and an auxiliary / is inserted preceding it, as in
ya'qiykin WHAT ART THOU? Kor. 29.1; i'tiykin ART THOU? Kor. 29.2
65
740
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
NOMINAL FORMS
[BOLL.
(a)
(b)
1
v
2
J /K
3
4
ya a
5
mail
66. KAMCHADAL
INTRANSITIVE VERB
Person
Past I
Subjunctive
Impera-
tive
(a) Exhortative
(6) Conditional
2d sing
-a
ex
Jm or
lun
6
J*or
[kicn
fjfcor
n -\kicm
\cnt s n or
xan
\un
\cni e n or
xan <
[un
\kor
m -\kitm
fjfcor
mm {
[kicm
\cni e n or
[un
k!cx
k! un
k! un
tklk
nk!-k
k-xd
kjcx
2dpl
3d pi
3d sing
1st sing
1st pi
The subjunctive (b) of modern Kamchadal takes in all forms the
terminal particle -&/, which is the Russian conjunction 6bi.
fk/nukbi if I eat.
The future is compounded with the terminal verb ol, (d) TO
DESIRE, which may form modes and tenses like the others; the
present, with the terminal verb (or suffix) j. The third person
plural of this form is -jcin orji n.
The numerous Kamchadal verbs ending in -I change this to -c
in the derived present. This occurs both in intransitive and tran-
sitive verbs (see 122).
tilk I left ticjJc I leave
tnuklk I slept tnuhcjlc I sleep
tcolk I lay tco'locj~k I lie
VERBAL NOUN
k'-enk
tujuk nu'Tcdj I began eat-beginning; i. e., I began to eat (t- I;
uju to begin; -Jc I; nu to eat)
iThis is the inchoative terminal verb (see p. 808, no. 63). The verbal noun never appears with-
out it.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
The Forms of the Transitive Verb ( 67-7i)
67. CHUKCHEE
Transitive Suffixes
TRANSITIVE FORMS
FIRST AND SECOND PERSON OBJECTS
741
Object
Indicative I;
Subjunctive la
Impera-
tive II
Future
III
Derived Modes
in -irkin IV
m thee
-ait
-git
-Igit
(2) you . ...
-tik
. .
-ntlk
-itik
(3) us (except thou ye us)
-mik
-mik
-imlk
THIRD PERSON FORMS
(4) him (except he ye him)
-gafn
-gin
-nin
(no ending)
(5) them (except he ve them) . ...
-net
-ginet
-ninet
et
-nin
-ninin
-in
(6') he them . .
-ninct
-nininet
-inet
INTRANSITIVE FORMS
Object
Indica-
tive I
Subjunc-
tive la
Impera-
tive II
Future
III
Derived Modes
in -irkin IV
(7) he me
1
(8) thou me us
}?<<
-afn
-gl'
-ga*
(9) ye me us * ...
-tik
-tik
-tik
-ntlk
-itik
(10) ye him, them
-tki
-tki
-gitkl
-nitkl
-itki
1 With -tku preceding pronominal suffix.
NOMINAL PREDICATIVE FORMS
(11) they me 2
-Um
-fam
-um
-ium
2 See 73. This form takes the prefix ne-.
Transitive Prefixes
TRANSITIVE FORMS
Subjunctive I a
Subject 1 Indicative I
Imperative
Future III
(a)
(6)
I
(d).
1 Ttll-
</-
tre-
we
mit-
' min-
mini*-
mirre-
he
ne-
afn-
nqni*-
nere-
INTRANSITIVE FORMS
Object me ...
Other forms . .
<"*>_
(n'nc)-
nl-
(n/'ne)-
ni'-
q-ine (r/n$)-
67
742 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The form -gl (IT; 117) is rarely abbreviated to -I.
qenapelae* and qenapelai' leave me!
This shortening is quite frequent in Koryak I (see below).
NOMINAL FORMS
I
II
1
-*gti
2
-k
3
td
Cjtta
4
mg
5
-mtfl
Besides this there are a number of impersonal forms.
Future
re n
Exhortative,
sing. .
ni a e n
pi. . .
nl nat
Exhortative,
derived
sing. .
nlrkin
pi. . .
nirkmat
68. KORYAK, KAMENSKOYE
Transitive Suffixes
TRANSITIVE FORMS
FIRST AND SECOND PERSON OBJECTS
Object
Indicative I;
Subjunctive la
Imperative II
Future III
Derived Modes
in -ykin IV
(I) thee
-<71
of
iai
(2) you
?.
(la) tik
(la)ntik
_(j a )_M/fc
(3) us
, (i a } m jjc
(la) tik
(la) mik
(la) imik
THIRD PERSON
FORMS.
(4) him (except he, ye him) . .
(5) them dual (except he, ye them)
(5') them pi. (except he, ye them) .
(6) he, they him, them ....
ga n 2
nat
nau
nfn
fin
ginat
ginau
fiin
iinat
nnau
nnin
no ending
[nat
(nau
-o
]
NTRANSITIVE
FORMS
Object
Indicative I;
Subjunctive la
Imperative II
Future III
Derived Modes
in ykin IV
(7) he me
I ga t n
no ending
no ending
(8) thou me
fi ^a'n
(00
no ending
no ending
(I a) tik
(la)tik
(la)ntlk
_(l a )_M/fc
(9') ve us
(la)mik
(l&)mik
(la)mik
(la) imik
(10) ye him them
(la)t&a
(la)gitca
(la)nlta
__((j a )_^
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
NOMINAL PREDICATIVE FORM
743
(11) they me
g&m*
gum
igum
1 we thee -lage we him -laga f n
In the derived modes, la occurs in the same places as in the sim-
ple modes, but preceding -ikin.
The suffixes -gi and -ga n(l 8, 4; II 8) of this series are of ten con-
tracted to -I and -n. The former is similar to an intransitive form .
qenapela'e? and qenapelai' leave me!
In Chukchee these forms are quite rare (see p. 741)
PREFIXES
Indicative
I
Subjunctive
Imperative
Future
III
I (a) Exhort.
I (ft) Subj.
I
t
mit-
Ina-
mi-
min-
nina-
ta-
mma e -
na e ina-
qina -
tya-
missa-
yina-
them, ye, he me . . .
they, he thee, you, us |
thou, ye us J
na-
a'n-
nana s -
naya-
he him, them 1
thou, ye him, them j
no prefix
ni-
naf-
qa-
ya-
The second indefinite of Koryak has the prefix qu-, Jcu- (k- before
vowels) and the future endings, except that
he, thou me has the ending -n
I, he you (dual, pi.) has the ending -ntik
NOMINAL FORMS
I
II
1
k
2
k
3
Imissing
gata
5
matl
744 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
As in Chukchee there occur also a number of impersonal forms.
Future
va n
Exhortation,
sing ....
nia f n
Dual ....
ni not
Exhortation,
period, pi. . . .
Sing. . . .
ninou
ni Ikin
Dual . . .
mlkinat
nilkinau
KAMCHADAL ( 69-71)
69. Types of Transitive Verb
The Kainchadal transitive verb shows peculiarities of structure
similar to those of the Chukchee and Koryak. Only the forms with
the objects THEE, YOU, us, are formed with the pronominal forms
corresponding to the intransitive suffixes. The combination YE
us is here also excepted, although no indication of a change of the
verb into an intransitive form by means of a special suffix is found.
Instead of that, the forms THOU, YE ME have the ending -mink,
which does not occur in the intransitive verb, but seems to corres-
pond to -miJcwE of Chukchee- Koryak. It may be mentioned here
again that in Koryak this ending tends to be dropped. In the
Kamchadal forms here discussed it may express the intransitive
first person plural, as though we had, for instance, instead of
THOU LEAYEST ME, WE PART. When used for the singular THOU
ME, the ending is often pronounced -min, which may be an older
form. The form YE ME, us takes, in addition to -mink, the end-
ing -ex YE, which corresponds to the intransitive subject. In
agreement with the nominal forms, the third person plural object
has - n. The nominal-predicative form is used here for both singu-
lar and plural of the third person with the object ME.
The forms of a second type of conjugation are not quite so clear.
70. Type I
TRANSITIVE SUFFIXES
TRANSITIVE FORMS
Object
Indicative
Subjunctive
Imperative
Present
thee
\-hin
\-hin
-hm
|he, -<?i
-cxin
j
-cxin
he, they,-n
-cxin
us (except ye us)
-mink
-mink
-mink
-mink
69, 70
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
745
THIRD PERSON FORMS
Object
Indicative
Subjunctive
Imperative
Present
him (except he, they, ye him) .
them (except he, they, ye them)
he, they him
he, they them . . .
-n
- f n
-nin
-ni n
-n
-*n
-nin
-ni f n
-X
-xin
-n
*n
-nin
-ni'n
INTRANSITIVE FORMS
thou me .... . .
-mink
-minkcx
-CX/71
-cxi e n
-mink
-minkcx
-ex
-cxi*n
mink
-minkcx
-cxin
-cxi e n
ye me, us
ye him . .
ve them .
NOMINAL PREDICATIVE FORMS
he me
-humni'n
-humni'n
humni'n
humni'n
humni'n
humni'n
they me
PREFIXES
Subject
Indicative
Subjunctive
Imperative
Present
I
t-
n-
an-
m-
minoTx'an-
x~an
x-an
k-
j
n-
&n-
we
he . .
they
thou, ye
A comparison between this table and the one on p. 740 shows that
all the prefixes, except &n- of the third person plural, are the same
as those of the intransitive verbs.
An example of this type of verb is the stem txl- (present txc-) TO
BEAT. In verbs beginning with , the prefix t of the first person
singular is dropped.
Indicative forms have the theme txli-.
Subjunctive forms have the theme txli-.
Present forms have the theme txcj(i)- with auxiliary vowel /
before terminal n and before glottal stop.
Indicative :
txli'hin I beat thee
txli e n he beat thee
txlihumni'n he beat me
txli'mink you beat me, us
dntxli'cxm they beat you
ntxlin we beat him
dntxli'nin they beat him
he beat us
70
746
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
IBUI,L. 40
Subjunctive :
mtxli'hm\Qt me beat thee
x'antxli'nin let him beat him
x'antxli'mmlc let him, them, beat us
x'antxlihumni'n let him, them, beat me
mmtxli'cxin let us beat you
Imperative:
Tctxli'mirik beat thou me, us
Tctxlimi 'nkcx beat ye me, us
Tctxlix beat him
Ictxlicx beat ye him
Present :
txcjhin I am beating thee
ntxcjhm we are beating thee
txcji*n thou art beating them
txcjnin he is beating him
antxcjcxi'n they are beating you
ntxcjin we are beating him
71. Type II
TRANSITIVE Sui FIXES
TRANSITIVE FORMS
Object
Indicative
Subjunctive
Imperative
Present
thee .... ...
(I -xkin
-xkin
-xkin
you . ... ....
[he -cinin
{I -xkisxin
-xkisxin
-xkisxin
us (except ye us)
he -cxinin
Jt,hey -xkmink
-xkmink
-xkmink
-xkmink
[he -xklmlnk
THIRD-PERSON FORMS
I him . .
\-nin
-nin
-nin
thou him
\-kidin
-Sinin
-kitin
-xik
-krfin
-nin
-nln
\-nin
-nin
I them
\-ni'n
\-kiiin
-ni s n
-nl e n
thou them
\-klWn
-iini'n
-Mi*n
f-aflfe/n
-kidi'n
-fti'n
we them
-ftl'n
.-nl*n
[-xtnl'n
-ni e n
he him
they him
-tinnin
-innin
\-ki6i e n
-innin
-innin
-nin
-innin
he them
-tinnVn
-f.inni s n
-ni'n
they them
-inni-n
-inni'n
-inntfn
71
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
747
IJNTKAJNSinVJli FUKMS
Object
Indicative
Subjunctive
Imperative
Present
thou me .
-xkmink
-xkiminkcx
-tcxinin
-cxinl s n
xkmink
-xkmlnkcx
-dcxlnin
-6cxini n
-xkmink
-xkminkcx
-cxinin
-cxini s n
ye me, us
ye him
ye them
NOMINAL PREDICATIVE FORMS
he, they me
-xkumni'n
-xkumni'n
-xkumni'n
Evidently these forms are closely related to those of Type I, but
the symmetry is disturbed by a number of peculiar contractions,
some of which seem to be due to misunderstandings. The prefixes
are the same as those of Type I.
As an example may be given forms of the stem ~kej TO ACCEPT.
Indicative and subjunctive have the theme kej-.
Present has the theme hejij-*
Indicative:
tke'jxkin I accepted thee
Jce'jtmm he accepted thee
anTce'jxkimmlc they accepted us
nke'jnin we accepted him
tke'jnfn or ike f jJci6i s n 1 accepted them
~ke'jcxTni*ti ye accepted them
Subjunctive:
mke'jxkin let me accept thee
x'aiikejxkumni'n let him accept me
minke'jnfn or min]ce'jJci6i n let us accept them
x'anke'jxkin let him, them, accept thee
Imperative:
xkejx&i'lc accept him
xkejxtki'n or xkejxtnj'n accept them (k before fc changes to a?)
wkejsckmi'fik accept me, us
xkejxkmi'nlccx accept ye me, us
xk.e'jtcxinm accept ye him
xke'jccxmi s n accept ye them
Present:
tkejijxki'sxm I am accepting you
nlce'jijnin we are accepting him
anke'j-ij-mnin they are accepting him
Tce'jijni*n he is accepting them
~ke'jijni n thou art accepting him, them 71
748 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The nominal forms of these two types are
Type I Type II
il
-ic, -il
-eka (rare)
-tat
-dxeka (rare)
As in the intransitive verb, the future is expressed by the pres-
ent of the desiderative.
txlaxin I shall beat thee ikeja'xkm I shall accept thee
txlalin I shall beat him tkejalnin or tkejalkitm I shall
accept him
The two types of conjugation depend upon suffixes which pre-
cede the pronominal elements. Some verbal stems are used with
and without these suffixes, with a modification of meaning.
texli'jin (Type I) I take away my boots
texli'jnin (Type II) I take away something from the table
The loss of modes in Kamchadal may be due to Russian influence.
There are a number of Kamchadal forms, evidently remains of
older forms, which resemble the Chukchee even more closely than
the forms just described. Thus we find
Kamchadal Chukchee
jiljin yi'lirkm thou givest him
ji'lijhum ne'yilhum they gave me
(a,)nji'ljimiik ne'yilmik they gave us
72. Examples of Verbal Suffixes
CHTJKCHEE
The phonetic rules discussed in 1-23 bring about frequent
c hanges in the verbal suffixes. Asa matter of convenience I will sum-
marize here the most common modifications, a few of which can not
be explained by the general phonetic laws.
1. Verbal stems terminating in a vowel add the verbal suffix with-
out auxiliary vowel. Whenever the initial g of the suffix stands in
intervocalic position, it is either dropped or pronounced very weakly.
telere'a s ~k<t-elere'-ga lc I felt lonesome
nayo 'nnoe*<7ie-yo nng-gi* he began to be overtaken 10.7
In stems ending in a double vowel this may lead to trivocalic clus-
ters, which are never contracted.
tipa'aa Jc<ti-pa f a-ga s Jc I ceased 21.1
tiya'aa Tc<ti-ya'a-gci e ~k I used
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2. When stems ending in consonants would form consonantic clusters
of more than two consonants, when combined with suffixes, an auxiliary
vowel is inserted before the suffix.
pe'nfinen<penr-nin he attacks him
tei'lcinin < teik-nin he made it
qena'nmue? <.qena-tm-gi kill me!
3. In a few cases auxiliary vowels are also introduced when two
consonants come into contact that would form inadmissible clusters.
pegtime'tilin<pegti-met-lin hauling a sledge 15.3
Among the t} T pes of assimilation of sounds may be mentioned -
4. Stems with terminal u diphthong transform the combination ug
into wkw. The following auxiliary vowel is u.
tima'rawlcwa lc<ti-ma'rau-gq Tc I quarreled.
tnnara'wkut<ti-marau-git 1 blamed thee
i'wkwi*<iu-gi* he spoke 8.14
res'qi'wki <res'qiu-gi he entered 11.2
When the diphthong is accented, and followed by a consonant with
which w would form an admissible cluster, the u has a vocalic char-
acter.
mara'urkin he quarrels
With those stems in which u is by origin a weak vowel or an unchange-
able vowel, the got the suffix, being an intervocalic sound, drops out.
i'urTcin he rows (perhaps from iyu)
te'urlcin he shakes
tite'utfn I shook
5. Stems ending in t change the initial g of suffixes into y.
ewkwe'tyi <ewkwet-gi he left 8.7
tiye'tya lc<ti-yet-ga lc I came 124.11
tewTcwe'tya k<t-ewkwe't-ga ~k I left
6. Stems ending in I change the initial g of suffixes into yor h.
ime'lya t<unel-ga t they gathered fuel 30.6
ne'lya t<nel-ga*t it became 12.2
qune f lhi <q-unel-gi gather fuel! 27.1
mi'ilhit<mi-yil-git let me give thee 121.24
7. Stems ending in Z, r, 6, tf, with following Z, form L or L.
gi 'Lin < g-i r-lin he has gone across
gene' Lin <ge-nd-lin he became 10. 8 72
750 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ge'lqa,Lin<ge-lqat-lin he left 59.1
gaki'timaLen<ga-'ki'timat-len he had his hand extended 47.6
8. Terminal n of the stem before I changes to n.
gataargnlen < ga-taaron-len he has brought sacrifice
9. In the pronunciation of men, among the Reindeer Chukchee, t
and n between vowels are dropped, and the vowels are assimilated to
aa, ee, ii, and after preceding q to tie.
ewkwe'erkm<ewkwe't-i-rkin he leaves
genatva r Laat<g$-ine-tvat-lin$t they promised 71.4 (see 73)
ninenlipe'tqdet<n-ine-r-lip-et-qinet he broke them 20.11
1 give here a series of examples of the forms described before.
INTRANSITIVE VERB
Past I :
2d pi. pi'ntiqdttik you appeared 74.21
3d pi. pulci'rgaft they came 64.2
tara'ngcft they pitched a tent 56.9
nipe'(i t<nipe-gd t they came ashore 7.8
tile'tft<tile-gtft they walked 64.9
q2mi'tvaa t<qami-tva-ga t they ate 87.32
yilqd f tya t<yilqdt-ga t they slept 8.4
2d sing. yetyi <yet-gi thou hast come 37.6
qdti' thou art going 82.23
gitte'wkwi t <gitteii-gi thou art hungry 9.13
3d sing, e'gripgi* she felt pain 63.8
i f rgi he crossed over 13.13
puki'n he came 90.26
na'wtmge? he married 58.8
puki'rgi he arrived 57.8; 58.1
lile'pgi he looked 7.6
~ke'rgupge she dressed up 52.9
eine'utkui <einv'u-tku-gi he called 8.5
wa f q$e <waqf>-ge he sat down 15.7
euno'e <iu-nno-gi he began to say 117.25
ra'gtie? < ragti-gi he came home 122.7
ewkwe'tyi <ewkwet-gi he left 8.7
terga'tye <terg-et-gi he cried 7.6
~kiye'wkwi <~kiyeu-gi he awoke 9.4
~ki'wkwi <~kiu-gi he passed a night 8.4
notas' qa' wkwe <.nute-s'qeu-gi land approached 8.8
1st sing, te'gripgofk I felt pain 101.17
tiye'tyii ~k<t-yet-ga e ~k I came 124.11
teiu'a ~k<t-eiu-gti Jc 1 revived 83.14
tilva'wlcwa 'k<i-lvau-gti lc I could not 16.9
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1st pi. mityi' greumik we are thirsty 71.14
mitvtf'mik we died 64.15
Subjunctive
3d pi.
3d sing.
(a):
niyilqaf tinet <n-yilqdt-i-net let them sleep
ni'lqdtyd n<n-lqdt-gd e n let him go! 13.12
m6a'atvaa n<n-daa-tva-gd n let her be a castaway 39.3
myi'lqdtyd n<n-yilqdt-gd n let him sleep 9.1
1st sing. milimala'nnoa lc<mi-li?nala-nno-gd lc let me obey 21.10
mi f lqdtyd Jc<mi-lqdt-gd lc let me go 125.5
muanla'a k<mi-anla-gd lc I may ask (for help) 135.19
mine'etyd lc<mi-neet-gd Tc let me turn black 23.6
1st pi. mne'wkwen ik<mn-efwkwet-mik let us go away 17.8
minune'lmilc let us gather fuel 30. 6
mmra' gtimuk let us go home 126.4
mra'gtm Tc let me go home 99.2
mita'aqoa lc let me smoke 99.26
(5):
ni tva'nat if they had stayed 68.27
nu wi'a n<ni -vi -gd n she would die 37.12
Subjunctive
Imperative:
Future:
2d pi.
3d pi.
2d sing.
3d sing.
1st sing.
1st pi.
quwi 'ti~k die ye! 64.16
qdle'tilc walk ye! 65.29
qdmni'i <q-mni-gi celebrate the thanksgiving ceremo-
nial 60.5
qanto' <q-ntg-gi come out! 26.3
qagno f pge sit with head bent down! 32.4
revfi'ntik ye will die 64.20
re'pkirgd- they will come 10.5 (sing, used as plural)
reipe'iyd <re-cip-et-gd thou wilt dive 114.22
revi 'i <r$-vi -gi s thou wilt die 65.6(cf. 21.12m^' 'a 37.8)
ra!tvaa <re-tva-gd thou wilt live 108.25
remni'd <re-mni-gd he will celebrate a thanksgiving
ceremonial 118.12
ratopa f wkwa <re-topau-gd she will be pregnant 104.5
rara'le6etya <re-rale-6it-gd he will slide down 114.15
reurre'tyi <re-urr-et-gi e it will appear 119.10
trara' gtia? < t-re-ragti-gd I shall go home 99.14
trevi f 'ti <t-re-vi -gd I shall die 108.1
trene'lhd* <t-re-nel-gd I shall turn to 24.12
mirreyi'lqatya <mirre-yilq r dt-ga e we shall sleep 9.3
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Derived Modes in -irk in.
Pasti:
inenreqeurkmi'tilc<ine-r-req-eu-rkin-itilc what are you doing 1 with
me 10.10
ewkwe'erkit<ewkwet-irkit they leave 13.6
mfii'rkit they celebrate the thanksgiving ceremonial 67.29
pilqa'erkm he dived 9.7
va'rkin he is 19.2
nqamitva' urlcmen he was made to eat
kime'urkm thou causest delay 18.6
re'qarkm how art thou? 18.9
tmqae'rkm I refuse 19.7
mittegimi'n'nirkin we suffer 32.2
mittenice'erkin we feel merry 69.8
mmqami'tvarkm let us eat 65.4
qatva'rkm stay! 57.3; 67.23
remeind erkm he will grow up 21.7
Koryak:
Past I:
3d pi. is'himlavai'nalaiihey shout aloud and dance Kor. 24.6
2d sing. i'yi thou hittest Kor. 26.1
i'ti thou wert Kor. 16.3
ya'ti thou earnest Kor. 68.12
qati' you went away Kor. 18.5
3d sing. vanninta'ti she lost a tooth Kor. 34. 1
a' wy envoi he begins to eat Kor. 20.7
vi sr gi he is dead Kor. 22.1
1st sing, tivtf'yak I died Kor. 84.14
titva'nvok I began to be Kor. 18.6
tuva' nmntatik I lost a tooth Kor. 33.1
tapka'vik I could not Kor. 35.2
ti'yak I hit Kor. 26.2
tmcf'lik I remained Kor. 16.2
1st dual, mitqugita't we are hungry Kor. 74.17
Subjunctive (a):
2d sing. ninaf'lin may it become Kor.20.2
3d sing. ne'wnivon he would begin to say Kor. 27. 6
1st sing, milqa'tik let me go! Kor. 33.10
mas'hi'ntili'k I'll walk along the shore Kor. 82.19
minan'aco'mik let us try the divining-stone! Kor.
80.20
1st dual mini'lqat let us go! Kor. 22.5 (see 62,1)
mina'wyi let us eat! Kor. 28.9
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1st pi. mmilqala'miJc let us go! Kor. 28.5; 62.6
mino'yitvala let us play! Kor. 32.7
minilcya'wla let us get up! Kor. 39.4.
mina'wyela let us eat! Kor. 27.7
minno' tantala let us go for a walk! Kor. 86.8.
Subjunctive (b):
Imperative;
sing.
dual
Future:
3d pi.
1st sing.
1st pi.
m*Pva*'an it should be Kor. 34.12
nani sf wm one could say Kor. 2i.lO
ti f wilc I should say 45.9
quvi s yas'qi'wgi die! Kor. 35.1
qa'lqathi go away! Kor. 35.3
qimla'we dance ! Kor. 37.6
qamla'wge dance! Kor. 45.9
qita'pan cook soup! Kor. 42.10
qawas'vu'gi look in! Kor. 27.3
qamalitva! thitilc make it better! Kor. 13.2
qanto'tilc go out! Kor. 74.15
qiyai'titik go ye two home Kor. 21.1
qi'thitik be ye two! Kor. 21.2
qawas'vila'tilc look }^e in! Kor. 27.1
qikyawla'tik awake ye! Kor. 39.3
qaivilala'tiJc carry ye meat as a present! Kor. 63.12
qdlqala'tik go away! Kor. 14.7
yewnivola'ne they shall tell Kor. 22.5
tyavi s 'yan I shall die Kor. 33.1
tiyayai'tm 1 will go home Kor. 30.5
missavi*'yala we shall die Kor. 16.9
Derived modes in -lykin:
2d pi. yaqlaiJcme'tilcwh&t are you doing? Kor. 24.8
3d dual vai'Jce they two are Kor. 48.7
3d pi. Jcrya'wlaiTce the} 7 awoke Kor. 12.6
vanvolai'Tce they lived Kor. 43.7; 45.5; 62.7; 12.6.
Tcdkaivilai'Tce they are cooking Kor. 27.4
Enkayalai'lce they are snoring Kor. 28.4
3d sing. lelapit&oflvo'ykin he looks up Kor. 42.8
Icana'tiykin he is fishing Kor. 45.1
va'ykin he lives Kor. 18.4
1st sing, tiqitta! tiykin I am hungry Kor. 35.5
tiyanlannivo 'ykin I shall feel smoky Kor. 37.10
1st pi. mititvanvolai'lcm we remain Kor. 17.11 72
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754 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Subjunctive:
1st sing, maninmila' tiylcin I should feel elated Kor. 84.17
Imperative:
2d sing. qiwiykm-i'-gi say! Kor. 25.4
TRANSITIVE VERB
Transitive Forms
FIRST AND SECOND PERSON FORMS
Past I and subjunctive:
ti'lhi-git I have thee for something 15.8 (I 1*)
ne'nti-git they bid thee 19.5 (I 1)
minlete'ttilc let us carry you away! 74.15 (I 2)
ne'ntitik he bid you 74.24 (I 2)
nay o s ' milk they visit us 34.6 (1 3)
nantimla'nmik they press on us 63.9 (I 3)
Future:
nara'nmugit they will kill thee 37.10 (III 1)
nara'timtintiJc it will kill you 70.12 (III 2)
Derived modes:
nayo 'rkin-e-git they visit thee 52.4 (IV 1)
nanmirhne'mifc let them kill us! 67.33 (IV 3)
THIRD-PERSON FORMS
Past I and subjunctive:
tre f tya n I brought it 20.1 (I 4)
tiHhi'tfn if I should do for it 38.12 (la 4)
milu 'a n let me see it 19.5; 20.2 (la 4)
mipe'nria n let me catch him 66.16 (la 4)
mitlu 'a n we saw it 33.7 (1 4)
napela'a n they left it 30.12 (I 4)
mmpe'laa s n let us leave him 29.11 (I 4)
gina'n li'ngd n thou hast put it 38.11 (I 4)
iule'tinet thou hast stolen them 18.1 (I 5)
nenu'net they ate it 14.8 (I 5)
a nlu 'net they might see it 62.1 (la 5)
yopa'nnen he visited him 7.4 (I 6)
lu 'nin he saw it 18.11 (I 6)
ni yo tf nen they would visit it 53.1 (la 6)
timne'nat he killed them 34.1 (I 6')
pinlo'nenat he asked them 13.9 (I 6')
iu'ninet he said to them 8.10 (I 6')
* Numbers in parenthese refer to the table of forms on pp. 741-743.
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Imperative :
qagti'gm fetch it! 30.9 (II 4)
qdrri'lhin put it down 40.6 (II 4)
qai'pugun put it on! 16.6; 3T.8 (II 4)
qdtei'Tciginet make them! 49.4 (II 5)
qre'tmet fetch them 73.11 (II 5)
Future:
tre'ntmm I will manage him 67.22 (III 4)
mirraio*'nm we shall see him 66.30 (III 4)
mim'wlcut-hit we shall bind thee 23.8 (III 1)
repli' tkuninet thou wilt finish them 49.5 (III 5)
ra'nmugnen he will kill him 37.14 (III 6)
Derived modes:
qoi' piikoi' vurkin thrust it in all! 72.24 (IV 4)
tdhi'rkmet I do them 29.2; 30.5 (IV 5)
nata'rkmat they left them 68.17 (IV 5)
timi'rkmen he kills him 23.5 (IV 6)
te'grirkmin he threw him 10.10 (IV 6)
timi'rkmenat they kill them 44.8 (IV 6')
nelurkin they saw it 7.8 (IV 4)
Intransitive Forms.
Past I, and derived form:
ine'lhii* thou hast for me 25.1 (I 8)
gina'n inelu e 'i thou hast seen me 22.10 (I 8)
enapelarkine' tik ye are leaving me 10.5 (IV 9)
inenreqeurkini' tik what are you doing to me? 10.10 (IV 9)
inentsfe'urkin thou causest me pain 31.11 (IV 8)
mitiwku f tirkin-i-git we bind thee (IV 1)
Imperative:
qme'ilhi* give me! 15.12 (II 8)
qenata'gtf move to me! 37.10(11 8)
qenankergipa'tye* dress me! 48.9 (II 8)
qigite'fkui* look at us! 35.7 (II 8)
qeine'ikutik carry ye us away! 74.12 (II 9)
qinerri'lhitik (qinerri 1 Itilc 23.7) let ye me go! 24.1 (II 9)
qenagta'tyitilc haul ye me up! 67.8 (II 9)
qineluf'tik look ye at me! 70.31 (II 9)
qaivalponaurkine 'tki hit ye them on the head! 69.32 (IV 10)
qanu'ufki eat ye it! 14.7; 33.12 (II 10)
qata'gitki pass it! 70.10 (II 10)
qata' Lin^rtki answer ye them! 11.11 (II 10)
qdnmle'wlcut'ki light ye them 68.13 (II 10) 72
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Future:
raala'nitki ye will pass it 64.20 (III 10)
relu e 'nitki ye will see it 64.21 (III 10)
Nominal Predicative Forms
napela'-um they left me 31.9 (I 11)
nandaatwa'wTc'&m the} 7 cast me off 31.10 (1 11)
nanlimalawa! t-e-um they make me obey 21.3 (1 11)
For examples of verbal nouns, see 95.
KORYAK
1. Stems with terminal vowel form a diphthong with the ending
-ykin of the derived forms.
ti-tva'ikin < ti-tva'-ykin 1 am
ti-cvtilkin < ti-cvi'-ylcin 1 cut
vafykm he lives Kor. 18.4
2. The g of the suffix is never dropped.
ti-cvi'-gdn I cut off
3. Stems with terminal consonant have for the derived forms in
-ykin the form -iJcin, an auxiliary vowel being introduced on
account of the formation of a triconsonantic cluster.
tivalo 'mekin (Chukchee tiiwalo'mirlcin)<ti-valom-yTcin I hear
tapatekin (Chukchee tapatirkiri) < t-upat-ykin I cook
ti'vikin (Chukchee tiurkni) < t- iv-ykin I say
4. Terminal v of the stem (which corresponds to Chukchee u) is
not regularly assimilated by the initial g of the suffix.
ti'vgd k 1 said
In other cases vg is changed to wg, which corresponds to the
Chukchee wkw.
tyi'wgi (Chukchee tri'wkut) < t-y-iv-gi (Chukchee < t-r-iu-git)
I shall say to you
quvi s yas'qi'wgi die! Kor. 35.1
5. Terminal t does not influence the g of the suffix.
pElqa'tgi he grew old
6. Stems in terminal $ of Koryak I, which correspond to stems
in r of the Chukchee, form the derived modes in -iikm (Chukchee
-rirkin).
Kamenskoye Chukchee
tifyikin t&rirkm I cross over
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7. Terminal t before 7 either forms the Koiyak analogue of L or
drops out.
gapa?Len<ga-pat-len he has cooked
gapE'lqdlin<ga-pE f lqat-lin he has grown old
Examples :
tiyanu'wgi I shall swallow thee Kor. 78.18; 84.24 (I 1)
miti'mtingi I shall carr}^ thee Kor. 21.4 (la 1)
minmyai'tala-ge let us take thee home Kor. 33.3 (la 1)
cfntai'Tci-gi one should make thee Kor. 38.4 (la 1)
nalmlaikine' tik they do to you Kor. 64.17 (IV 2)
minyai' tatilc I'll carry you two home Inc. 4 line 6, p. 63 1 (Lz 2)
nenenda! inik he appears to us Kor. 29.9 (I 3)
nanafyiva'wmik he is reproaching us Kor. 74.19 (I 3)
nalmlaikme' mile they do us Kor. 64.16, 62.5 (IV 3)
lu e 'wa e n thou sawest it Kor. 23.8 (I 4)
miyo 'ogan let me visit him Kor. 20.7 (la 4)
mitltf'wlafn we found it Kor. 26.9 (I 4)
qiyaf'thm bring it here ! Kor. 29.4 (II 4)
mmu'mkawm I will lay it aside Kor. 49.10 (I 4)
tiyai'lmin I'll give him Kor. 12.3; 76.17 (III 4)
tiyannawtmaf nnm I'll give you your wife Kor. 13.3 (III 4)
ya'nminm you will kill it Kor. 76.7 (III 4)
natdlaikine' inik it has caught us Kor. 66.7 (IV 3)
ti'nmm I killed him Kor. 20.5 (I 4)
lu*'nin she found it Kor. 24.3 (I 6)
tai'lcmin he made them Kor. 20.9 (I 6)
nayo*'onau ye visit them Kor. 24.7 (1 10)
qutei'Tciflmau you are making them Kor. 50.7 (I 10)
gupka'wnunenau it could not do them Kor. 40.2 (I 6')
nayo*nvo 'ykinenau they visit them Kor. 61.8 (IV 5')
yilenvo'ylcinen she turns him Kor. 19.2 (IV 6)
yawa'ykmen she has him for Kor. 22.6 (IV 6)
inafnui he swallowed me Kor. 84.13 (I 7)
tenanjTcyo'nnivoi he wants to awaken us Kor. 39.4 (I 7)
ninanuva*' an let him swallow me ! Kor. 84.15 (la 7)
yena'nmi she will kill us Kor. 96.14 (III 8)
qina'nu swallow me ! Kor 84.22 (II 8)
qinanu'wgi swallow me ! Kor. 84.24 (II 8)
qenanyaiicmi' gi cheer me up ! Kor. 84. 27 (II 8)
qinamlila'tik ye louse me ! Kor. 24.9 (II 9)
qinatinunla' tik prepare ye provisions for me Kor. 13.4 (II 9)
qwuLa'gitta tie ye her ! Kor. 23.4 (II 10)
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qi'wgutta tell ye him ! Kor. 74.20 (II 10)
qiycFola'gitca visit ye her! Kor. 23.7 (II 10)
niyannepnivoi' gum they will keep me back Kor. 60.5 (I 11)
naya'nuw-gum they will eat me Kor. 78.21 (111)
For examples of verbal nouns, see 95.
75-74. Predicative Form of Nominalized Verl>
73. FORMS DERIVED FROM INTRANSITIVE VERB
Nouns, adjectives, and pronouns are combined with the suffixed per-
sonal pronouns of the first and second persons, and thus express the
idea TO BE . Verbal stems are nominalized in the same manner.
In the third person such verbs take the affixes
1. sing, ni gin \
i J . one who is ma condition or performs an action
Tjl ftj (sirJl&t/ \
2. sing, ge lin lone who has attained a condition or who has
pl- 9$ linet } performed an action
The second form may also be used with nouns, and expresses ONE
WHO HAS - . In the singular a connective i occurs between the
verbal stem and the suffixed pronoun. In the first person singular of
verbs ending in a consonant the connective i forms a syllable and the
initial g of the suffix gum drops out. In Koryak, on the other hand ?
it is retained. When the stem ends in a vowel, the i forms a diph-
thong with it and the g of gum is retained. The following table illus-
trates these forms.
Prefix
Suffix
Noun
Nominalized Verbs
Noun
Nominalized Verbs
(a)
(&)
(a)
(&)
3d sing
m-
gt-
-ct,-t,-ti
-qhi
-q'net
lin
-Vnet
3d pi
1st sing
-i-um
-igit
-mttrf
-ty,ri
2d sing.
1st pi
2dpl
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Prefix
Suffix
Noun
Nominalized Verb
Noun
Nominalized Verbs
(a)
(&)
(a)
(b)
3d sing
nl
ga
-at,-t,-ti
-aw, u,
wwi,-wg\
-qin
-qmat
-qinau
-lin
-linat
-linau
3d dual
3d pi. . .
1st sing
-igum
w
-muyi
-muyy,, muu, mu l
-tuyi
-tuyu,tw,tvi
2d sing. . .
1st dual
2d dual
1st pi . .
2dpl
i The contracted forms mu and tu do not change their vowels in harmony with hard vowels of the
stem.
Examples:
Nouns:
1st sing.
2d sing.
1st pi.
Nominalized
3d sing.
3d pi.
1st sing.
2d sing.
1st pi.
2dpl.
Nominalized
3d sing.
3d pi.
1st sing.
1st pi.
o' ' rguktil-e-um I am one who has no sledge 78.6.
Jce f lei-(g)um<Jcele^i-gum I am a kele
qla'ul-i-um I am a man 116.32
ne'us'qdt-i-gir thou art a woman 136.15.
Ice'lei-git thou art a kele 15.11
ili'Lti-mu'ri we are islanders 11.11.
verbs (a):
nignopitva'qen he was one who remained crouch-
ing 7.4.
nine'lqin he is one who becomes a 8.7.
nimitva,' 'qenat they were those who lived in a
camp 13.3.
m'lqat-i-um I am one who was there 66.36.
na laioi'gum<n-a laio-i-(g)u7)i I defecated 76.5
wu'iku mtvai'-gir you are one who stays here 7.5.
nme'l-i-git you are one who becomes a 10.11.
ni'pkir-muri we are those who came 11.1.
me'nki ni't-turi where are you? 12.2.
verbs (&):
ganto'len he was one who had gone out 8.4.
ge'tkulin he was one who had spent time 7.2.
gi'ulinet they were those who had said 11.11.
gene'Linet they were those who had become 9.4.
gene'l-i-um I am the one who has become a 17.6.
gelerei'-gum<g-elere-i-(g}um I was feeling dull
ge'lhi-muri we were the ones to whom it happened
65.11. 73
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I BULL. 40
Koryak :
Nouns :
1st sing.
1st pi.
Nominalized
3d sing.
3ddu.
3d pi.
1st sing.
2d sing.
Nominalized
3d sing.
3ddu.
3d pi.
1st sing.
1st pi.
2d sing.
qla'wul-e-giim I am a man Kor. 22.1.
Tcmi' ni-mu' yi we are children Kor. 70.20.
verbs (a):
na 6anvoqen he was the one who was urinating
Kor. 14.2.
mqahaianvoqen he was the one who began to
cry aloud Kor. 78.10.
nalniqa'tvuqinet they were the ones who were
quite successful Kor. 88.21.
nanyamta' taqenau they are those that taste of
fat Kor. 25.5.
nannitvma'w-gum I am one who is getting
angry Kor. 31.2.
nita'wiikini-gi you are one who is doing mis-
chief Kor'. 82.9.
verbs (b) :
gaya'lqiwlin he was the one who had entered
Kor. 14.1.
gata'wanlenat they were the ones who had
moved on Kor. 19.9.
gaqi'tilinau they were the ones who were frozen
Kor. 14.2.
gatuyikmina't-i-gum I am the one who has
given birth to a child Kor. 64.12.
gano s 'l-mu'yu we are the ones who have be-
come Kor. 37.4.
galu'tai-gi you are the one who has urinated
Kor. 66.6.
74. FORMS DERIVED FROM TRANSITIVE VERB
The nominalized form of the transitive verb has in the n(i)- form
throughout the prefix ine-, which makes the verbal theme passive.
Prefix
(a)
(0
W
3d sing. . . .
(lnf)qin
(ine) tin
3d pi
(\n$)q(net
(ine)Unet
1st sing. . . .
(ine)i-gum
i-(g)um
2d sing. . . .
n(i)
ge
(ine)-lgit
(ine)-'(git
-tty-igit
1st pi
(ine)my,r{
muri
2dpl
(ine) turi
(ine) turi
-tku-turi
74
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
KORYAK
761
Prefix
(a)
<&)
(a)
(&)
3d sing
n(i)
ga
inaqin
ina qinat
ina qinau
inalyum
ina Igit
ina muyu
inatuyu
ina muyi
inatuyi
-lin
-linat
-linau
-Iffum
Igit
-muyu
-tuyu
-muyi
-tuyi
3d dual
3d pi
1st sing
2d sing
1st dual
1st pi. .
2d dual
2dpl
In meaning this form agrees with the intransitive nominalized verb.
It may be translated THE ONE WHOM i , etc.
ELo'n nenapela'igum he is the one whom I leave
git nenapelai' gum you are the one whom I leave
qa'at ninei'mitium the reindeer are the ones whom I take
nena'nme-git they are the ones whom you kill 23.4
Accordingly, when the object of the verb is in the plural, the nominal
third person appears also in the plural.
The third person plural subject occurs also without ine- and has
active sense.
qa'at nipela'qenat the reindeer are the ones whom they leave (or,
perhaps, the reindeer are in the condition of being left).
qa'at nin$i' mitqinet the reindeer are the ones whom he takes
ni'nmuqen ora'weLan Eiwhue'la the St. Lawrence people were the
ones who killed the men 12.11
pipE f ~kilkin nena'nmuqen a mouse was killed by him 89.24
ni'uqinet qu'tti several were the ones who said to them 59.2
nini'uqinet they were told by him 73. 13
ti'Lik neirne'nqaet they were those who were approaching (to) the
entrance (intransitive) 103.1
nineimeu'qin wa'lqar he was one who approached the house
57.6
tayo'lhit nenaimg' qenat he was one who hung up the needlecases
82.10
The nominalized transitive verb in ge- has two forms one the
passive, meaning i, THE ONE WHO HAS BEEN , etc. ; the other active,
derived from those forms of the transitive verb which are replaced b} 7
intransitive forms (see p. 741), except -tki.
The third person, with or without-ine-may be used in an active or
passive sense.
74
762 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
gape'lalen he was leaving him, or he was left
gerilete'n-muri he was the one who took us away 74.23
geniggewgu'ulinet he was the one who awakened them 12.12
Examples, Koryak:
(a) nenaainawnivo' qen she was the one who called him Kor. 74.29
nenanufivo' qenau she was the one who ate them Kor. 59.9
ninataikifivo' qenau she was the one who made them Kor. 59.5
nassi'nvo-gum they are the ones who are untying me Kor. 39.3
nenemeye'ye-ge art thou the one who is seeking it? Kor. 49.9
nenavo 'nvo-mu'yu we are those who find them Kor. 59.9
(b) gewnivo'lenat they were the two whom he told Kor. 13.2
ga'nmilenau they were the ones whom they had killed Kor. 12.8
ganta'wiikinau-wiu'yi we are the ones whom they have defiled
Kor. 29.6
ganta'wiikrhaw-i-g-i thou art the one whom they have defiled
Kor. 31.1
75-81. Notes on Certain Verbs
75. To be, #
The Cimkchee verbal stem -it, Kor. Kara, -it, expresses the idea
TO BE. In the pronunciation of men the t is lost in Chukchee in
intervocalic position. The women say instead of Virkm of the men
i'tiSSm. In other words with terminal t of stem they may drop it,
as in yilqae&sm he sleeps.
i'lrkin, Kor. Kani. iti'ykin he is
me' 'Tiki nit-turif where are you?
mi'rikri ni'tqinf how was he? 17.12
It is used with the verbal noun in -td, and with the noun in -nu (see
95, p. 784, 103, no. 34).
tauduwa'-va'rat ci'mqug viri'td-n i'irkin the Reindeer Chukchee
people are partly self-destroying
Ta'n'nibhit um em-vi 'td ni'tqinet the Russians are just dying
len-qami'tvata i'tyi* he could not eat 80.7
aqami'tvaka qi'tyitik don't ye eat (of it) 64.19
e'rmu ti'tyatJc I was a chief (literally, I was what serves as a chief)
gai'mitile tri'tyd* 1 am going to be rich
qaremena'ne ri'tyd* thou shalt not be it 23.6
li'e-narau'tilQ mmi'nmik (<min-it-mik] let us really try to get
wives 57.1
ena'nmitu i'ikdl-i-wn I am not a murderer 24.8
75
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 763
It seeins possible that the element i in the nominalized verbs is
derived from this stem (see note 1 p. 734).
nu-wa'lom-e-um I am hearing
ni-yi'lqdt-i-um I am sleeping
76. TO LIVE, TO BE -tvg
This stem occurs both in Chukchee and Koryak. It expresses a
longer duration than it.
dqdline'td ti'tyafk I was in fear
em-dqdline' td titva'a Tc I was continually just in fear
va!r~km (Chukchee), va'ykin (Kor. Kam.) he lives
awgo'lika titva'rkm 1 remain without an assistant 124.5
ni'mnim vai h'mteqai va'rkin a settlement then quite near is 7.7
i'lukd qatva'rkm remain without motion! 57.3
mi'nkri mititva rkm how shall I be? 124.3
em-nu'ni6m mi'nlcri ni'tvaqen how are those from the mainland?
13.9
wu'tku nitvai'gir you stay here 7.5
It is used as a synthetic element in many verbs.
ratva'rkm (<ra-tvd) he house-lives (i. e., he is at home)
oratva'rkm (<ora-tva) he stays long
waqotvaflik (waqo-tva) he (remained) seated 102.24
a'nqak nimitva! genat (<nim-tva settlement remains) they lived
on the sea 13.3
nuwkotitvaf qen (<wkot-tvd) he was tied
aawketitva'ta being tied 122.24
qamitvaf to eat
eulete'l-va'lin being of elongated form 91.15
In Koryak the stem it occurs much more frequently than tva in
independent form.
En'ni'n va'lm (Chukchee), Ennaf s an i'talcfn (Kor. Kam.) one being
thus
Still in compounds the stem tva occurs with great frequency.
vaha'le-tva'ykin (Kor. Kam.) he is seated
Some stems when combined with va'lm do not take the ablaut:
minkri-va'lin of what kind
me'6en'ku-wa f le-um I am a fairly good one
A number of stems expressing qualities form adjectival forms by
composition with -tva- (it- Koryak), in the form va'lm (i'tala e n
Koryak) (see p. 814). 76
764 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Icoulo'qu-wz'lm (stem Jcoulo'qi) round
n (stem wi'chrfl) flat
Koryak:
qo'loft-i'taltfn (stem qo'lon} round
vic7iiyin-i'tala n (stem vichiyin) flat.
In all these cases the stem takes the suffix (i)n, which in some
positions undergoes phonetic modifications; as ta'num-va'lm a good
one, from to,' niri-va'lin.
The stem in composition with va'lm may also take postpositions.
e'mpum-va'lin or empa,' qu-wa'lm (stem imp) the one who is
downcast
vicha' qu-wa'lin flat
This form frequently expresses the comparative:
qa'tvum-va'lrn (stem qetv) the stronger one
Kor. qa'tviH-i'tdlafn (stem qatv) the stronger one
ga'mga-qla'ulik qa'tvum-va'l-e-um I am stronger than all (the
other) men
gum gmi'Jc mai' Enku-wa'l-e-um I am greater than you 92.11
The allative with va'lm signifies possession of a quality to a slight
degree.
teute' tu-wd'lin (stem ciut) somewhat low
tane'tu-wa'lm (stem ten) somewhat good, moderately good
77. TO BECOME nel
The stem Chukchee nel, Kor. Kam. nal is used much more fre-
quently in Chukchee than in Koryak. It is combined with the noun
in -nu (see 103, no. 34).
gu'mulc emno' l-t&' mgo qme'lhi* become ye what serves as my
spleen companions 1 (i. e., became ye my friends)
nrka'n& nine'ligit you have become a walrus 10.11 (also 10.8)
ginni'Tcu ne'lycft they became the quarry 12.2
ne'us'qdtu gene' Lin he became a woman 116.21
mi'rnlu gene' Lin it became water 101.27
cfqa'-rkila gene'lium I became one to be pursued hard 17.6
em-ginu'n-nilci'ta ne'lyi* it came to be just midnight 9.11
girgo'l gene'Linet they came to be high 9.4
a*tto f o6a nine'lqin he came to be in front 8.7
ne'lirkin (Chuckee), na'lilcin (Kor. Kam.) he becomes, turns into
The corresponding Koryak stem is used but rarely.
i See The Chukchee, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. VII, p. 563, Note 2.
77
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 765
78. TO TAKE OB HAVE SOME ONE AS - In,
The Chukchee stem In (medial /A), Kor. Kam. 7/7, signifies TO TAKE OR
HAVE SOME ONE AS SOMETHING. The direct object is in the absolute
form; the indirect object, in -nu (see 103, no. 34).
li'nirlcin (Chukchee), liniykm (Kor. Kam.) you take him for
gitta'p-qla'ul& mi'lhigit let me take you for a ciever man
gin ni'lhdqinet ne'lfnt as unknown ones they had their skins (i. e.,
they did not know them)
pu'relu nalhinno'a s n they began to have him for a slave 8.2
va'lat ri'lho nine'lhdqin he has knives as wings 15.2
wi'yolu qinelhi'rkm have me as a servant 95.7
leule'wu ine'lhii* he has me as something to be wronged 25.1
With nouns expressing emotions this verb is used throughout as
indirect object, to express emotional conditions.
yei'vecu li'nirkm (Chukchee), yaira'cu lini'ykm (Kor. Kam.) as
one serving as (an object of) compassion you have him
te'nnu li'nirkin (Chukchee), ta'nnu lini'ykm (Kor. Kam.) as one
serving as laughing-stock you have him
re'qa leule'wu ge'lhmm what made me a laughing-stock? 117.19
pegci'nu ti'lhigit 1 have thee as an object of interest 15.8
pegci'nu ine'lhii s you have meddling interest in me 22.9; also 15.8
79. TO MAKE SOME ONE SOMETHING rtc
The stem, Chukchee rtc (medial tc), Kor. Kam. yt& (medial tc), Kor.
Par. yss (medial ss), signifies TO MAKE SOMETHING INTO SOMETHING.
The direct object is in the absolute form; the indirect object, in -nu
(see 103, no. 34).
ntci'rkin (Chukchee), yitbi'ykin (Kor. Kam.), yissi'ykin (Kor.
Par.) you make him into
Enqa'n vai rawkuftcinm moo-qa' 'an& mitci'rkm that here doe, one
serving as sledge train reindeer I shall make her
elqu'tka ntcinin he made him not standing 115.4
eni'nqaikd nere'tcimuk they will make us childless 39.4
pai'wak n'tcmin he rejects it 136.28
80. TO HAVE SOME ONE FOB SOMETHING rt
The stem, Chukchee rt (medial nt), Kor. Kam. yt (medial nt) takes
the direct object in the absolute case, the indirect object with the
ending -nu.
ekke'nu ti'ntiafn Ri'nto I have Ri'nto as what serves as a son
78, 79, 80
766 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
It is often combined with the verbal noun of transitive verbs in -td
to express the same idea, thus forming a periphrastic expression.
The verb rt is referred directly to the object of the transitive verb,
to the nominal form of which it is joined.
gumna'n Zini't lif'td trenti'ninet qa'at myself as something to
look on 1 shall have the reindeer (i. e. I myself shall look on
the reindeer)
lun-lu e 'td m'ntdqinet not having seen they had them (i. e., they
had not seen them) 11.9
nti'rkm (Chukchee), yiti'ykm (Kor. Kam.) you have him for
en'ne' gina'n enne'lca qdnti' grnet do not you carry them out 88.3
imgetd'ta nine'nti-uin I have them to look after 92.36
tule'td nine' nti-um ora'weLat I also treat the people as something
to steal (i. e., I can steal people) 93.14
gina'n tule'td nine'nti-git you steal them 93.15
em-ginfi'td nine'nti-git you lay in ambush for them 93.21
81. NOTES ON CERTAIN KAMCHADAL VERBS
The special verbs discussed in the preceding pages are repre-
sented in Kamchadal by a number of very irregular forms of a num-
ber of evidently related stems: A, ck, for the present or derived
forms; l\ Ih, Ik, for the indicative and exhortative. The forms
with Jc correspond, on the whole, to the transitive forms of the
paradigm on pp. 744-745, although not all the forms can be inter-
preted in this manner. The derived form of the intransitive form
is defective, only the second person singular and the third person
plural being found. The verb, when relating to objects or animals
(i. e., not to persons), has forms which recall the transitive forms.
Their use corresponds to the use of the Chukchee stem tva.
Kamchadal Chukchee
Tcima'nk bhi'jin gu'mjlc vafrkin it is (belongs) to me
~kima'n Vin 'gumni'n va'e it was mine
Both constructions, with the locative-possessor's and with the
possessive cases, are found.
The personal form is transitive, but has peculiar endings.
tcki'nin ple'Tci I am to him (as) a son
81
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
767
VERBAL STEM h, ck, 1', Ih, Ik
PRESENT
Intransitive
TO BE
Non-personal
Personal
TO ME!
[IT is, etc.
MINE j
TO BE TO HIM
(AB) A-
TO BE TO THEM
(AS) A-
1st sing. . . .
2dsing. . . .
3d sing. . . .
1st pi
.fhiji
chijci'n
klma'n(k) ihi'jin
kmi'n(k) chi'jin
Ena'n(k) chi'jkinen
ml'jhin(k) chi'jin
tl'jhin(k) chi'jklsxin
txi'in(k) chi'jkipnin
tcki'nin
cki'nin
c'in
ncki'nin
c'isx
c'in
tcki'pnin
cki'pnin
cki'pnin
ncki'pnin
c'isx
cki'pnin
2dpl
3d pi. ...
PAST
1st sing. . . .
2d sing. . . .
3d sing. . . .
1st pi
2dpl
3d pi
tfik
I'it
F&
nfik
I'icx
l'ci f n
klma'n(k) Vin
kmi'n(k) Ihin
Ena'n(k) Vi'nin
mi'jhin(k) I' in
tl'jhin(k) Ikl'sxin
txi'in(k) rki'pnin
tlki'nin
Iki'nin
Ihin
nlki'nin
Fisx
Ihin
tlki'pnin
Iki'pnin
Iki'pnin
nlki'pnin
I'isx
Iki'pnin
EXHORTATIVE (ALSO FUTURlvj
1st sing. . . .
2d sing. . . .
3d sing. . . .
1st pi
2dpl
3d pi
m?ik
Mixc
x'anl'i'hln
miniFk
kl'icx
X'anl'i'hln
kima'n(k~] xanli'hin
Eno/n(k) x'anlki'nin
txi'in(k) x'anlki'pnin
mlki'nin
klki'nin
x'anlhi'n
minlki'nin
kl'isx
x'anlhi'n
mlki'pnin
klki'pnin
x f anlki'pnin
minlki'pnin
kl'isx
x'anlki'pnin
VERBAL STEM le
The auxiliary verb le TO BECOME has also an intransitive and a
personal transitive form, like the last stem.
tleflc I become something
tle'jlcipnin I become something for them
VERBAL STEM si
The stem si TO BE lacks the present, but has otherwise regular
intransitive forms.
sid you were
VERBAL STEM Is, II
The stem is, U corresponds to the Chukchee In-, and rt-. It is
used often with the nominalized verb 2, 3 (see p. 748). With the
intransitive verb it has intransitive forms, while the corresponding
Chukchee verbs are always transitive. 81
768 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
xe Icfo'lki milk not coming I will be
dlxtalka tlsjhin I like thee (dlxtalka modal is of LIKING; (t- 1;
Is stem; -j- present; -kin thee); compare Chukchee dlhu-
tilhirkini' git (dlhu as object of LIKING; t- 1; Ih- to have for ;
-rkin present; -igit thee)
Va'mal ml'lin I will kill him (Fa'mal to killing; in- let me; 11
stem; -in him); compare Chukchee am-tma f mi'ntia s n (am-
merely; tm- to kill; -a modalis; in- let me; -nt medial stem;
-d n him)
VERBAL STEM issi
This stem corresponds to Chukchee zfc-, Kor. Kam. ssz-, and ex-
presses nearly the same idea as the last verb.
qam Ice'jTcek ti'ssihin I do not accept you (qam not; Jcej to
accept; -leek negative ending; t- I; issi stem; -hin thee)
compare Chukchee ehn-ei'mitka ti'tcigit (ehn led nega-
tion; ei'mit to take; t- I; tc stem; -git thee)
VERBAL STEM tel
The stem tel has a meaning similar to the last two, but expresses
prolonged action. It follows Type II of the transitive verbs.
xtel tite'lijnin I came to fear him (xtel fear; t- I; tel stem; -j-
present; -nin [I] him)
THE PERSONAL TRANSITIVE FORMS.
A number of intransitive verbs have forms analogous to the
personal transitive of the auxiliary verb (p. 767), which are used to
express relations to a personal object.
tvetatkoju'jlcipnen I am busying myself on their behalf (t- I;
vetat to be busy; -koju inchoative; -j- present; -kipnen see
p. 767.
i*sx txi'in no'nul* intilitkojujlcipni'n they always bring food
to their father (i s sx father; txi'in their; no'nul 1 modalis,
with food; intil to bring; -t durative; -Tcdju inchoative; -j-
present; Icrpnin as before)
The Chukchee sentence
tu'mgitum e'ce muwi'd n I will cook fat for my companion
(tu'mgitum absolute form, COMPANION; e'6e modalis; WITH
FAT; in- LET ME; uwi TO COOK; -d s n HIM) is quite comparable
to this (see p. 741).
81
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
769
82. Predicative Forms of Pronouns and of Numerals
Indefinite (interrogative) pronouns and numerals are frequently
used in predicative form, and take all verbal forms. They may also
take verbal affixes, but of these only a few are in frequent use.
Chukchee Koryak Kamenskoye
req yaq 1 WHAT
re'qarkin(req + rkin) ya'qikin 1 (yaq -\-i~km] what do you do,
nreqeurqin
to cause)
raqino'rkin (-nno to
begin)
raqicna'tirkin (-nat
annoyance)
ya'qiyJcin'KoY. 28.10
(n eu yiyaqa'wikm
yagnivo'ikin
yaqicna'tekm
nike
nike'rkin
nnike'urkin
nireq
nireqe'urkin
mi' Linen
miLinkau'lcin
Here belongs also
terke'urkin
nika Kor. 80.9
niJca'tkm
nika'flcin
niyeqi'wikin
mi'Linen
miLirika'welcin
tcfika'wikin
want?
what do you make
him do?
what do you begin
to want? (expres-
sive of annoyance)
what do you want?
(expression of
strong annoy-
ance)
SOMETHING
you do a certain
thing
you make him do a
certain thing
TWO
you are the second
FIVE
you are the fifth
what number in the
series are you?
Koryak:
ya'qlau what are they doing? Kor. 24.5
yaqlaikine'tik what are you doing Kor. 24.8
gaya'qlinat what happened to them Kor. 30.9
niya'qi-gi what is the matter with thee Kor. 39.5
The predicative numerals are freely compounded with other verbs.
gumni'n e'lcik Icitu'r mingitka'wkwe? (Chukchee) my son last year
ten reached (gumni'n nry; e'lcik son; Tcitu'r last year; mingit
ten -Jceu verbal suffix of numerals; gi 3d sing.)
Jciu'lci timi Linked wkwa lc 1 staved there five nights (kiu'lci passing
nights; t- I; mi Lin five; -keu verbal suffix of numerals; -gd e lc
1st sing.)
i Koryak II taq WHAT; ta'qatkin WHAT DO YOU DO, WANT?
3045 Bull. 40, pt.2 12 49
82
770 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
KAMCHADAL
The indefinite (interrogative) pronouns of Kamchadal occur also
in predicative form. At present only a few forms of the present
tense are used.
Enka'nej& what are you (sing.) doing?
Enka'nejcx what are you (pi.) doing?
lajd how are you (sing.)?
la'jdi n how are they ?
sxuzijd you (sing.) do a certain thing
nu n sxu'sijtm (Jija'l-Tcu'txafn there the people of dja'1-kutx
live (nu s n there; sxu'sijhn they do a certain thing; -a np\m"d\\
The use of pronouns or pronominal adverbs is much more com-
mon, perhaps due to Russian influence.
Enka'nke Jcfojd for what do you come?
lact citnljd how do you live ?
Sentences which contain the verbalized and the nonverbal pronoun
also occur, and are probably the result of a mixture of Kamchadal
and Russian syntax.
snka'j Tcimrna trimjin what now have I done to him ?
E'nkaj s'nin what now has he done to him?
s'nkaj Enk/d'Umin why did you (sing.) com i to him?
We find even the following compound of the pronoun with
allative post-position and verb:
Enkar^!d'Urnin = Enka f nkeTc!'6'lcinin (cf 59, p. 731)
There are also two demonstrative verbs:
tea here te'a-sijlc here I am
hei look here! he'yisijlc here I am (close to the
person addressed)
Both contain the auxiliary verb si (see p. 767).
83-90. Syntactic Use of Tenses and Modes
83. Declarative Mode
Declarative forms of the simple, derived, and nomiualized forms are
used to express the predicate in declarative and interrogative
sentences.
Simple forms:
ftawane'ti i'wkwi* he said to his wife 83.23
gi'thrn lu*'nin he saw a lake 37.4
83
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 771
ni'nqai ra'nmugnen she will kill the child 37.14
ralaulciwa' tmocf thou wilt do wrong 21.5
~kuwi r cm trf'tyafn I brought children's death 20.1
Derived forms :
mit'imgumge'erlcin we are terrified 63.4
tmqae'rkin 1 refuse 19.7
ti'mquk pela'arkin some are leaving 8.9
Nominalized forms :
ndq dlile'tqin re'mJcm the people were at war 97.23
nre's'qiuqin ne'us'qdt the woman entered 63.3
ceq-a f lvain-vafli-tQ f re ye are quite strange 63.4
evi'ra getule'Leet they have stolen clothing 13.6
elere'i* dost thou feel lonesome? 96.2
Examples of interrogative sentences are
Simple forms :
efleflitvi'i* hast thou become a shaman? 18.4
me! nJco pi'ntiqattik whence did VQ appear? 74.21
mi'nlci-m raftvaa? where wilt thou live? 108.25
Derived forms :
re'qarkin what are you? 18.9
re'qci timi'rkinen what has killed him ? 23.5
Nominalized forms :
mi'rikri gewkwe't-i-git where have you gone?
mi'nkri m'tvaqen how is he? 13.10
re'q-i-git what do you want? 18.12
gei'emit-tu'mgi-gir hast thou brothers? 99.18
Koryak:
Simple forms:
nawa'kdk nay a' tin they brought the daughter Kor. 86.20
tapka'vilc olnaqa'tik 1 could not strangle myself Kor. 35.2
tlyayi'lqatm 1 shall sleep Kor. 31.8
tiqa'payuk 1 killed a wolverene Kor. 59.1
Miti'nak ena'nme, enapa'te Miti has killed me and cooked me
Kor. 96.7
Derived forms:
tigittaftiykin I am hungr}^ Kor. 35.5
Enncf'an Amamqu'tinu vanvolai'Tce thus Eine'mqut and his peo-
ple were living Kor. 45.5
penye'lcinen talai'vik he rushed at it to strike it Kor. 53.3
milu'ykinmau she was looking for lice Kor. 59.4
pelhannivolai'lce they began to have nothing to eat Kor. 95.17
83
772 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Nominalized forms:
vaf'yyk gayo s 'olen vai'amn'aqu then they found a large river
Kor. 21.3
galcfwkali'lin wu'Tka they painted her face with coal Kor. 31.9
gaqqaika 'makata gancf'l-mu'yu we came to be with (to have) a
small kamak Kor. 37.4
na'cnin nenanyopannivo' qenau outside they were hung up Kor.
60.9
atau' na'no Euncf'an mtva'nvoqen that one was living thus
Kor. 61.3
na'no nitinma'tgen that one is telling lies Kor. 62.3
In the indefinite nominalized predicate the subject pronoun may
be repeated to emphasize the question.
geet-tu'ri tu'ri have you come ?
Impersonal verbs do not differ from the ordinary intransitive
verbs.
ile'erkin (Kor. Kam. muqa'tikin-, Kamchadal txu'jin or 6xuj6) it
is raining
ile'tyi* (Kor. Kam. muqa'thi*') Kamchadal cxuri) it has been
raining
ld leuru'i winter came 14.9
elhiro'e s it becomes red 23.9
84. Tenses
Tenses are not clearly distinguished. The declarative form of the
verb, unless modified by the future prefix, is used to express a past
action, although cases occur in which only a present can be meant.
tiqewganno' a Tc I begin to be called 94.31
In Koryak the declarative form is rarely used in narrative, while
it is in common use in direct discourse.
mai, ya'ti halloo, have you come? Kor. 68.12
ti'nmm I killed Raven-Men Kor. 20.5
In Chukchee its use in narrative is very common.
e'nmen nilci'rui- then night came 36.12
lu'ur weihau' noe then he began to speak 31.11
The derivative is generally used to express a present continued
action, but it occurs also frequently in narrative. This use is more
frequent in Koryak than in Chuckchee (see 87).
The nominalized verb (a) expresses a continuative regardless of
time. When coordinated with another verb it expresses contempo-
84
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 773
raneity (see 88). The nominalized verb (6) is used commonly in
narrative to express the progress of an action. When coordinated
with another verb, it expresses an antecedent (see 88).
The future is formed by the prefix m- and the correlative pro-
nominal forms. Quite commonly the future is given the form of an
exhortative.
85. The Subjunctive
The subjunctive (a) and (b) are, the former an exhortative form, the
latter the form used in conditional and other subordinate clauses. The
former is frequently used for expressing the future, particularly when
it implies the idea of intention.
Subjunctive (a):
nuwa'lomga n let him know
va'nivan nuwa'lomga n he would not hear anything
mew7cwe f fyd Jc let me depart 17.10
milimala' nnocfk let me begin to obey 21.4
mmranto'mik let us leave the town 56.8
myi'lqatycfn let him sleep 9.1
nica'atvacfn let her be cast away 39.3
mi'ilhir let me give thee 15.13
mimata'gir let me marry thee 77.1
mmlete'ttik let us carry you away 74.15
niro'q ya'rat va'nevan d nlu 'net three houses, not at all they could
see them 61.10
neuwi'rit cfnei'mityafn she would take the soul of the woman
37.11
Koryak :
mmyaitila'mik let us go home! Kor. 26.8
nayanva'nninin let them skin it! Kor. 26.10
minilqdla'milc let us go! Kor. 28.5
mikiplis' qewla' tik I will stun them with blows Kor. 29.7
ya'qu-yak quwai'matin a ntai'ki-gi into what desirest thou one
should make thee? Kor. 38.4
Subjunctive (b) does not appear very often in the texts.
e'ur En'ni'n' ni 'tyd n, qora'ni mini 'yilhit if you were like this,
we should give you reindeer
Enqa'n ni gite'nin, nu wi'd n if she should look upon that one, she
would die 37.12
ia'm leule'wu ti lhi'd n why should I harm her ? 38.12
va'nsvan nute's'qdn ni yo 'nen he would not at all reach the ground
52.12 85
774 BUREAU or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Enqa'n ora'weLat e'66a m tva'nat, nftvitkui'vunet viu'ta if the
men had stayed on the surface, the whalebone would have cat
them down 68.26 (Enqa'n THAT; ora'weLan MAN; -tva TO REMAIN;
ni -for full form nani 5 -] km- TO CUT; -tku suffix ALL; -v suffix
GREAT QUANTITY; viut WHALEBONE; -a subjective)
tiite'un im gtimna'n wu'tku ti nfi'qa n if only I could keep it
R 45.21
dite'un kmta'irga memilqa'a ne na'lpmrie if only good luck
wouid give me seals R 46.42
dite'un ve wgento'e in order that he should give up his breath
R49.15 *
ekena'n gumna'n ti pi'rea n I wish I would (rather) take it
Koryak:
me'nqan ni s tva 'an how could she be? Kor. 34.12
nani 'wm one might say Kor. 25.2
80. The Imperative
The imperative expresses command, but also the idea of obligatory
future.
nota's'qeti qacipe'tyi* into the ground plunge! 17.2
qineti'nui* haul me up! 131.22
ne'lvul gagti'gitki bring ye the herd! 129.19
qinilhe'tyitki lower ye me! 131.15
Koryak:
appa', qakya'wgi grandfather, get up! Kor. 31.9
quvia'nilat open your mouth! Kor. 34.7
qa'lqathi go away! Kor. 35.3
ne'nako qiyo e 'oge dada'me then you will find an old woman Kor
51.1
Quyqinn'aqunak qiyaipila'tilc live ye with Big-Raven! Kor. 62.2
qanto'tik go ye outside! Kor. 74.12
qi'wgutda tell ye him! 74.20
87. Derived Forms
The derived forms express continued action. For this reason they
are found most frequently in direct discourse when a continuous
condition is described.
ia'm terga'arkin why art thou weeping? 48.12
gum ne'iik tile'rkin I am walking about to get a wife 57.2
mithitte' urkm we are hungry 70.24
Icele'td nayo 'rkin-e-git the kele are visiting thee 52.4
86, 87
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHBE 775
Koryak
mitipa s lai'lcinen we are thirsty Kor. 16.9
yaqlaUcme'tifc what are you doing ? Kor. 24.8
Icolcaivilai'lce they are cooking it Kor. 27.4
tita 'liylcin I am feeling unwell Kor. 84.26
In Chukchee the derived forms are not often used in narrative as
an historical present, while in Koryak this use is quite common.
temyu 1 'nirkin ELCL' she was deceiving her mother 29.2
pukirgi*. Aiwana'thin um mtvi'tkurkin re s w. He arrived. The
Aiwan was cutting up the whale 46.10
e'nmen ye'gichin rmfi'rkmin he was carrying about a walrus
penis 67.10
See also 8.1, 9; 9.7, 8; 16.3
qole-ikd 'unvuk ewkwe'erlcit, evi'rd getule'Leet. E'nmen ewkwe'tya e t
during another night they were about to leave, having stolen
clothing. Then they left (qul ANOTHER; tkiu TO PASS THE NIGHT;
-nv PLACE OF [ 109, 50], -k LOCATIVE; ewkwet TO LEAVE;
evirit CLOTHES; -a subjective [ 37]; tulet TO STEAL; getule'Leet
< ge-tulet-linet) 13.5
Koryak
gaimannivo'ylcin he had a desire Kor. 12.2
lumneua'ylcm she was following Kor. 23.3
vanvolai'lce they were beginning (and continued) to live Kor.
43.7
nanonvo'ylcinenau they were beginning to consume them Kor.
42.7
This form is used even when it is difficult to conceive of the
action as continued:
nito'ykm he went out Kor. 12.5; 72.15
nivo'ylcin she began Kor. 72.16
yalqi'wikin he entered Kor. 13.9
newnivo'ylcinenatihQy began to say to both of them Kor. 12.7
A habitual action is expressed in the following example:
da'man Enqa'nena gmnig-gili'liqa 1 'gti timi'rkinenat also by this
one are the little game-procurers killed (i. e. he is in the
habit of killing the hunters) 44.8
With the imperative the derived forms express a continued con-
dition, or a repeated action.
ilu'Tcd qatva'rkm stay without motion! 57.3
qaivalponaurkme'tki you will hit (the children) upon the head
69.32
quwalo'mirkm listen! 32.1 87
776 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Koryak
aqalhai' oka qiti'y'kin-i'-gi do not cry! (not be without crying)
Kor. 37.1
The derived forms in the future are sometimes used to express a
remote future.
miqami'tvaafTc I shall eat now
miqami'tvarkin 1 shall eat later on (perhaps to-morrow)
inenreqeurkini' tile what are you going to do with me? 10.10
ti'gtirkm I am going to bring it 57.4
Koryak
tiyanto'ylcin I shall go out Kor. 14.5
tiyanlannivo' 'ylcin I shall begin to feel smoky Kor. 37.10
In some cases it seems to express a repeated or customary action.
trereviliiku'nirkin I shall (occupy myself with) selling R. 46.43
The exhortative of the derived forms is used like the future.
mmqami' tvarkm let us continue to eat! 65.4
mmiwkurkmi' git let us tie thee! 20.9
88 Nominalized Verb (a)
The nominalized form (a) of the verb, ne gin expresses the con-
dition of an object or a person, or the condition of 'performing an
action. Its use is not confined to intransitive verbs which in this
form often have the meaning of an attributive term (see p. 713), but
it is also used with transitive verbs. When the noun to which the
nominalized verb stands in an attributive relation is the subject of
a clause, the nominalized verb often indicates that the two verbs
express contemporaneous conditions or actions and may be trans-
lated by the conjunction WHILE. Examples of the attributive use of
this form have been given on p. 713. Additional examples are the
following :
u'nd va'rkm nime'yEfiqin (there) is a large thong-seal 70.7
nitu'uqin Tce'rgaqai a bright little hole 74.2,3
Koryak:
nspplu'qin a small one Kor. 15.2
gatai'lcilinnima'yinqin he made it (one that is) large Kor. 15.4
nima'ymqin fiai'nai the largest mountain Kor. 42.2
Examples in which the form (a) has a predicative meaning are
more numerous.
qata'lcen Ie 'qa6 nu'uqin, qol um nide'Loqen Ie 'qa6 one-half was
black, the other half was red 88.15,16
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 777
niu'ldqin it was long 91.24
yara'ni nite'nqin the house is good 92.9
mi'nkri m'tvagen how (of what kind) are they 13.10
wu'iku nitvai'-gir you are staying here 7.5
mggi'nqin mereqa'gti they are eager for us 8.9
inpmati'ynin neine'tqin the old man was the one who called out
86.13
ninei'mitqin u'nelti he was taking thong-seals 67.18
Koryak:
nilhikyu'qin it is watchful Kor. 39.9
nima'lqin it is good Kor. 64.24
nannicvina'w-gum I am angry Kor. 31.2
mtinpuvaqa'tqen she is one who is striding and pecking Kor-
47.11
Tanno nigala'qenau the Chukchee were the ones who passed
by Kor. 66,12.
Examples of relative clauses:
inpinawqa' gcimn ... pako'ttmin nine'nraqin it was an old
woman . . . who was carrying a butcher knife 85.20,21
git Icele'ta nayo 'ikm-e-git you are one who is being visited by the
kelet 52.4
yara'qai . . . Jcele'tti nena,'yo qen it was a small house . . . which
was visited by the kelet 51.9
Koryak:
veli'lnu nenataikinvo' qenau (those are) thimbles that had been
made Kor. 60.8,9
Miti'nak nenaainawnivo'qen; e'wan it was Miti who called him
she said Kor. 74.29
niqalhai'aqen he was the one who was crying Kor. 37.1
nmnipnivo' 'qen they were the ones who began to keep it Kor.
41.9
Examples of temporal coordination:
ti'ttil nenarkipceu'qen, E'nk'i ne'wan ure'wkwi* (at the time)
when he pushed the entrance, then the wife appeared 53.5, 6
qan'ver ni'nqai mte'rgilatqen, gan've'r i'wkwi 5 uwa s 'qu6 when
the child cried, the husband said 38.3
qaia'qan e'ur neimeu'qin, ewkurga niginteu'qin whenever he
was coming near, again he fled (was in flight) 66.14
nitinpite'tqenat . . . En'qa'm . . . qple-ra' gti qa'ty&t while
they were stabbing them . . . then ... to another house
he went 12.9, 10
778 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Koryak:
nenavo nvo-mu'yu e s 'en ganu'linau when we find them they
have been eaten Kor. 59.9, 10
mi'mla nmu'qen, qalne-key gate'wlalen when a louse bit (ate)
her, then they shook her combination suit Kor. 76.4,5
On the whole the forms in ne gin are used much more frequently
in Chukchee than in Koryak, in which dialect the progress of the
narrative is more prominent.
89. Nominalized Verb (6)
The nominalized verb (b) ga lin expresses a completed transition
and may often be translated by TO HAVE BECOME.
ya'rat qano' twe len she was one who had (become poor), R 45.22
no'6-e-um gene'l-i-um poor (I) I had become R 45.28
Koryak :
gama'lalin it had grown better, Kor. 14.11
gaqi'tilinau they had became frozen Kor. 14.3
In narrative it expresses the progress of action, but apparently
not with the same intensity as the verbal forms.
gumni'n pe'nin-ne'w gewi 'lin my former wife died R,. 45.29.
yicemre'lti gettimle,' mnet a company of brothers went to sea in a
boat 64.3
e'ur girgironta' Leu a e 'ttwild then day broke while the boat's
crew was approaching 10.9
Koryak :
va e 'yak gaya'lqiwlin afterwards he entered Kor. 14.1
ga'lqaLm he went Kor. 16.3
In a number of cases it clearly expresses temporal sequence.
e'nmen gegu'pqanteLin i'wkwi after she was quite starved she
said 39.1
Ai'wan-a'Tckata ni'lhin gedheiulu'ulin a'nqa-6o'rmi, Enfa'q um
ni'lhin getinus'qite'Lin e'ur um nethetau' qen memle'ti the
Aiwan's son had hidden a thong on the sea-shore, then (when)
he had tugged the thong, then he made him fall into the
water 48.3-5
gitte'ulit um nan, Jci'pu-ri'LU nelu 'a n after they had become
hungry they saw a whale carcass 65.1
gaa'lomlfrn, i'wkwi* after he had heard it he said 56.12
qanto's'qeulen e'ur Enqa'n . . . ninerkile' gin after he had rushed
out he was being pursued 57.11
89
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 779
Koryak :
miti'w geflw'Len Enka'ta tilai'vilcin fte'ia next day, after it
had dawned, at that place a herd was walking Kor. 21.8
With nouns the form ga lin expresses possession (see p. 712.)
0. Negative Forms
Negative forms are partly expressed by adverbs with the ordinary
forms of the verb, partly by the derivative in $ Ara, which is either
nominal or forms nominal predicative terms. The particles which
may take the ordinary verbal forms are
va'nevan not at all (see p. 882)
ga'rem always with the future or exhortative (see p. 882)
ta'mam always with the future (see p. 883)
See also e'Le, en'ne, ui'nd (p. 883).
The forms in e lea and in egn- will be found discussed on pp. 818,
821 et seq.
In Kamchadal the negative is expressed by the derivative in
x'eki for intransitive verbs, x'e ~kic (see p. 826) for transitive
verbs. These are nominal in character. Predicative terms are
formed by means of auxiliary verbs.
x'enu'Tci ml'ik I will not eat
x'enu'lci Icsi'xc do not eat!
91-94. Syntactic Use of Nominal Forms
191. The Absolute Form
The absolute form of the noun and pronoun is used to express the
subject of the intransitive verb, and the object of the transitive verb.
Independent pronouns may be added to the verb in this form for the
purpose of emphasis.
Subject of intransitive verb:
yaai'pu ye'tyi* Ti'rki from afar a walrus came 8.5
Jcitve'yu i'wkwi* the old walrus spoke 8.14
inu'ri . . . mirreyi'lqatya* we shall sleep 9.3
rirkanpina'tliin pilqae'rkin the old walrus dived 9.6
re'mkin ni'lqdtyd n the people shall go 13.12
i 'rgi re'mkin the people crossed over 13.13
ri'rki ge'pkiLin a walrus arrived 8.6
nite'rmetinqin ramki'ynin the great people are doing acts of vio-
lence 11.3
90, 91
780 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 4O
Koryak:
atta s yol-ya sr m~krn galai'vinvdlen people (from) down the coast
walked about Kor. 41.1
Ama'mqut e'wan Eme'mqut said Kor. 40.7
I'npi-qla'wul gewnivo'len the old man said Kor. 47.1
nalvila'n'aqu . . . galanvo'yTcin a great herd began to pass Koi\
51.9
nafwis'qat va'ykm a woman was there Kor. 52.1
Object of transitive verb:
u'ttuut ticvi'afn I cut wood
yo'nen lauti'ynin she pushed the big head into it 28.6
uwi'lkan qdtei'kigm make a woodpile! 31.12
wu'rgirgm walo'minonen she heard a noise 32.10
Tcokai'nin yire'nnin she filled the kettle 33.10
neuwi'rit ofnei'mitycfn she would take the woman's soul 37.11
ma6-&wga f n titvu'rkin I tell it as an incantation 39.13
u'ttuut ne'npua s n they stuck a stick into the ground 40.9
Koryak:
tiyo 'an i f npi-qla f wul I found an old man Kor. 52.4
gaga'yibulin Itf'lqal he chopped up the face Kor. 53.6
qai-mi'mic gayo'olen she put into it a small louse Kor. 55.1
ci'lul bmtbu'ykinin he cut the tongue Kor. 56.4
Eni'n Icmi'nipil gaqulwnti'lin he carries his son Kor. 57.9
The absolute form is also used for the indirect object.
tu'mgitum muwi'an let me cook for (my) friend
gumni'n e'JciJc "keli'tuld mi'lpmfigcfn I will give money to my son
92. The Subjective
The subjective expresses the subject of transitive verbs.
wo'tqan nan a'abek EJU'!C-ELI' gd Ici'plinen the father struck this
young man (wo'tqan this; nan here; a'adek youth; Eni'~k sub-
jective third person singular pronoun; ELI' gin father; rkpl
to strike; -nin he him)
imilo re'mlcd nape'laa n ni'mnnn the whole people left the camp
co'urgm tiLo'mnen Tcele'ta the kele opened the door-flap 106.16
Icitve'yuta i'unin the old walrus said to him 8.7
Aiwhuyanpma'bha pinlo'nenat a St. Lawrence old man asked
them 13.9
Ta'n-na gaio*'laat the TaVnit attacked them 97.25
mergina'n mo'reg-ra'Jc ne'wanti gi'wa we in our houses to our
wives say 84.16
92.
UOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 781
Koryak:
attaf'yol-ycf'mka gavaf louden the people down the coast heard it
Kor. 39.7
Amamgiif tmdk u'tti-yu'ni gatai'lcilin Eme'mqut made a wooden
whale Kor. 40.8
iLcf'ga ini'wi mother told me Kor. 46. 1
an'afnak ini'wi grandmother 1 told me Kor. 46.2
I'npi-gilafwula gai'liLin Ici'plau the old man gave him mortars
Kor. 51.5
Tcmi'na gamaftalen the son married her Kor. 80.1
mi'mla ninuqin the louse ate her Kor. 76.4.
gumna'n nawafkak tiyai'lrnin 1 will give (him) the daughter
Kor. 12.3
In passive constructions with -ine, the actor is expressed by the sub-
jective form.
Ta'n'na nini'uqin she was told by the Ta'rrnit 98.8
The subjective is used with some transitive verbs to express the
object with which something is done to some one. In these cases the
person to which something is done is given the absolute form.
Such verbs are -(l)pinf TO GIVE, o'nti TO REFUSE.
gumni'n e'lcik Iceli'tuld mi'lpinriga n I presented my son with
money
teki'chd qena'lpmfrge* I present thee with meat
This form is especially used when an intransitive verb is made
transitive
tu'mgitum e'ce muwi'&n I shall cook for (my) companion (with)
fat
qta'ulgai riqamitva! urkinen tenm'netd he made the little man eat
(with) a shellfish 9.8
In Kamchadal also the subjective form is used with transitive
verbs to express the object that is used in the performance of the
action expressed by the verb.
he'ulir xkoka-ju'jcx (with) a fish-head cook! compare Chukchee
E'nm-leu'ta quwi'tik
The subjective is used to express instrumentality and modality.
anqafta leule'wu ge'lhi-mu'ri by the sea we were badly treated 65.27
genilule'nndin ~kenunene' ta he moved it with the staff 101.8
e'tin yiki'rga pi'rinin it took its master with the mouth 104.33
qrilu'tkui vala'ta move about with the knives ! 16.4
d gdkanoi'pUlen with blood he is besmeared 19.3
1 Treated here like a personal name.
92.
782 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Koryak :
va 'ga tyandrma'wiiJcminin I shall tear him with (my) nails
Kor. 84.16
tui-ni'lna gatafkyilin they throw (it) with the harpoon line Kor.
41.3*
mafqtnita tuva' nnintatik I lost a tooth by means of an arrow
Kor. 33.1
cfla'ta awyenvo'ykm he eats (with) excrements Kor. 12.5
ai'kipa gapi'wyalin she threw about (with) fly-eggs Kor. 45.2
vala'ta gaqa! yi&ulin he chopped it up with a knife Kor. 53.6
vai'bita qathafai they two went on foot Kor. 22. 8
93. Locative, Allative, and Ablative.
The locative expresses the place where something is or happens.
6otta'gnilc in the outer tent 52.7
ro'tsn'Tci mtva'qen it stays on the other shore 52.11
enno'tkinik tara'ngcft they pitched their tent on the slope of a
hill 56.9
Telqa'pik . . . geke'ndit in the Telqa'p country they were driv-
ing reindeer 61.8
em-ni'lhin nuwotitva? qen ti'rrikik only the thong remained tied to
the hummock 62.7
ne'w'dnik pela'nen he left him with the wife 105.7
re'mkik oratva'e he stayed long with the people 54.2
gmi'lc 6au6u ge'eLin a reindeer-breeder came to thee 46.11
Koryak:
i'ya e g ga'plin to the sky it was fastened Kor. 19.3
gumni'n ya'yak valai'Tce my things are in the house Kor. 19.9
gu'tnma a'nqak ti'yak I hit (on) the sea Kor. 26.2
na'niko va'amik yiwgifri'ta there in the river have a drink! Kor.
32.1
gala'lin va'amik he arrived at the river Kor. 32. 2
gawqa'len ena'tilc he was caught in the snare Kor. 36.6
The allative expresses
1. The direction toward.
a*qa'-1camaanv&ti nine'il-i-um I give them to the possessors of bad
dishes 96.7
~kala! gti qaine'utkurkm call to your kele 102.5
~kala'gti nipenfite' tqen it rushed at the kele 104.25
fyi'wdkui? nimnime'ti he went to a camp 105.5
notas 'qabikou'ti nibipe'tqin he dives into the interior of the surface
of the ground 131.7
Tnairge'ti, girgola'gti nuwethau' qen he talks to the Dawn, the One
on High 135.16
5 93
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 783
Koryak:
ga'lqaLin e s e'ti he went to the sky Kor. 14.9
e e f tin gani'nlalin he threw it to the sky Kor. 14.10; 15.7
qalte'nhin ganqu'lin yayai~koi'tin the stopper was thrust out
into the house-interior Kor. 15.2
panenai' tin gayi'nalin to the same place he flew Kor. 15.5
yaite'ti ga'lqaLin he went to the house Kor. 17.3
gata'wanlenat Qoyqmn'aqoyilcai'ti they moved to Big-Raven's
Kor. 19.9
2. For, on account of.
qaa'gti gilo'len sorrowful on account of the reindeer 48.12
uwaqpde'gti gilo'rkm do you sorrow on account of the husband
48.12 "
nilvau'qen Ergip-ya'lhetihs was tired on account of the bright moon
14.11
The allative is often used to express the indirect object, correspond-
ing to our dative, even if in the incorporated pronoun the direct object
is used.
gu'mulc-akka'gti Tceli'tulti mi'ilinet I will give moneys to my son.
The ablative expresses the direction from; also along.
qeti-notas'qe'pu nipiu'riqin from the frozen ground he emerged
102.18
qole' -notai' pu nua'lomga n I heard it far and wide 104.14
terkird 'irgepu niye'tqin he came from sunset 105.14
yorotikoi'pu nuwa'lomqen he heard from the sleeping-room 106.13
eucai'pu mmno'ofn let us begin from below 131.5
pepeggupu nei'mityafn they took him by the ankle 35.3
pottinai' pu eimi'nnin he took it by the holes 47. 2
Koryak:
ega'nko ndlqaine'w-gum from the sky have 1 been shot Kor.
' 33.4
Tcrpla'giginlco gate'pnitolen out of the mortar it peeped Kor. 53.3
mane'nqo yatha s 'anf nuta'nqo. Whence did you bring her?
from the country Kor. 60. 10
94. Designative.
On account of its nominal character 1 have not included in the list of
post-positional suffixes the element -nu (see 103.34), which, however,
is used syntactical^ very much like the suffixes treated in the last
section.
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784 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Taaro'n- Va'irgu urn qdn've'r he became Sacrifice-Being thus 41.9
Vai'rgu ne'Lefn (destined) to (be) a "Being" he became 41. 10
yam' no ne'lyi* it became a house 43.5
nnra'nnen . . . taikaus'qio'lvu he spread it for a place to wrestle
47.4
wi'yolo mi'lhigit let me have thee as assistant 124.2
gaqanqa'ano niya'anat let him use them for driving reindeer
124.8
Koryak:
mal-i*'yu nincf'lm a good sky let it become! Kor. 20.2
ya'qu mmtaikila'-gi into what shall we make thee? Kor. 37.9
Jcmena' tmvu no'tan mlai'-gUm for delivery in the country I
went away Kor. 60. 6
i'ssu gana' linau they became dresses Kor. 60.10
a'nku ndlnilaikine' mik we are rejected (put to refusal) Kor. 62. 5
95. Verbal Nouns
As stated under the sections dealing with various post-positions
nominalized verbs appear often with these endings. Following is the
series of forms observed.
Chukchee
Koryak
Kamenskoye
Allative
til
Locative
-(f)k -k(i)
-(i)k, -(a), -ka
kka
Subjective .
-ta -a
Comitative I
Comitative II
Among these forms, the last one does not correspond to a nominal
post-position; the Comitative I is analogous to the nominal suffix,
which, however, has the prefix ga- } which is absent in the verbal noun.
ALLATIVE
In Chukchee the allative of the verbal noun is used with verbs ex-
pressing attempt, desire, preparation.
awkwate'ti tigaMurkin I make haste to depart (ewkwet to leave;
t- 1; gaidau to hasten; -rkin present)
le u'ti lile'pgi* he looked to see; (lu s to see; Hie eyes; -p to put on;
-gi s he)
nen'ni'ua n takefche'ti they sent him to get provisions 66.32
The Koryak uses the locative instead.
| penye'lcmen tdlai'vik he rushes to strike it Kor. 53.3
95.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 785
It expresses temporal coordination:
~kile f nin e'ur vai tergate'ti he pursued, however, while he (the
pursuer) was crying 57.9
e'ur snqa'n tergate'ti ni' nerkile' qin while he was crying he pur-
sued him 57.11
gemn'vuten-ne'ulin nitou'ti he laughed secretly as he went
out 71.30
Hitou'ti Td'tkit niten'new-i-um as I was going out I laughed a
little 72.13
a'un-tipainou'ti nidu'uqin Tce'rgaqai wurre'tyi* girqo'l while she
was singing, a little hole appeared above 74.2
le'utti nitou'ti ri'nrminet he carried the heads going out 86.8
a'un-weihawe'ti . . . while they were talking, he . . . 100.9
LOCATIVE
In Chukchee and Koryak the locative seems to signify AT THE
PLACE, AT THE TIME.
qaine'i yi'lqannok roar at the time of beginning to sleep 10.6
geri'ndinpuke'rinok he flew up when (the other one) arrived 15.4
piike'nnok ndipeu'nin when he arrived, (the other one) made him
dive 19.12
awkwa'tinok mmeineu ga'tvulen cf'ttin when he left, he promised
to sacrifice a dog 101.21
a ' mkin-wolqatve 'nnok ever} 7 time when it began to be evening
104.12
qaa'gti qa'tik aa'laka i'tyi he had no knife while going to the
reindeer (qaa r reindeer; -gti to; qat to go; a Tea without; va'la
knife; it- to be; -gi e he)
e'mkm -Jciyeu'kr nenaio'gen whenever she awoke, she shoved it
in 29.2
qemi'-pli'fkuk at the time of having finished eating 33.11
Korj^ak.
gas's'dlviye'lin vi*ya'tvik she v remained all day, being- dead Kor.
'64.9
The stems Ivan NOT TO BE ABLE, nkd TO REFUSE, always govern the
verbal locative:
lu Jc nilva'w-e-um I could not be seen 22.9
nenalwau'gen lu*k he could not find her 38.7
upau'Jci tilva'urkin I can not drink (upau 1 to drink; t- I; Ivau to
be unable; -rkm present)
qai'rik tilwa'urkm I can not seek for her 38.8
vele'rkilek luva'wkwe* he could not pursue him 15.6
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 50 95
786 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
taq-airrie 1 tik pinl&'tk& mitilva'urkin we can not divine how to get
provisions 101.13
pintiqa'tik nilvau'qen he could not disengage himself 101.34
glike'tik ni'nkdqin she refused to marry 26.1
mnka'tqinet ptiki'rik they refused to come 106.3
glike'tilc aa'lomk&Un not (listening) consenting to marry 26.2
In Koryak the verbs nvo TO BEGIN, pli TO FINISH, nkau TO CEASE,
pkau NOT TO BE ABLE, always govern the verbal locative.
ganvo'len grya'pdak she began to sing Kor. 16.10
ganvo'len dilala'tiJc it began to bubble Kor. 17.2
ganvo'len nawa'kdk Tcitai'nak they began to scold the daughter
Kor. 17.8
ganvo'len tenma'wittulc she began to prepare Kor. 18.3
gana'nkaulen tmalcf'tilc they ceased to carry it out Kor. 41.8
ganka'wlinau tula' tile they stopped to steal Kor. 41.9
quqka'wnunenciu yaniTcya'wnalc it could not awaken them Kor.
40.2
tapTca'vilc olnaqa'tiTc I could not strangle myself Kor. 35.2
napkawnivo'ylcin tula' tile they could not steal it Kor. 39.8
tawi' ikinik gava'nnintalen when pilfering she lost a tooth Kor.
34.3
gana*'linau pa'yittok they came to be eating blackberries Kor. 41.6
'gaph'tdulin JcuJcai'vilc she finished cooking Kor. 51.2
'ganvo'lenau yu'lcka he began to eat them Kor. 57.1
It serves also as iterative of numeral verbs.
Chukchee
nireqeu'~ki the second time
niroqau'lci the third time
In Koryak it is also used in those cases in which the Chukchee uses
the allative.
valo'mik tigaima'tekin I want to know (valo'm to know; t- I;
gaimat to want; -ekin present)
THE SUBJECTIVE
The subjective is used to express an adverbial idea.
wp'qeta tuwane'rkin I work sitting (wa'ge to sit; t- I; wane to
work; -rkin present)
am,-ipa'wa nitvai'gum 1 was just drinking (am- merely; upau to
drink; ni- indefinite tense; tva to live, be; -igum I)
lun -iwlcuti'td i'tyi* not drinking she was (i. e. she did not drink)
37.3
lun-i'ra i'tyi* not crossing it was 41.5
95
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 787
lufl-lu ef td m'ntaqinet not seen they had them 11.9
wetJia'wa qanti'gin speaking do to her (i. e. speak to her!) 29.12
li'en' dq-eifte'wa quli'tti only badly crying (and) sounding 57.6
The analogy between this form and the nominal subjective ap-
pears very closely in those cases where the adverbial idea expresses
instrumentality.
tadai'wewa lauti'ynm ninemnnuteu'gin by means of striking he
made the big head swollen 48.10
etti-lcipde'wa by striking with a stick 48.10
The verbal noun in ge ta is often used both in Chukchee and in
Koryak as an imperative.
ganto'ta, gi'wa go out and say!
gi'wd say! 21.11
gaa'nQta he shall go first! 84.13
In other cases it has the meaning of a present.
mergma'n gi'wa we are wont to say 84.16
Koryak :
gayi's'qata sleep! Kor. 31.8
gala'xtata wu'ttau, gtfa'nnivota take these along, haul them away!
'Kor. 51.6
The corresponding forms of the transitive verb occur in the past,
future, exhortative, and in the derived present and exhortative (see
68, p. 741). They are also used impersonally.
ainto 1 ', mi'nkri re'ntm, ra'nmin well, how will it be done? will
there be killing?
ga'nma killed
rd'nut gelu'td whatever seen
tu'mgitum ra f nutqdid ga'lpinfa give something to (your) com-
panion
COMITATIVE I AND II
These forms express an action done while the subject of the sen-
tence performed another action. Comitative I is used when the
subject of both actions is the same; Comitative II, when the two
subjects are distinct.
Examples of comitative I:
ter ga'nma ninegeptiygi'ugin weeping she kicked it 31.8
uwe'ma takrmla'gnenat when cooking she prepared marrow for
them 33.11
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788 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
gi'nmil yi'lkama garetelai 1 'gum recently, while I was sleeping, I
dreamed it (gi'nmil recently; yilqa to sleep; ga iguin I; retela
to dream)
Tciydwkwi* eaamya'ma he awoke while they (he himself and his
dog) were galloping about 104.36
Examples of Comitative II:
ipau'mati egu'UTcd while (the others) are drinking, be silent (upau
to drink; e Tea negative; quli noise)
Nouns, adjectives, and adverbs, when used in verbal forms, may
liave the Comitative II, which is used when the subject is the same as
well as when two distinct subjects are concerned.
minke'Tcin lu f d s n naus'gatima'ciwheu you have found this, bring
a woman 99.23
equ'likd rolma'ci be silent, since you are weak (e led negation ;
quli noise; rol weak)
minJce'lcin poi'gin lu f d n fiaus' qatima'di where did you find the
spear being a woman 99.22.
KAMCHADAL
nilcemadi at night 56.8
Kamchadal has only two forms.
-koj (intransitive); -c, -I (transitive) and
JcfenTc
The former is simply the inchoative of the verb, which is used
as a noun in absolute form.
ye' del* nu'~koj enough to eat
tu'tun txlil I could not beat him
In the negative form the ending -Tcoj is not used.
xe nu'Tci it is impossible to eat (xe Jci negative, p. 826)
xe txle'lcic it is impossible to beat him (xe Icic negative of
transitive verb, see p. 826)
xe nu'olki it is impossible to eat (-61 to desire, p. 808, no. 64.)
The second form expresses an action done at the same time with
the one expressed by the predicate of the sentence. It is derived
from the Jcf- prefix of the corresponding form of the noun, and the
suffix of the possessive.
Td-nu'erik qam qe'lkek while eating I do not talk (nu to eat;
qam not)
96-129. COMPOSITION
96. Introductory Remarks
We have seen that in the formation of grammatical forms both pre-
fixes and suffixes occur. Their use is much more extended, and they
96.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 789
serve to express a great many modifications or amplifications of the
meaning of the stem. It is difficult to draw a sharp line between the
grammatical endings and those that add new significance to the word.
From a purely morphological point of view the two classes merge into
each other; and neither can a sharp line be drawn between the nomi-
nal post-positions treated before, and others of similar meaning, like
-nu (p. 798, no. 34), -mil (p. 798, no. 30), -in (see below); nor can the
nominalizing endings in -in and -n be sharply separated from other,
analogous forms. For this reason I repeat the nominal endings here in
their proper places with reference to the sections in which they are
more fully treated.
Neither is the line of demarcation clear between affixes and compounds
of independent elements. This appears most clearly in those cases in
which the same element may appear either as a prefix or as a suffix,
like qai and mil; and also in those cases in which an element appears
rarely alone. The line of demarcation between particle and incorpor-
ated adnominal or adverbial element is indicated through the occurrence
or non-occurrence of vocalic harmony in the group.
The use of affixes is very extended, and a series of prefixes as well
as of suffixes may appear combined.
qamitva-hat-i-no' -rkm he begins to gobble down
ru-wciko-s'qe-tihat-a'u-rlcm he makes him sit down once with great
force.
97-112. Suffixes
97-109. Nominal Suffixes
97-105. DERIVED FROM NOUNS
97. Nouns in -in and -n
These have been discussed in 45-49, pp. 707-713, and in 51-
55, pp. 714-719. Here belong also the nominalized verbs (a) and (6),
which have been discussed in 73, 74, pp. 758-762.
98. Augmentative and Diminutive
1. -in-, subjective -inln, AUGMENTATIVE. The suffix forms plural
and oblique cases regularly. 1
va'ls knife valai'nm large knife
qf'ttm dog cftti'ynm large dog
afttiyne'pu from the large dog
re'mkm people 13.10 ramki'ynm big people 11.3
Aiwhuyanpinachi'ynm old big
St. Lawrence man 13.11
i Mr. Bogoras thinks that this suffix may be related to meift. This does not seem quite probable ,
because the vowel e of this word is weak. F.B.
97,98.
790 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Some words do not take the suffix -J/&-, but use the definite form in
its place.
ne'wan woman nawa'ndmm the woman, the
Kor. Kam. i nui'nm large woman
big nose Kor. 72.12
2. -n'a'ku, -n'aqu AUGMENTATIVE (Kor. Kam.).
va'la knife vala'n'aku large knife
a'ttan dog atta'n'aku large dog
qlawul man qlawuln'a'qunqo from the
vai'a7nn'aqu big river Kor. 21.3 big man
Quyqinn'a'qu Big Raven Kor. 24.5
JcuJca'-yidin'a'qu& bigkettleful Kor. 43.1
3. -</<> AUGMENTATIVE.
ng/wgo'lhm the big wife 39.5; 40.1
petti-wqlka&'glhe'ti to the big old jaw-bone house 59.8
4.. -qai DIMINUTIVE. Plural, oblique cases, and definite, are formed
from this freely. This is evidently related to the stem qqiu
SMALL. It may also precede the noun, and be used in both
positions at the same time. When preceding the noun it
means THE YOUNG OF AN ANIMAL; compare also gain FAWN;
ge'ylgei FLEDGELING.
kuke'-qai a little kettle
gi'lgi-qai a small skin 45.6
qla'ul-qai a small man
wa'lqara-qai small jaw-bone house 44. 13
inpi'ne'w'qayik to the little old woman 45.2
ni'nqai child 42.8
nmqdEtile'Jci to those with children 20.7
mpmawqa! gfynin the small woman
qdi-u'nel young thong-seal 70.26
gdi-a e ttigdi pup
gai-i-li 'ggai cub of wolf
qai (Koryak) is used only as incorporated adjective. Its use
is very frequent.
qai-qlaf wul-pel a very small man
qai'-na'wis'qat little woman Kor. 33.10
qai-Tca'mak little kamak Kor. 38.9
qai-pipi'lcdlnu little mice Kor. 25.6
qai-ka' mdk-pel little kamak Kor. 37.2
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BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN" LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
791
-ai SMALL AND MISERABLE (Kamchadal).
ki'stai a miserable little house (kist house)
kcxai a miserable little dog (kocx dog)
5. -pll DEAR LITTLE.
ekke'pil sonny
tu'mgdpil dear little friend
Koryak:
p^l (Kor. Kam.) dual and pi. -pilaq (with the endings -t and
u )> -Pi (Kor. II), express the DIMINUTIVE.
nawa'n-pil small woman (Kor. Kam.)
nawan-pila'qit two small women (Kor. Kam.)
nawan-pila' 'qu small women (Kor. Kam.)
qla'wul-pel small man
milya'qpil a little shell Kor. 23.8
va'gilflipel a small nail Kor. 23.7
w'tvitpU a little ringed seal Kor. 24.4
-pilin (Kor. Kam.) the last suffix -pil with the additional
suffix -in conveys the sense of ENDEARMENT.
atta'pfyin doggy
vai'ampilin a little river Kor. 17.2
ilu*'pilin little (shaman's) wand Kor. 27.7
ni'lnipilin little thong Kor. 39.4
6. -cax, -ex, -ex DIMINUTIVE (Kamchadal). The diminutive of the
plural is formed by the suffix -d added to the plural form.
Singular
Diminutive
Plural
Diminutive
dog
game
village
kocx
hu'rnik
a'tmtim
ko'cxdax
hu'rnikcax
a'tinocx
kcxo e n
hu'rmki'n
a'tin^n
kcxo*nt
hu'rnlkPnl
a'tlnotni
To intensify the degree of diminution, this suffix may be used
in a doubled form.
atmo'cxitax a very small village
a'tmocxant, very small villages
7. "lino TINY. It always precedes the diminutive -qai (No. 4 of this
section), and intensifies the idea of smallness.
qaa-ling' -qai tiny reindeer
nawan-lmo' -qai tiny woman
98
792 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
99. Collectives
8. -yirin or -ylrln a company; (Kor. Kam. -ylssari) the stem of
the noun yi'riir or yi'riir FULLNESS, CONTENTS.
newa'nyirin a company of women
ra'yirm a houseful 45.13
Kor. Kam. mmyi'ssa s n people of a village Kor. TO. 9
Compare wqlqa'ciriir a jaw-bone-house-ful 54.13.
9. -giniiv GROUP OF (Kor. Kam. -c/$niw).
rae'neu (Kor. Kam. ra-ge'new) group of houses (i. e., village)
yara'-ge'ndw a group of houses 111.15
u'mqa-gi'niw a set of polar bears 113.29
yi'temit-tu'mgi-gi'niw a set of brother-companions 113.28
uwi'ritqai-gi'niw a lot of little souls 122.31
Kor. Kam. qana'tila-gi'niw a lot fishing with drag-nets Kor. 70.10
10. ~ril (Kor. Kam. -yil) set, collection (used only for inanimate
objects).
o'rgurel a caravan of sledges
a / mril (Kor. a 'm-yil) a set of bones, i. e. a skeleton
Koryak mu'u-yil a line of sledges, a caravan Kor. 78.5
11. -ret SET, LITTER (Kor. Kam. -yat).
vgfrat (Kor. Kam. va'yat) a group of beings (i. e., family group)
yibemre'tti a set of brothers 64.3
ple'gret a pair of boots
li'liret a pair of mittens
12. -tfcl(, INDEFINITE COLLECTIVE.
ne'lhitkun all kinds of skins
gi'nnikitkun various kinds of game
oraweLd'tkon men living in various places, people
This suffix is also used with adjectives and pronouns:
mainiya'mikon everything big
rd f nutetkun (ra s 'neeikuri) all kinds of things
tine'waq panra'ikeqaia tei'mityafn somehow with all kinds ol
small leg-skins I bought it (i. e. I succeeded in buying it
with a small number of leg-skins, i. e., cheaply).
13. -nik NUMEROUS (Kor. Kam. -mk) is used to express plurality.
yara'inkm (Kor. Kam. yaya'riikin) a cluster of houses (collective)
nrka' mTcibhin several walrus 102.17.
ofttwili'mTci&hm the great assembly of boatmen 11.5
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 793
Compare the stem ink in the independent forms
miikifa'ynm the more numerous ones 11.7
mu'Jcitm more numerous 12.3
w&trikagin numerous 12.7
and in the compound form
mug-gitka'Tc with many legs 119.9
14. -ffry, the stem of the third person plural pronoun ETTI, serves to
form the plural of proper names and of some other words
designating persons, when these appear with the suffixes
-gupu and -Jc and with the particle re' en TOGETHER (p. 794,
no. 18). (See 44, p. 706.)
qlauli'rgu'pu < qlaul-irg-gupu from the men
qla'ulrriTc<qla'ul-irg-lc by the men, with the men
qla'idirig-re f en<qla'y.l-irg-k-re'en with the men
The possessive form s'rgin is used in the same manner.
orawela'rgen that belonging to the (human) people
100. Comitatives
15. ga ma COMITATIVE (Kor. Kam. awun ma) not used with
names of persons, for which re' en is used.
galela'ma (Kor. Kam. a'wunlela'ma) with the eye
go'rguma with the sledge 15.4
gata'ttiwalma with the splinters of thigh-bone 33.11
gam f Limg, with blood 43.8
ganenqai'ma with children 50.6
gaprg'rma with the aorta R 2.2
ga 'twuma with the boat 71.4
galau'tima with the head; i. e., the whole body 137.8
Kor. Kam. awun-qama'mawith the dish 64.7
Kor. Kam. a'wun-e'nvelma with the nostrils
Compare the nominal derivatives of verbs, in -ma (64, p. 738;
95, p. 787).
/ in (Kamchadal). Comitative.
'kllu'lum with the eye
16. ye (t)a COMITATIVE (Kor. Kam. ya [*]); not used with names
of persons, for which re' en (p. 794, no. 18) is used. (Com-
pare 37, p. 697.)
gelile'tq (Kor. Kam. gdlila'ta) with the eye
inpma'chin gene' wand an old man with his wife 28.1 (subject)
ELI' git gene'wdnd the fathers with the wife, i. e. the parents
28.4 (subject); 39.11; 33.9
100.
794 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Kor. Kam. gaqqaikofmakata with a small spirit Kor. 37.3
Kor. Kam. ga'ttata with a hatchet Kor. 56.3
Kor. Kam. gaqla'wula, with her husband Kor. 68.7
Verbal:
ne'us'qdt genutegbi' ta, notai'pu gelei'va the woman while walk
ing in the wilderness, while walking in the country, she
28.5
notai'pu gelei'va ne'usqat^ vai ELCL' while the woman was walk-
ing in the county, her mother 29.4
EU'qam ELi'hin gette'td gi'wa then the father with sudden
doing, with saying 29.11
17. -maei verbal noun expressing MEANWHILE (Kor. Kam. -ma'ci)
(see pp. 738, 788.)
18. -re' en added to the locative, TOGETHER. It is used principally
with nouns designating persons, and replaces the comitative.
Its vowel does not form an ablaut.
gumu'g re' en together with me
Omru'wgena-re'en together with Omru'wge
tu'mug-rden with the strangers 59.1
ni'lhi-re'en together with the thong 44.12
101. Locatives
19. -tkin SURFACE (Kor. Kam. -tkfn, -t%ln)\ used chiefly in oblique
cases.
grgu'tkimlc on the sledge
grgutkina'ta along the surface of the sledge
uw$k&tk%n,ik on the body 8.11
gUi'tkinik on the sea-ice 9.1, 2
gelgeli'tkinik on the sea-ice 7.3, 5
Icano 'ikingupu on the crown of the head 8. 2
ik on the water 9.3
on the top of the pillow 44.2
In the absolute form the suffix designates THE POINT OF.
point of nose
finger-tip (stem nlh)
in tip of tongue 40.4 ((stenw/iZ)
Koryak :
va'gitcmu yu'lcka eating points of nails Kor. 57.1
o'pitcinik on the point of a beam Kor. 72.13
20. -$- absolute form -s*qan; -cdq absolute form caqan TOP
OF; OVER, ON TOP OF (Kor. Kam. - ty, absolute form -
101
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 795
otti'j'qan tree-top
%tti''qa'Jc on the top of the tree
tiLi's'qak over the door
gi'this'qd-notai'n^i lake-top-big-land, i. e., the land over (near)
the lake 144.3
tne's'qd-re'mkin people of top of dawn R 2.11
nute's'qak on top of ground, i. e., on the ground 98.24
Koryak:
na'nkalqak the top of it Kor. 78.15
va'yamilqak on top of river Kor. 25.8
wu'gwulqdk on top of pebbles Kor. 25.8
yas'qaikai'tm (ya-s'qa-lqa-eti) to the house top Kor. 36.1
ya's'qalqak on the house top Kor. 84.12
wapis' qalqdk on top of slime Kor. 25.7
21. -gi, -gift THE BASE OF; in oblique cases, UNDER
utti'gin base of the tree
Qttiqe'nqupu from under the tree
* Y * Y oJ O
uttigi'fuci under the tree
dothe'nki under the pillow ( < dot-gin-lci)
nute's'qagi'riki underground
notas'qaye'nqupti from underground 143.6
^ i x y * ? o-* o
Koryak:
e'n'migenka under a cliff Kor. 13.6
qas'wuge'riki at the foot of the stone-pines Kor. 21.7
plakgene'tin into the bottom of the boots Kor. 14.2, 6
gankagendti into the bottom of that one Kor. 40.9
atvigene'ti into the bottom of the boat Kor. 41.5
22. -qqit TOWARD; not in oblique cases
anqgfgget toward the sea
utti'ggit toward the wood
yykgfgget nose ward 45.2
tiLe'gge toward the entrance 62.9
e'ekeggit toward the lamp R 2.6
23. -yi'whwi (absolute form -yi'wkwin) THE SPACE ALONG .
anqyye'wkwtyi the space along the sea
a'nqa dormiye'wlcwi along the seashore 66.12
anqayewkwe? ta along the sea, on the sea
notas'qadiyeu e 'Jci along underground 44.12
I have found also the form
rede'wkwa<ret-ye'wkwe along the tracks
(See rel'eu'lci 106^24.) "
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796 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
24. -clTtiji (Chukchee, Kor. Kam.) INSIDE OF; also with neutral u.
u'tciku in the wood
utti'Siku within the tree
yam'ciku or ra'cilcu within the house
Tcegri'cilcu inside of palm 20.3
~kona'rgiciku inside of leg of breeches 28.6
wus'qu'mdiJcu in the dark 34.5
yil/u'cikii in the moon 41.8
ple'lciciTcu in a boot 43.4
This suffix appears often combined with locative elements.
o 'nmicikou 'ti (Kor. Kam. aninkaciko'Ui from aninka-ciku)
inward, into the inside
o'nmiciko'ipu from within
enciJcoa'ti into the clothes 32.4
dincikou 'ti into the fire 31.13
yorocikou'ti into the sleeping-room 28.7; also 28.8, 35.3
yikirgicikou'ti into the mouth 50.3
qaadikoi'pu from the reindeer-herd 51.2
m&mli&ikou'ti into the water 17.4
notas* qacikou' ti into the ground 18.7
notas' qacikoi'pu from underground 44.12
Koryak:
wus'qu'mciku in the dark Kor. 16.10, 17.5
yayacilcoi 'tin into the house Kor. 15.2
qayafciku in a covered sledge Kor. 52.1
aia'cihu in the storehouse Kor. 55.5
The Kamchadal cdck INSIDE corresponds to Chukchee ciku. It is
used as an independent adverb.
ci'mtenk cdck in the ground, inside.
Here may belong also Kamchadal c a cxe f INWARD.
25. -lllvn AMONG THE MULTITUDE, one of the suffixes of plurality.
qaafliku among the reindeer
utti'-liku among the trees
muri'g-liTcu among us
26. -qac, -qal BY THE SIDE OF (Kor. Kam. -qal)
-qacl near, close to (Kor. Kam. -qaca)
qa'ptenqac by the side of the back 11.8
ya'alinqac by the rear side 12.3
ti f Linqac by the side of the entrance 53.3
gitka'nqac (Kor. Kam. gitJca'nqal) at the feet
mo'nqqac (Kor. Kam. m&'riqqal} by our side
gmikqa'c, by thy side 9.3
101.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 797
gitkaqa'ci near the foot
meriqqa'ti near us
Nota! rmenqaca near Notarmen 121.10
ra-gro'lminqal from the rear side of the house 51.10
A great number of adverbs are derived from this suffix.
wo'tmqad (Kor. Kam. wo'tenqal) on this side
va'Enqat (Kor. Kam. vaienqaT) halfway on this side
All forms with -gac (Kor. Kam. -qal) may also form oblique cases.
menqqadai'pu (Ch.) from our side
Kor. Kam. wotenqalai' ti to this side
anqanqata' gti to the seaside 49.6
anqanqacai'pu from the seaside 49.8
yaf alinqabai' pu from the rear side 12.4
yarau'-lihd'nlinqab-vci'lin being from the other side of the
houses 11.7
qaca'lcen the other one of a pair
qaca'Jcenata with the other hand 20.5
With the adjective suffix -'kin they form adjectives which are in
frequent use.
m&riqgaf tken being at my side
wo'tinqa'tken being from this side 14.2
Kor. Kam. wo f tenqalaflcen being at this side
Kamchadal:
qo'llii NEAR TO, CLOSE BY, corresponds to Chukchee qa'bi, Kor.
Kam. qa'a. It is also treated as an independent adverb.
Ici'manlc qo'lin (Chukchee gumu'k-qa'bi) near me
27. -tul PART OF, PIECE OF (Kor. Kam. -till).
menigi'tul (Kor. Kam. manigi'tol) a piece of calico
qa'atol (Kor. Kam. qoya'toT) a piece of reindeer (meat)
mi'mlitulqai a little particle of water 134.17
teki' thitulqai a little piece of meat 134.31
Kor. Kam. pelhinolni'tola piece of reindeer mane Kor. 92.11
The Kamchadal u.ses a separate noun for expressing this idea.
a'nclax txa'ltxalin a small piece of meat (anc- piece; -tax small;
txa'ltxohn [adjective] of meat)
28. -Jttt (Kamchadal) INSTEAD, IN PLACE OF.
vi'le-Tclt in place of payment
101.
798 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
29. -X()l (Kamchadal) ALONG.
cemt-xl along the ground (stem cimt ground)
e e -xl along the water (stem i s water)
~ktxg'j-x6l along the road
102. Similarity
30. -mil IN THE SIZE OF, AT THE DISTANCE OF (Kor. Kam. -mi c
-mis). (Compare 113.10,11); also 105, 42 -mid which is a
variant of this stem.)
nei'mil as far as the mountain
minke'mil (Kor. Kam. menke'mis) of what size? how much?
94.32
Eri'wmil like them 14.9
muru'wmil like us 10.6; 16.7
gumu'wmil like me 16.13
utte'mil size of a tree 20.2
rgrgfmel size of reindeer-fly 23.3
oraweLa' -mel like men 64.11
nrkgfmel like a walrus 10.8; 12.1
qaa'mel size of a reindeer 122.23
Possessive forms with the suffix Jcin added to the suffix mil are
gumuwmi'ikin according to my wants
muruwmi'ikin according to our wants
31. -wurrin SIMILAR TO, LIKE.
pin-wumn flour (literally CINDER-LIKE)
See Enafn dini't wu'rri nitqin thus she was 26.9
32. -Wd t SIMILAR TO.
33. -ehica SIMILAR TO (Kor. Kam. -china).
qatiki'theta (Kor. Kam. qla'wulithe'na) similar to a man (i. e. r
transformed shaman 1 )
103. Purpose
34. -ni 9 -y, MATERIAL FOR; WHAT SERVES AS SOMETHING; SERVING A
PURPOSE; SERVING AS SOMETHING.
ple'Jcu gai'mit'Jcm take it for boots (i. e. ; to make boots of it)
This suffix is used with various verbs to express the idea TO MAKE
SOMETHING OUT OF, TO CONSIDER AS SOMETHING, TO BECOME
SOMETHING.
ekke'nu mi'lhigit let me have thee as a son
1 qd6ik or qlik is an obsolete form for qla'ul MAN.
102, 103
.IDAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 799
-nu after stems ending in a vowel.
lile'nu serving- as an eye
nrkgfno as a walrus 10.8
g aqanqgf an for a driving reindeer 124.8
qgremena'no ri'tya? you will not be the one to serve this pur-
pose 2*3.6
Tco'nkon-ra'ne serving as a ball-shaped house 130.22
JcJfiidvinu that which serves as a bay 133.4, 9
a qa'-ge'lcino that which serves as a bad ice-floe 133.10
t&r-irga't-palo s ta r ne what serves as a beaver that has just shed
hair 137.2
-u after stems ending in a consonant.
ne'wanu for a wife
taikam'qio'lvu for a place to wrestle 47.4
lumetu'nu ri'tyd* you will be for me like lumetun 23.7
Icei'nu what represents a bear 136.20
qpramfe' til to be used as herdsmen 50. 9
lo s 'nvo for looking on 19.2; 23.1
nraqa' \inve what for? 19.1
enagya' gtabfiQ vafirge what serves as life-giving being 21.6
wi'yole for assistant 124.2, 4
Koryak Kamenskoye:
, -?. The use of this suffix is the s me as in Chukchee.
lila'nu as an eye
akka'nu as a son
nafwanu as a wife
qpiafno as a reindeer
tomnena'nu as a cover for the roof-hole Kor. 37.9
Tculipdina'nu as a vent-hole plug Kor. 38.1
qangekiplena'nu as a means of striking the fire Kor. 30.7
ya'gu into what Kor. 38.4
6ai'udhu into a working bag Kor. 38.4
35. -ki (ka) (Kamchadal) corresponds to -nyi, -y, (No. 34) of
Chukchee.
pI'i'Tci as a son
ni'Tci as a wife
oU'naka as a reindeer (ole'n from Russian OJCHB; the old
Kamchadal word Tcoj is also still in use)
lule'Jci as an eye
36. ~sx (Kamchadal) is synonymous with the last, but is less frequent.
II plesx as a son
II nesx as a wife
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800 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
37. -Iqdl DESTINED FOR - , MATERIAL FOR - , (Kor. Kam. -
This suffix implies the future.
plfkilqal (Kor. Kam. pla'Jcilqal) material for boots
uwa*' qucilqal bridegroom to be, destined to be a husband
ELd'lqal stepmother, serving as a mother
Kor. Kam. nawa'nilqal bride to be, destined to be a wife
lu lqal (Kor. Kam. l,o 'lqal Kor. 53.5) a face (perhaps; some-
thing destined to be looked on) 88.14
r&pa' Ihilqiil destined to be a dried walrus hide 46.11
With verbal stem, in most cases with the passive participle -(y)o:
tai'Tciyolgal material (for work)
rirr&'lyolqal destined to be put down R 2.5
yimefyolqal destined to be hung R 2.6
ro'olqdl food R 44.11
maU' bhilqal means of getting well 135.10
timyo'lqal (Kor. Kam. timyo'lgal) destined to be killed (epithet
used like SCOUNDREL)
104. Possession
38. -yanv-, absolute form I/an PROVIDED WITH (Kor. Kam. yanv-,
absolute form yana)
(a) As a nominal suffix, yanv means PROVIDED WITH.
6a'g-gan (Kor. Kam. 6ai-ya'na) one who has tea, rich in tea
qa'a-yan (Kor. Kam. qoya-ya'nd) one who has reindeer
tan-Tcamaanve' ti to those provided with good dishes (ten good;
kerne dish) 92.21
(5) With intransitive verbs it indicates the person who performs an
act once or habitually.
upa'w-gan (Kor. Kam. apaw-ya'na) the one who drinks
qami'twa-yan (Kor. Kam. awye-ya'na} the one who eats
(c) With transitive verbs it indicates the object of the action, and
has a passive meaning.
yi'l-yan (Kor. Kam. yil-ya'na) what has been given
ro'mkaw-gan (Kor. Kam. yomkaw-ya'na) what has been hidden
(d) With adjectives it indicates a person having a certain quality.
qatvu-ygfn the one who has strength
maini-ya'n that which is big
a'tqend'an (Kor. Kam. a*' c6en-ya! na} the one who is bad
Oblique cases are derived from this form. In Koryak these forms
are not of frequent occurrence.
mainiya'nviik at the big one (Koryak the same)
inpiya'nvit the older ones 108.12
104.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 801
39. -lq(ari) ABOUNDING IN (Kor. Kam. -
mi'-ndilqan (Kor. Kam. mi'mlilqari) place abounding in water
wata' pilqan (Kor. Kam. wata' pilqari) place abounding in
reindeer-moss
105. Miscellaneous
40. -ygch, -ggch RECEPTACLE (Kor. Kam. -yocli)\ perhaps from
the verbal stem yo- TO PUT INTO, yo'rkin (Kor. Kam. yo'ykin)
HE PUTS INTO.
mitgp'othm (Kor. Kam. mitqi'yobhm) blubber-bag (stem mitq
blubber)
tai'ochi-poka'tkmilc in bottom of bag 29.3
Kor. Kam. Jcawa'ssodJiu for wallets Kor. 46.2
41. -flit a space of time (Kor. Kam. -flit).
tflg'net the whole day 21.1 (stem a s lo day)
(Kor. Kam. gi'winit) the whole length of the year (from giwik
[only in the locative] in the year)
42. -tnic A CERTAIN AMOUNT, with nominal and pronominal stems
indicating persons; also with verbal stems (compare 102, 30
to which the suffix is clearly related).
qdin6u'mi6 at the distance of a shot
gumu'wmic as much as I need
gumuwmi'tkm it is as much as I need (i. e., I have nothing to
spare)
43. -1&WU, -WkW- PROTECTOR, AVERTOR
mudu'Jcwun shirt made of calico (lit. louse-avertor, because the
Chukchee think that the shirt is worn to collect lice from
the body).
tainikwut charm-strings (lit. misfortune aver tor)
106-109. DERIVED FROM VERBS
106. Abstract Nouns
44. -glrgin. If the base contains an Z, it is often changed to d.
ABSTRACT NOUN; CAUSE, SOURCE, OBJECT OF AN ACTION (Kor.
Kam. -geflln, -gltflln; Kor. Par. -yenin, -gicflln).
Note that the initial g follows the phonetic rules 7.
t + gi>ti; d + gi>6i; u + gi>wkw; u, o + gi>ou
qalhilo 'urgegit you are source of sorrow 20.7
pqlqaftirgyi (from pilqat) old age (Kor. Kam. palqathe'nin or
palqa'thitnin [from palqat])
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 - 51 105, 106
802 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
pere'irgm the place which he had taken 23.9
te'lhirgin or tE'cirgin 24.3 (from tel) illness, pain, cause of pain
yaiva' Virgin (from yeiveS) (Kor. Kam. yaiva' bhitnin [from
yai'vad]) compassion, cause or object of compassion
limvitte' irgin object of pity 11.3
wu'rgirgm noise 32.10
vefirgm death 22.1
ve 'irge-git thou art source of death 22.7
(jinta'wkurgefgit (from ginteu) (Kor. Kam. gmta'whitnege) thou
art the cause of my flight (i. e., you have frightened me)
te'irgi-t&'re (from tsl) ye are the source of my pain (i. e. , you
have hurt me) (Kor. Kam. te' thitne-to' o)
ye'mgumgi'rrgin object of fear 29.8
ana'dirge-git thou art source of trouble 21.2; 23.11
Koryak:
vantige'nm dawn Kor. 18.1
vetke'gitnm annoyance Kor. 20.9
This suffix may be added either to the simple verbal stem or to the
verbal stem with added suffixes. The latter form expresses more
particularly the process of an action. The former is sometimes used
to express the object or the source of the action.
nirkda'tirgin the feeling of shame *
nirki'tirgm the object of shame
wu'rgirgibhm noise 15.1
am-viye'irga only by breathing 24.4
With the stem tva TO BE, this suffix expresses the idea of QUALITY.
Yai'vat-va'irgm quality, substance of compassion; Merciful
Being
(Kor. Kam. vage'nm or va'gitnin) being, mode of life, sub-
stance, deity
With adjective bases this suffix also expresses qualities.
qtq&ngirc/in (from e'tqin) (Kor. Kam. a tqe'ngitnm [from
a'66in or tf'tqin]) badness, spite
eudu'rgm (from iu'l) length
inpu'urgm (from mp[u]) old age
With substantives it expresses the condition or state of the object.
af'mgirgm (from cf'ttim bone) condition of the bones (i. e.,
of the body)
etti'irgin (from u'ttuut wood) degree of woo di ness
106
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 803
The range of abstract nouns compounded with these nominal suf-
fixes is quite considerable, and these are in common use.
va'irgin (Kor. Kam. vage'niri) being, substance, custom, be-
nevolent being, deity
yai'vad-va'irgin(K.oii. Kam. yai'vab-vage'nin) compassion-being,
merciful deity
q'nqn-va'irgm (Kor. Kam. a'nan-vage'nin) shaman's spirit deity
tam-va'irgin goodness, condition of goodness
taini'irgm (Kor. Kam. tainige'nin) sin
qas'mu'iirgm (Kor. Kam.) misfortune
There are also a number of concrete nouns which are formed with
this suffix:
yilci'rgin (Kor. Kam. difa'tnin Kor. 56.8) mouth
Kor. Kam. pZa'ggitnin (plak boot) boot-string Kor. 59.3
45. -j 9 -I (Kamchadal) form abstract nouns of simpler and more lim-
ited sense than those of Chukchee and Koryak. This suffix is
probably identical with the c, I, of the transitive verbal noun
I (p. 748) which has the sense of the infinitive.
co'nlej life tcuncjlc I live
ta'Jcalej song t^akacjk I sing
o'jilaj blow tujiljin I strike him
noj 1 food tnujk I eat
pilhetej hunger tpilhe'tijlc I suffer from hunger
famine
46. -nty, absolute form -ntgm (Kamchadal). Abstract noun.
no'nuin (stem nu) food
he'lnum (stem hil) drink
conlmiim (stem cunc, cunl) life
107. Passive Participle
47. .?/ (Kor. -yg, absolute form -ygri) expresses the PASSIVE PARTI-
CIPLE; (in Koryak with the meaning of the future). It forms
plural, dual, and oblique cases like all substantives.
pety'yg the one who is left (Kor. Kam. pglayon the one to be left)
In Chukchee the suffix is contracted with terminal consonants, and
elided after vowels, according to the phonetic rules given in
6-10.
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
tai'Jcig < tai'Jci-yo the one made tai'Tciygn that to be made
yi'Lo<yi'l-yo the one given yi'lyon that to be given
1 This word is applied almost exclusively to dried fish as the food par excellence.
107
804 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
ipa'wgo<ipa'w-yo that which apgfvygn that which is to be
has been drunk drunk.
Tco'j'o<kor-yg that which has Tco'ryon that to be bought
been bought
yito'ot born ones 42.7
oraio'timat born ones 21.2
a'n'neno li'nyo made to be the
object of anger 42.3
timyo' one killed 43.8
npalqa'wgo one drowned 49.9
NOTE. Several transitive verbs with the prefix em- MERE, ENTIRE,
and the suffix -lin, express the passive participle, the same
as -yo.
em-re f tilin (stem ret to buy) what has been brought; or
rafj'o or qm-ra'j'o all that has been brought
(-yanv, see 104, No. 38.)
108. Instrumentality
48. -inert, suffixed to verbal stems, expresses INSTRUMENT (Kor.
Kam. -inan}.
tewe'nan (stem ten) (Kor. Kam. tgwe'nan [stem tew]) paddle,
oar 73.11
qeli'nen (stem qeli to paint, engrave, write); (Kor. Kam.
qalii'nen [stem qalidit]): pen
tei'Jcinen (K. K. inataiki'nan) instrument (for work)
wane' nan instrument for work
le' e-tewenana' ta with a genuine paddle 31.4
(Kor. Kam. tomnena'nu as cover for roof -hole Kor. 37.9)
me stems use with this suffix the prefix ine- (Kor. Kam. ina-)
See pp. 736, 819, no. 28
ena'nvenan (stem nv [initial ruu]] trnvi'rkin I scrape); (Kor.
Kam. ena'nvenan [stem nv\ tmve'km I scrape]) scraper
49. -ieh instrument (Kor. Kam. -itft).
gitte'wi&hm (stem gitteu to wipe, -in absolute form); (Kor.
Kam. gitta'witnin [stem gittaw]) wiping-cloth
uneti'chin thong of thong-seal hide 102.13, 30 (from unel thong
seal)
memite'dhrn thong of seal-hide 134.31 (from memilsQ&\)
Kor. Kam. yinootne'nqo from the vent-hole Kor. 54.7
108
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 805
109. Place
50. -nv PLACE OF (absolute form -n) (Kor. Kam. -nv [absolute
form -nu]).
van (stem tva-); (Kor. Kam. va'na [dual, plural, va'nvif]) place
of being
wakotva'n (stems wake and tva)\ (Kor. Kam. vagalitva'na [stems
vaga'li and tva]) place of sitting
notagtenve'pu while walking in the wilderness 29.4
ralqa'nmvulc on the house-site 31.6
raleya'n sliding-place 114.16
tila'n (Kor. Kam. tila'n) place of moving, trail
tila'nvun place of trail 36. 1 2
tila'nvuk on place of traveling 43.1
taikaus'qio'lvu for a place to wrestle 47.4
oodve'nvipu (better oodvi'nvipu) from the playground 74.17
oodvi'nvilc on the pla}^ground 74.18
oodvmve'ti to the playground 74.20
It also expresses an action in progress. In this case it appears
generally with the designative suffix u.
etinva'tmvo tiye'tya s 7c I came to get the position of house-
master R, 287, footnote 1.
yaqqai' um yagta'lmve tiye f tyd lc did I come for the sake of
living? R 239, footnote 2.
nraqa'unvo for what purpose? 19.1
Koryak :
kmena'tmvu mlai'-gum I came away to bear children Kor.
60.6
Jciplo'nvu for the purpose of striking them Kor. 31.3
110-111. Verbal Suffixes
110. ADVERBIAL SUFFIXES
51. -wul/il expresses RECIPROCITY (Kor. Kam. -vij/ftl).
penirnu'lhrrkit (stem penfi to attack wrestling) (Kor. Kam.
penn ,'i'vilniikit [stem penn'\ dual) they close for wrestling
luf'ulhirkit (stem lu s to see) (Kor. Kam. lu 'vilnikit [stem Z?/])
they see each other, the} 7 meet
n&'re we have seen each other 121.15
52. -8*qiti expresses AN ACTION PERFORMED ONCE ONLY (Kor. Kam.
-s*qiw).
yetis'qi'urkm (Kor. Kam. yatis'qi'wikiri) he comes once
terms' qe f urkin (Kor. Kam. timis'qe'wekm] he kills once
109, 110
806 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
taikaus'qio'lvu for a place to wrestle once 47.4
qdniggeus'qiwkutki make them wake up all at once 56.3
ganto's'qeulen rushed out 57.11
Koryak:
mmdidatis'qiwnau I'll look at them once Kor. 33.10
quvi e yas'qi'wgi go and die! Kor. 35.1
gawyis'qi'wazM Kor. 36.1
mmtu'las'qewlan let us steal it! Kor. 39.1
myalitcus'qi'wak I will slide down-hill Kor. 42.1
Also in the form Iqiu
gatomnalqi'wlinat they stopped the smoke-hole Kor. 57.7
53. -let expresses a FREQUENTATIVE, DURATIVE, or more generally
INTENSITY OF ACTION (Kor. Kam. -[at, less frequently -eat).
nitgla'tirkin (Kor. Kam. nito-laf tekiri) he goes out often
fymila'tirkin (Kor. Kam. timilaf tekiri) he kills many
ninletele' tqin it flashed out always 32.8
qulile'tyi* gave voice repeatedly 33.1; 55.8
niqulile'tqin they are noisy 60.9
nit%rgilatqen he cries aloud 38.3
niteplennile' tqin she made many boots for him 112.24 (stem plek-
boots; ten to make [ 113, 2, p. 821])
Koryak:
ganvo'len cilala'tik it began to bubble Kor. 17.2
yiykula'ti you were soft Kor. 26.7
galalannivo'yJcm she passed by often Kor. 84.19
mqulila'tqin he sang vigorously Kor. 68.17
54. -yw(u) 9 -yv(u) expresses a FREQUENTATIVE (Kor. Kam. -yvi),
talafiwurkin (Kor. Kam. tdla'ivekin) he strikes many times
ninemilki' ywunin let it bite him! 104.29
Kor. Kam gaitoi'vilenau she brought forth many Kor. 44.7*
55. -t (Kamchadal) expresses the durative.
ti'ntiltftijm I bring it always (t- I; intili* to bring; -t always;
-/ auxiliary vowel; -jin I it)
56. -cet weakens the intensity of the action, A LITTLE, RARELY.
ftitgda'tirlcin or niMa'arlcin he goes out rarety
ten' Hence' tirkin or ten'neuce'erkm he laughs on the sly
marauta' arlcin he fights rarely
penhca'arlcin he wrestles rarely
minpo'ntoceta let us eat liver! 43.7
maraucetmo'e? he began to chide 56.1
110
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 807
57 -cir expresses a frequentative or intensive.
ten'neudi'rirJcm he laughs all the time
walomce' 'rirkm he gathers news continually
maraube' erkm he fights always
penride'erlcin he rushes at him
Kor. Kara, qulumtiditalat they carry something large on
their shoulders (qulu large; imti to carry) Kor. 57.9
58. -ntet indicates INCREASED ACTION, often with somewhat altered
meaning; and with intransitive meaning (Kor. Kam. -ntat).
Zuwi'rkin (Kor. Kam. dvi'i- buwinte,' tirkm (Kor. Kam. 6vin-
~kiri) thou cuttest it ta'tikin it is cut through in
several places); it is divided
into several parts
rg'grkm (Kor. Kam. dhg'i- roonta'arlcin (Kor. Kam. dhon-
Tcm) he tears out hair ta'tekin) he becomes bald
irgiro'Tc at dawn 10.4 girgironta' Len dawn came 10.9
qu'pqalin lean 80. 5 gequpqimte' Lin she has been quite
starved
59. -S'qi-cet a compound suffix formed of -s'qi SINGLE ACTION, -det
homologous to -let INTENSIVE ACTION expresses an action
performed suddenly with great force and rapidity.
qu'tirkin he stands up qutis'qify'tirlcin he jumps up
nito'rkin he goes out nitgs'qeca'tirkin he rushes out
ganto's'qadaLen he rushed out 57. II 1
gape'nfis'qibaLen he rushed on 44.4:
getinus'qice'Lin he gave a sudden tug 48.4
gereli's'qideLm she suddenly pushed it in 89.4
60. -ci(a (Kamchadal) weakens the intensity of the action.
tnu'alajlc I eat but little (t I; nu to eat; -jJc I)
the'lalajTc I drink but little (t I; hel to drink)
61. -<l$et, with verbs, expresses ENDEARMENT and DIMINUTION;
evidently related to -qdi ( 98,4).
ma'nen-netai'pu yetqdeti from what country hast thou come,
my dear?
62. -fceu, with transitive verbs, gives them a PASSIVE meaning, and
conveys the idea of DERISION of the subject.
'kema'wkurgeum re'tkewium I am a source of delay, my humble
self has been brought here
kyutjfr$, equ'lika they will hear your despised self, do
not make a noise
1 Evidently better,
808 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
63. -fifty, -fto expresses the INCHOATIVE (Kor. Kam. -flvg; Kam-
chadal -kgju, -kgj, -#/?/, m jy)> Since these elements occur
independently, the forms are in realit}^ compound verbs. The
independent stem in initial position is floo, in medial posi-
tion -mgo, (Kor. Kam. nvo-, Kamchadal uju-)
no'orkm (Kor. Kam. nivo'ikm, Kamchadal ujujlc) he begins
In all three dialects the idea of the beginning of an action is ex-
pressed with precision, and the inchoative forms are there-
fore very common.
yilqaMng'rkin (Kor. Kam. yilqanmvo'lkm, Kamchadal nuJcci-
Tcju'jk) he goes to sleep
tipaina'nnge* he begins to sing 59.9
mmne'nnoe he begins to take part in the thanksgiving cere-
monial 59.3
gapliiko'nno'lenat they begin to finish 30.12
Koryak:
gewnivo'lenau they began to say Kor. 22.7
gcfa'nnivota haul them away! Kor. 51.6
gepmvolai'lce they began to go upstream Kor. 61.7
64. dl, -o (Kamchadal), with transitive verbs -a, -a, expresses the
desiderative. The same form is used to express the future.
L te
tce'jajk (stem tce'j\ I leave tce'jijlc) I wish to leave
65. -vatg (Kamchadal) expresses intention to act, and beginning of
an action.
t'uUTcvgftojm (stem uttk) I am going to have a look at him
tno'vatojJc (stem nu to eat) I am going to eat
66. ~chat expresses ANGER OF THE SPEAKER. (Kor. Kam. -cnat)
qamitvabha'trrlcin or qamitvacha' 'arlcin confound him! he eats
pmtiqaatha'tycfn the bad one appeared 27.3
garaqechg! Len what has the bad one done 31.9
ve 6ha'tye the bad one perished 43.11; 44.5
timi'bhannen he killed the bad one 44.5
am-rave 6ha'n'na nalicha'tye* you bad one want to die 65.23
Kor. Kam. nitocnaf tekin he lumbers forth
67. -ikiji. This suffix has been discussed on p. 736 (Kor. Kam. - cif).
pela'tkolit those who had left her 33.8
This suffix also transforms transitive verbs into intransitive
verbs. The subject is then placed in the absolute form; the
object, in the possessive form. These forms, however, are
used only with personal pronouns.
gumu'lci git pela'tkerlcin you leave me
110
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 809
The suffix -tku (Kor. Kam. -tu) also indicates prolonged or
increased action.
vili'urkin (Kor. Kam. wli'vikm he makes peace with) he buys
vili'tkurkin (Kor. Kam. vilitdutikm) he trades
geilitkoi'vulin u'Tcktim they distributed vessels 14.1
timitkoi'vuk slaughtering 49.3
timi'fkentnat he killed all 61.4; 112.3
minranmuiko 'ninat let us slay them all 101.19
*vJtko6a'a*t they all died 112.2
timi'tkorkin (Kor. Kam. timi'tMlcin) he kills many
Koryak:
(jatvi'tduUnautheyaxe all cut entirely Kor. 47.7
gaplitcu'linau they finished it Kor. 50.1
lelapitdonvo 'ykin he looks up Kor. 42.8
gaLapMonvo'len she looked around Kor. 44.9
yenotdonvo'ylcin he is eating Kor. 13.6
gaqannittonvo'len she was jealous Kor. 96.1
Paren qigitefkin' gin look at it! Kor. 101.11
tigilnu-6u' 6u-naw-4-tim snow-shoe-strings-verily-eating-woman
am I (tigi'lnm snowshoe-string; -u to consume -6u'du [< iku-
iku] verily; naw women) Kor. 59.7
The suffix -tku is always used in the transitive verb to indicate the
forms THOU us; YE ME, us (see 63). It gives the verb
a generalized form. For instance:
pela'tk&e? thou leavest a number (meaning us)
pUa'tkotik ye leave a number (meaning ME or us)
The element ine- has the same sense, but the two are never used
together (see 113, 28).
68. -tvi TO ATTAIN A CERTAIN QUALITY, TO BECOME (Kor. Kam. ~tvi).
u s mitvi'rkin (stem u m) (Kor. Kam. umitvi'Tcin [stem urn]) he
becomes broad.
gititve'rkin (stem git) (Kor. Kam. gititvt'lkin) he becomes thin
efoefftetvii* he acquired shamanistic power 19.12; 18.4
efoe' nitvi-turi you acquired shamanistic power 18.3
numqitm'qin it diminished 20.2, 4
nupliftvi'qin it becomes small 20.3
wulqatvi'i* it grew dark 54.9
Kor. Kam. qamahtva'ihitilc cause it to become better Kor. 13.2
Kor. Kam. vi s ya f tviJc to fainting Kor. 64.9
69. -cet with adjectives: TO FEEL (Kor. Kam. -eat).
mittenice' erkm we feel good 69.8
ttnMtirkin (ten good) (Kor. Kam. tafiita'tikin,) he feels good
tqnice'tmoe? he began to feel well 33.5
omite' 'tirkin (Kor. Kam. omMtekin) he feels warm
110
810
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
70. -ew, -et, are often added to the stem, but the meaning of these
suffixes is not clear.
eime'u to approach
emeu to call
ureu to appear 53.6
omau to get warm
ulveu to remain motionless
37.2
yigreu thirsty
wethau to talk
A
puulgeu to float
ptkeu to hit
marau to quarrel
meteu to be unable
teikeu to wrestle
ten'neu to laugh
tumgeu to become friendly
numekeu to gather
notas'qau land approaches
limala'u to obey
foaw unable
Iq'dineu to shoot
fc/y^w to be awake
Jcimeu to cause delay
Jcorgau to be glad
y^lhau fear
terkeu to be a certain num-
ber on a series
Possibly related to the preceding is nl eu (Kor. K&m.-au) adver-
bial suffix. The Koryak form is not used very frequently (see p. 842).
ni me' leu qatva'e? be kind (to us)! a common form of prayer
mte'leu tirkipli'a~n 1 struck him painfully (tel to suffer, to
have pain)
niglau qatva'rkin be sorrowful! (glo SORROWFUL, here con-
tracted with au\ tva to be)
nime'leu, well (md good) ; (Kor. Kam. nima'leu [mal good])
ni'tbeu heavily (M heavy);' (Kor. Kam. ni'tdau)
Some adverbs are formed in an irregular manner.
a^'tqeuma (from e'tqin bad; stem aqa' R
62.72)
eimet to take
einet to roar
ureut
gi'tteu hungry
gittekau guide
ginteu to flee
Ipuuret to exchange
efwkwet to depart
eret to fall
ergewet to be submerged 17.4
2//7^ full
yopat to visit
yuulet alive
wettat to tear with antlers
ventet to be open
vinM to help
pelqdntet to return
pekagtat to fall down
^>m<^ tired
tautauat to bark
tergal to cr} r
to steal
to plunge
' Kor. Kam. a'ttiTLau (from a'ttm bad; stem
aqa)
Kamchadal ha'qa? (from e'6/lcelax bad)
110
badly
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 811
i (Chukchee me6<mel good; sn'lci thus) well
-i'na (Koryak ni'naqin quick) quickly
71. -nj, forms the INCHOATIVE of impersonal verbs expressing phe-
nomena of nature (Kor. Kam. ~yu).
ile'erkin it is raining iliru'rkm it is beginning to
rain
yog!arkin(K.OT. K&m.yoyoa f - yooro'rkin (Kor. Kam. yoyo-
tekin) the wind is blowing yo'ekiri) the wind begins
to blow
Ifflenru'i* winter came 14.9
aive'frirok in the evening 26.3
irgiro'nnok (stem irg 27.13) at the beginning of dawn 26.9
la la f nroma at the beginning of cold 33.6
githaro'lc in the beginning of the autumn 33.6
irgiro'lca not dawning 56.9
iliru'i* it begins to rain 116.8
gcfligtiygiro'len the snow began to drift 94.28
The same suffix is used with stems of different character.
telhiro'e it becomes red 23.9
mtergire'qen he began to cry 55.3
Koryak:
gawyalyo'len a snowstorm set in Kor. 15.1
laqlanyo'ykin winter came Kor. 72.5
pina'tikm it is snowing penayo'ekm it is beginning
to snow
72. -rie is used also to express GREAT NUMBER. This suffix is differ-
ent from the preceding.
qarru'd s t they came in great numbers 67.16
waqero'aH they were sitting in great numbers 68.29
Kor. Kam. gawya'lyolen a strong snowstorm came Kor. 15.1
laqlanyo'ykin winter came strongly Kor. 72.5 (see above).
111. DERIVED FROM NOUNS
73. -fllta TO FETCH (Kor. Kam. the same).
rafi-nita'rkin what are you going to fetch? why do you come?
ananalinta'lit shaman f etchers 45.7
Koryak:
i yax-nita'ykm what are you going to fetch ? 111
812 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 4O
74. -tuwe, -tv TO TAKE OFF (clothing) (Kor. Kam. -tlva).
kgttuwa'e? he took off his clothes 109.15
Icettuwa' nnen he undressed her 50.11
> *
nikvituve'qin he took off his outer coat 57.3
wuti'bhitvm he took off his overcoat 35.5
meregtuwa'e he brushed away the tears 49.9
ninekinqietUtWe' ([in (n-ine-difrke-tuwe-qlti, dlfllce saliva) he re-
moves saliva 134.27
Koryak:
nimeyeyitva'qen he brushed off the tears Kor. 36. 10
gatamtiva'len he spit out bones Kor. 56.8
ptai-tivai' he took off his boots
75. -ty (-ell? -gup ) TO PUT ON CLOTHING; -& after vowels; ep^
after consonants ; -gup after diphthongs ending in i and in
a few other cases (compare the ablative -ipu 42, p. 704)
tiqalei'pua lc<t(i) -qdi -lj> G -(u) -a lc I put on my cap
terepua Jc<t -ir -ep -(u) -a k I put on my fur-shirt
tiJconai'gupga Jc<t(i) -koncL%-gup -gq, s l: I put on my breeches
Iceregupge <ker-gup -gi she put on her dress 52.9
76. -pili- TO SEARCH FOR (as in hunting) (Kor. Kam. the same).
"kulte f -ill' rkit they are looking for thong-seal sole-hide
gmni'g-gili'liqagti little game-procurers 44.8
pili gdi lit food-procurers 44.9
Qinni' g- gili' lit game-procurers 44.9
77. -f TO CONSUME, TO EAT (Kor. Kam. -^) (perhaps related to the
verb nu [initial ru], Kor. Kam. yu [initial nu]). 1
Ennurkin (Kor. Kam. Ennu f! tkin) he eats fish
pontg'rlcin (Kor. Kam. ponto'lkin) he eats liver
Itimlu'cft they ate marrow 33.12
minpo'ntodeta let us eat a little liver 43.7
nipo'ntoqen he ate liver 43.9
qaponto'tik eat liver! 64.21
also
gamemElo'len he caught a seal 43.2
Koryak:
mitafttayi'pnula we eat inner skin of dog Kor. 48.9
tiya'yilku I'll eat pudding Kor. 30.2
also
tiqa'payuk I ot a wolverene Kor. 59.1
1 ru'rkm (Kor. Kam. yu'ykin) he eats it.
111
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 813
112* Adjective and Adverb
ADJECTIVE (Kamchadal)
Adjectives are formed with the suffix
78. -lax (sometimes -lax)
6'mlax deep (cf. Ch. urn broad)
iu'lax long (cf . Ch. iul long)
o'lolax small
The plural is formed with the usual suffix -(/) e n.
o'lolaxi n lci'sti n small houses (diminutive form)
This usage differs from that of Chukchee and Koiyak, where the
plural attribute is used in synthetic form.
qai-yaraqa' gte (Chukchee) small houses
In forms with post-positions the adjective in -lax is placed before
the noun.
o'lolax-Tce'sUanke to the small house (diminutive allative)
It seems not unlikely that the synthetic use of attributive stems
has disappeared under Russian influence. Russian and
Koryak adjectives are often used by the Kamchadal, in
their foreign form, almost without change.
niru'qin xva'lc a sharp knife (niru'qin is Koryak)
rfmi'tqin Tcfta'mjanV a wary man (rfmi'tqin is Koryak)
nve'thaqen ifh a straight tree (nve'thaqen is Koryak)
nve'thala s n u t hi n straight trees (nve'thalasn is a Koryak
form)
vo'stroi xvaU a sharp knife (vo'stroi is Russian)
There is no phonetic assimilation of any of these adjectives.
A few predicative forms correspond to the Chukchee-Koryak
forms in ni qin.
~k!ni'tain the clever one (from ni'ta sense, wit); cf. ni-gitte'p-
qin (Chukchee) the clever one.
79. -#, -ag, are sometimes found with attributive stems. These
forms are generally compounded with verbs. This form is
probably identical with the locative form of the stem.
witha'qu-wa'lrn the flat one
Icoulo'qu-wa'lin the round one
empa' qu-wa' lin the downcast one
Jcoulo'qi qatei'lcigin (Kor. Kam. qo'lon qatai'lcigiri) make it round
em elvula'q re'nikin ralai'vtinnoe only in a different manner
people shall begin to walk about 86. 14 112
814 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
80. -yut DISTRIBUTIVE NUMBERS (K. K. -yijpt dual,
(See also 123, p. 839)
[BULL. 40
pi.)
KOR. KAM.
Dual
Plural
Enne'nyut
Ena'nyut
Ennanyu'wgi
one each
nire'yut
niye'yut
niyeyu'wgi
two each
nfro'yot
nlyo'yot
nlyoyo'wgi
three each
nlra'yot
naya'yot
nayayo'wgl
four each
miLi'nyot
miLi'nyot
miLinyo'wgi
five each
mingi'tjot
mmgi'yot
mingiyo'wgi
ten each
81
The Chukchee distributives have also the prefix em- (see 113, no. 7,
p. 816; 123, p. 839).
em-nire'yuta qanpitvaarlce' etki just two each make it double
(the clothing)
These forms take post-positions, definite, augmentative, and diminu-
tive forms.
Ennanyou'ti to one each
Ennanyoi'pu from one each
-ee, -ca NUMERAL ADVERBS (Kor. Kam. -co).
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
qune'td 1 Enna'nca, qu'n'at l Kor. once
53.2
niye'da twice
niyo'da three times
naya'6a four times
miLe'nda five times
mingi'tta mingi'tta ten times
Kor. Kam. exune'de all the time Kor. 92.19
nire'dd
niro'ca
82. -(T)ft (Chukchee and Koryak) is a suffix which is often added to
the stems of adjectives when compounded, in Chukchee with
the form va'lm (<tva+lm) THE ONE WHO is, in Koryak with
i'tala n (it + 2a n. 2 ) (see p. 764)
In Chukchee the n before v generally changes to m. In other
cases the suffix is dropped entirely. The connective vowel
then changes to u before the -y, which in turn changes to w.
qa'tvum-va'lm (Kor. Kam. qa'tvun-i'tala n) being strong
ta'num-va'lin or ta'nu-wa'lin (Kor. Kam. ta'nin-iJtala e n) being
good
1 Derived from gun single.
1 The corresponding Chukchee form i'tilin THE ONE WHO is is not used In compounds of this type.
112
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 815
A number of predicative stems do not form the nominal form in
-lin ( 54, p. 717), but always use the form in -(i)n com-
pounded with valin.
wi'6him-va'lm (Kor. Kam. vi'thiyin-i'taltfn) the flat one
e'mpum-va'lm the one downcast
Kor. Kam. qo'lon-italcfn the round one
These Chukchee forms may also take the ending -q or -aq (see this
section, No. 79). The compounds with va'lm, when referred
to a locative case, express the comparative. They are used
frequently in this connection.
ga'mgq-qla'ulilc qa'tvum-vgHeum I am stronger than everybody
(gemge- every; qla'ul man; -Jc possessive; qetv strong; -i-
um I [ 73, p. 758])
113. Prefixes
1. etO- A LITTLE.
eto'-qaia'qan a little afterwards 45.11, 136.24 (sto' 51.4)
mat-Zto'pn a little better 135.7
2. e'mkln- EVERY.
a'mJcm-awMe'ti every evening 28.9
e'mkm-lciyeu'lci at every awaking 29.2
3. t llV- QUITE.
tilv-am-gina'n quite you only 30.4
tilv-a'mman quite alone 31.6, 13; 58.9
tilv-ui'nd quite nothing 56.4; 60.1
4. tfnki JUST is used less frequently, generally with a deprecatory
meaning.
tirik-am-gumna'n just I only
tirik-ui'fla just nothing
tink-ui'nti rdnut he has nothing at all R, 63.88
tirik-a'tqeumci quite badly (see 125, p. 842)
5. pjc- only, merely.
6. Im- (Kor. Kam. imlfi-, Kamchadal tnlni'l) ALL.
i'me-r&'nut all kinds 111.28
i'mu-ginni'Tcd all kinds of game 128.9
Koryak
imi-pla'Tcu all boots
noo'wge all the boiled meat Kor. 28.6
qai-vai' amti all little rivers Kor. 17.1
The form imilo' 28.9 occurs as a particle, and independently with
noun and without; imi'lm takes the same kinds of forms as
nouns in -lin (see p. 717). 113
816 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The Kamchadal form mlni'l forms
Allative mlnela'nke
Allative, possessive, instrumental mini' link , less often mi s l.
7. em- MEBE (Kor. Kam. am-, Kamchadal em-). The prefix is
always used with Chukchee distributive numbers.
em.-ne'us'qdtti (Kor. Kam. a s 7n-fia'wis'qat r a, Kamchadal em-ni'm
cxi*n) mere women
em-a*'ttim mere bones 35.5
em-mu'Litd all with blood 40.10
em-fte'nH all these 41.10
em-nu f niit those from the mainland 64.12; 65.26
6iq-em-nu'ngi far inland 114.25
em gmu'n-niki'td midnight 9.11
am-none'ti just inland 67.19; 114.24
am-gina'n only thou 30.3
am-taaro'na with all kinds of sacrifices 41.9
am-rave ha!n'na merely to die 65.23
' am-ya'ata only by using it 143.3
Koryak:
am-6erepro'nau entirely silver Kor. 22.10
am-ma'~kil-ne f eta only with two diaper-strings Kor. 23.5
am-ma'na just in different directions Kor. 25.6
8. pll- (with nouns) EVERY.
gaplilcoi 1 'nilen every one has a tea-cup
mplitante' nmuqen they were applying everything 41.3
9. m&-, mlq- SMALL.
10. mee- SOMEWHAT.
met' -lei' it somehow 40.7
med-telenye'pkin somewhat of old 61.5
mab-ya'a far enough 62.12
mad-ewga'n as an incantation 39.13
me6-a 'qdlpe somewhat quick 45.10
11. mel- LIKE (Kor. Kam. mal~).
mel-uwd 'qu6 it seems like a husband 49.9
12. tnite- ACTUALLY.
mite'-vilin actually dead
mite'-gmni'lc actually game 84.28
13. timfte'- ANY (Kor. pa%a').
timne'-me'nin whosoever
timfte' -ra e ' nut whatsoever
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 817
tumn-alva'lag wheresoever 24.11
tu' mne-me' mliken ginni'lc any kind of water game 25.6
tiinn-anqa' gti somewhere to seaward 13.1
14. ter- HOW MANY (Kor. Kam. tafy-}.
tar-qa'ata ewkwe'tyi 5 with how many reindeer did he drive away ?
15. ciq- EXCESSIVELY.
cegi-ygfa too far
eq-a'lvam-va'lag how very strange! 76.5; 63.4
tiq-em-nu'nqi far inland 114.25
6eg-a'lvam va'lin being very strange 29.8; 38.8; 63.4, 6; 86.27
diq-etuwa'Jc all at once 43. 10
16. chi- HARDLY, always used with the negative (probably from
gihi, as in nigi'dhigin RARE).
acheqamitvakq almost nothing eaten, hardly anything eaten
17. ll- (only with certain pronouns and pronominal adverbs) EVERY.
li-me'riki everywhere
li-me'nko from everywhere
18. lii-, lhi- } III-, Ihl- TRULY (Kor. Kam. Jlgi-, Jhi-).
li'i-ten-evi'ralin realty well closed 33.3
li'e-tanie'tmoe? she began to feel truly well 33.5
nilhinu 'ink&qin really quite numerous 111.16
le' e-tewenana' ta with a genuine paddle 31.4
li' e-narau' tile really wife seeking 57.1
li'i-i'ppe quite truly 57.2
Kor. Kam. mlheni'lctaqen a very hard one
19. pll- (Kamchadal) quickly.
II xpil-nu'xb you eat quickly
20. X'i- (Kamchadal) quite, very.
i w'2-ploM very large
i x'i-cini'nldx very pretty, very good
21. Ihi-, Til (Kamchadal) actually, truly.
t-V i-tpi' lij~k I really shake myself (i. e., 1 can shake myself
properly)
22. kft- (after prefixes -</t-) VERY (Kor. Kam. kit- [after prefixes
-]).
mgtilaulau'qen he mocked much 143.1; 144.4
gagtan'ninai' pnden she was very angry 89.3
gagti-palka' La?n very decrepit 111.26
qagtiqami'tvaiilc eat ye enough! 65.16
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 52 113
818 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
When this prefix is used with the nominalized verb in ni gin,
left either precedes the prefix ni-, or the ni- may be repeated initially
Tcim-nimai' Ehgen or mgti-nimai'Enqen it is quite large
23. q?n- SINGLE (Kor. Kam. q^n-).
qon-mi'nga with a single hand 67.19
qon-qa'a with a single reindeer
qon-ra'lin with a single house 34.1
qona' dinkina with nine (i. e. with a single [finger remaining]
behind) 147.1
24. (fernye- EVERY (Kor. Kam. ga'mya-).
ge'mge-gmni'lc every kind of game 41.11
gdmge-ni'lcin everybody 66.28
ga'mga-m'mgupu from every settlement 36.1
ge' mge-nute' qin from ever} 7 land 11.5
Koryak:
ga'mga-qai-na'wis'qat every little woman Kor. 34.9
ga'mga-olgiwe'tin to every cache Kor. 66.17
25. paJ^a- (Koryak) ANY (Chukchee tlmffie- (see No. 13, p. 816) ).
paLa'-ma'lci whosoever
paLa'-yi'nna whatever
26. tyfl- NEGATIVE PARTICLE, always used with nominal forms of
the verb. There is no corresponding form in either Koryak
or Kamchadal.
lufi-i'ra not crossing 41.5
lun-iwkuci'ta not drinking 37.3
lun-res'qi'wai'tyaft they did not want to enter 115.19
lun-lu s 'td not seen 11.9
tegge'nu lun-i f Ihilm has no desire 93.32
luft-dei'va without walking
lon-ena' tvata without promises 101.23
lon-ipa' ulm not drinking
lon-wa'Loma not heeding 21.13
With the auxiliary verb -nt- (initial nt-), it is the usual form of ex-
pressing the negative of the transitive verb.
*' ta ti'ntigit I had thee an unseen one (i. e., I did not
see thee)
27. egn- sometimes replaces the negative particles ui'fta, e'Le, and
en "he'.
qgn-aqqmi' tvgJcg, do not eat!
agn-a'nmuJca without killing R 44.11
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BOASJ HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 819
28. ine- transforms transitive verbs into intransitives, either without
other change of meaning or with the significance TO DO ON
BEHALF OF ONE'S SELF. The object, when retained, is
expressed in the locative.
tinenlete' erkin Jci'mitiJc I take the load away for myself (t- I;
nlete to take away; -rkin present; Jci'mit- load)
The use of ine- in the transitive verb has been discussed in 68,
p. 736.
Examples are:
enapela'e* thou leavest some one (namely, me)
enapela'tik ye leave some one (namely, me)
See, also, 110, 67.
29. inen- TRANSITIVE (see U n(i), 114, 2, p. 821).
30. \a[k- (Kamchadal) HOW MANY, SOME; used independently in
the plural.
la'h n lccxo n how many dogs?
lali e n Tdxol olxta! tockepnin he passed there a few days
114. Inclusive Affixes
1. To cause to.
(a) With intransitive verbs.
Chukchee. Kor. Kam.
r(i) u (after terminal vowel) y(j) v
r(i) - - eu (after terminal consonant) y(i) aw, av
r(i) et (after terminal u diphthong y(i) at
iu, eu, au)
After verbal prefixes, the r(i), ?/(/), changes to n(i). 1
n-qamitva' -u-rlcm-en he was made to eat 9.8 (from qamitva)
n-tEl-e' u-rkin you cause to be unwell (from tsl)
ri-nelkiwe'-n-nin he was made to sit on it 8.11
Ti-g'g-eu' -nin he awakened him 7.5
ni-nto-w' -nen he made him go out 60.3
ri-pmtik-eu' -nin he made it appear 9.8
ga-n-echet-aiif -ten he made it jump oif 47.7
nyirrau'nenat they caused them to be anointed 74.33
ineqali'Tceiiki (we) induced her to marry 26.5
g ants' mgaulen has been created 42.1
anmtona! ikElen she does not make it go out 54.6
qanintona'tye* cause him to go out! 54.7
i See also p. 735.
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820 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Koryak:
y-awy-aft-ikin you cause to eat (from awyi)
yi-tdl-a'w-ikin you cause to be unwell (from tdl; tcl-i' -ikin
you are unwell)
yiyigiha'wik tickling (him) Kor. 18.9
qinathileu' make it warm! Kor. 29.3
qanva'lcyintat tear him up Kor. 30.7
tenamlcyo' nftivoi it begins to awaken us Kor. 39.4
ganipga'wlenau he made them climb up Kor. 43.4
ganvaqyila'wlen she made him stand with legs apart Kor. 80.20
(b) With transitive verbs.
Chukchee Kor. Kara.
r(i) - - net y(i) 10, v
n-lceto-na't-i-rkin you re- yi-lceto-v-e'lcin you remind him
mind him (from Iceto to (from Tceto)
remember)
(c) A number of verbs have no suffixes, but only the prefix r(/)-Kor.
Kam. y [/]-)
r-ere'erkin you cause it to fall down (from ere'e)
ra'tvunen she carried it in 28.7
reimeu'ninet it approached them 41.4
rintininet she threw them out 87.30
Kor. Kam. yi-lcima'w-ikin you detain him (from Jcimaw to be
(d) A number of intransitive verbs belonging to group (a) become
transitive.
ru-wethaw-a' t-i-rkm you speak to him (from wethau to speak)
ru-wet'hawau'nen it talked to her 32.3
In Kamchadal two prefixes are found, n- and tin-. Of these,
the former corresponds to the Chukchee- Koryak forms
t-j-n-Tci'le-j-m I surround him (from Tcile; t-Tci'le-jJcIturn around)
t-li'-nu-j-m I feed him (from nu to eat; t-nu-jJc 1 eat)
t-lin-hi'l-i-j-m I give him to drink (from hil; t-hi'l-i-jlc I drink)
t-o-n-d-i'-j-in I cause him to lie down (from d; t-col-o-jlc I lie
down)
NOTE. Certain verbs may be used both intransitive and transi-
tive:
tupa'urlcm I drink ni'raq ca'gte napa'unea they have
drunk two pieces of bark tea
fte'us'gat gi'ulin the woman Ta'n'Ha g.i'ulin the Tan'ftit told
said 98.7 him 98.5
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 821
2. te ft(I) TO MAKE SOMETHING (Kor. Kam. ta ft[l]). This may
be related to the verb teilci (Kor. Kam. taiki) TO MAKE.
tirvu'nirkm he makes sharp things, i. e., arms (stem irv)\
Kor. Kam. tisvi'nikm
nitepleUnile' tqin she made boots for him 112.24 (stem plek-
boots; -/^frequentative [110.53])
When this prefix is used with verbs, the additional prefix inen- (Kor.
Kam. inan-) is generally inserted. It indicates the transitive.
The meaning of the compound is causative.
tinenye 'nnirkm (Kor. Kam. tinanya' nnikin) you make him
come
tenanfomgi'nirkm you cause it to create itself, and from this
the noun Tena/nto'mgtffi (Kor. Kam. Tenanto'mvin) one who
causes things to create themselves (i. e., Creator)
tenanyi'ln-ora'weLan a person who causes one to give (i. e.
beggar)
3. re n(l) expresses the desiderative (Kor. Kam. ya n[l]). The
prefix and suffix of these forms are identical with those of the
future, but the suffix is placed immediately following the
stem and is itself followed by the suffixes belonging to the
tenses.
rapa'wnirkm (Kor. Kam. yapa'wnekin) he desires to drink
(stem: Ch. upaii, Kor. Kam. apaw)
rerku' rftirkin (stem rkur) (Kor. Kam. ya&ku'ynikm [stem flcuy])
he desires to buy
rantg'ninoi he wanted to come out 83.10 (stem nto to come out;
-nno to begin)
rave 6ha'n'na do you want to die? 67.1 (stem vi to die; -that
"[110.66])*
mre'vtfnqin he wants to die 99.27
nerelu nirkin-i-git they want to see thee 19.6
Koryak:
tiyayi'lqatin I want to sleep Kor. 30.3
tiyayai'tin I want to go home Kor. 30.5
ganka'wlinau ya's'qanfulc they ceased to wish to go Kor. 58.2
4. e M, e ka (Kor. Kam. a ki, a &a; Kor. Par., e ki,
ake-, Kamchadal ki k, (ffykitt, nkan) NEGATION,
expressing WITHOUT .
iThis form is different from the form for HE CREATES THEM. The "Creator" is therefore, even in
grammatical form, only a " Wdtgestalter."
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822 BUREAU or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The compounds formed with e H are nominal. They are
formed from both nominal and verbal basis.
anvenaiika' gti gewku'Lin he tied her to an unbroken (reindeer)
50.12 (nvineu to break a reindeer; -gti allative [ 40]; ge
lin [ 74]; wkut to tie)
elile'Tci eyeless
aa'lake a person without knife
em'nniki nameless one (= fourth finger)
Koryak:
| a'xgike Icuma'ti the hairless one grew angry Kor. 24.8
The compounds formed with e Tea are used as complements of the
verb.
equ'likd qdne'lhitik make yourselves voiceless 60.10
i'mlikd titva'aflc I was without water
ake'nka ne'lyi 5 it became lightless 94.11
eni'ngaiM nere'ttimulc we shall be made childless 39.4
res'qi'wkwi* a'lcerka he entered without clothing 35.10
a'Jcerka nan ra'gtie* he came home without clothing 35.10
piwa'nka mitme'l we came to be without an Aiwan 47.12
aqami'tvdka titva'ak not eating I was
awgetkinka not saying anything 26.6
e'Le e'lqdtd not going 46.8
aurrikegti not appearing 66. 10
aa'lomka heedless 67.9
e'Le eu'rretkd not appearing 62.1
dkerkitvi*' at they took off clothes (they became without cloth-
ing) 47.5
e'gripgi* awgentoya'nvulca she felt pain the breathless one 63.8
(e'grip to feel pain; -gi* [ 64]; wgi- breath; nito to go out;
-yanv verbal noun [104.38])
eqdnne'tkd gene' Lin he had become without moaning (i.e., he
had ceased moaning) 34.7
ets'lkd nine'lqin he came to be without suffering 25. 11
Koryak:
akmi'nika gi'Linat childless they were Kor. 43.8
aqalhai'aka qiti' ykin-i' -gi not crying be! Kor. 37.1
dkle'woka tintf'lik without bread I remained Kor. 16.2
ava'leika y anoxia' ntilc you will be without blubber Kor. 80.13
gumna'n ui'na yi'nna ei'lika ti'ntigcfn (Chukchee gumna'n
e'Le rd 'nut e'ilkd ti'ntid s ri) I not anything (not) given I had to
him
In some cases, particularly with ui'nd NOTHING, THERE is NOTHING,
the forms in -lea appear apparently predicative, presumably with
114
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 823
omission of a predicate of existence. More frequently the forms in
-Tcdlin are used as predicative forms (see p. 824)
ui'nd aa'rdka nothing, houseless (i. e., there was nothing, not
[even] a house) 31.7
ui'nd. eleu' tiled nothing, headless (i.e., there was nothing, not
[even] a head) 47.8
ui'na epi'nkd (Kor. Par. e Le epi'nke) there is no powder
Koryak:
ui'na ana'wtinka he had no wife Kor. 50.5
ui'na a'nvilka he did not stop Kor. 51.8
ui'na ava'leika ? is there no blubber? Kor. 80.12
ui'na Icama'lcanu ana*'lca (I) did not become a kamak Kor. 88.10
ui'na ane'lhiyipnuka (we) do not eat inner skin Kor. 49.1
Transitive verbs, when adding e Tea to the stem, have a passive
meaning; with the prefix ine- placed immediately preceding
the stem, they have active meaning.
Passive:
anintona'ika n'tirkm you make him one who is not caused to
go out (i. e., you do not make him go out) 54.10
evegi'tkuka teu'lanen he shook what was not dug out with the
nails 47.2
enni'uka mi'ni'ntinet let us have them not sent over (i. e. I
wish we had not sent them) 58.2
e'Le enu*'Tca not being eaten 48.8
alo e lca'gti va'lE-um 1 am not seen 22.10
elu e 'Tcd not seen ones 62.1
e'Le a'lomka it was not heard 60.10
Koryak:
| uina i'wka ga'ntilen he was not told so Kor. 62.3
Active:
ena'nmulca rine'ntii* thou wilt be one who does not kill 99.9
inenvente'tkal-i-git thou art one who has not caused it to be
open 88.27
inenu'lcdli-muri we are those who do not consume it 35.1
gumna'n enalwau'lc&l-e-um I am not unable to do it 92.30
inehfkdlinet he has not seen them 70.33
inegite'lcdlin, e'Le she does not look at me 88.31
The form e led is always used for the negative imperative, with the
particle en'ne'.
en'ne' eLe'pkd do not look 32.6
en'Ue' inegite'lcd do not look at her 37.9
en'ne' ai'puka do not put it on 37.8 114
824 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
en'ne' aa'qeka do not sit down 37.13
en'tlef a'tvitkoka do not tell 66.29
en'ne' aqami' tvaka qi'tyitik do not be without eating 64.19
(without verb 65.30)
en'ne' nrowa'ta, ata'Jca qanti'giiki do not pass it at a dis-
tance 70.9
en'ne' gi'inu e'lhrJca do not attock it 70.14
en'net ena'nmuka don't kill me! 103.30
en'ne' ineqe'pluka do not kick me! 31.12 (31.11 is the same form
without en'ne'}
Koryak :
~kitta! atawalnila''ka do not look back! Kor. 51.6
lcitt-a' wyika qi'thi* do not eat!
Kamchadal :
|| jaJc-nu'lcek (ksixc) do not eating (be) !
Without en'ne', we find
ate'rgatka do not cry! 7.6
ineqe' pluTca, do not kick me! 31.11
Koryak:
| annuwai'Jca do not leave anything ! Kor. 46. 2
Here also the auxiliary verb is usually omitted.
Apparently in the form of an adjective, we find
na'qam um e'un aqora' mretka Ai'wan then, however, the Aiwan,
careless of the reindeer, ... 48.6
qora'ni envineiikti yilhe'nnin he attached an unbroken reindeer
50.11
Derived from the negative suffix -Tea are -JcElin, -Jcdlin (Kor. Kam.
-Icalafn), formed with the suffix -lin (see 48, 73, 74). This
form, in accordance with the character of -lin, is more mark-
edly predicative.
imli'lc&lin he is waterless
Koryak Kamenskoye:
1 wotta'Tcin ake'ykilofn that one had no cloths Kor. 78.14
Kamchadal :
ilcilkin without tongue
qaqe'lcan without nose
Tci'mma gam ni'Jcin L am not wifeless
The verbal character appears most clearly with pronouns of the first
and second person.
anto'JcM-e-git you do not go out 54.10
ddflorrik&l-e-njf, vou do not hear 54-. 11
* e o * y J
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 825
alrmgflk&l-e-git you do not obey 54.11
e'Le ena'nmitu i'tkal-i-tim I do not become a murderer 24.8
e'Le enpilku'wkal-i-um I am not vanquished 15.9
inenvente'fkal-i-git thou art one who has not caused it to be
open 88.27
gumna'n enalwau'lcsl-e-um I am not unable 92.30
eiwule'tJcsli-mu'ri we do not know it 34.8
inenu'lcdli-muri we do not eat 35.1
e'Le agami'tvakdl-e-um I did not eat
Koryak Kamenskoye:
ui'na awyikalai'gum I did not eat, but ui'na a'wyika ti'tik not
eating I was
ui'na api 'nkalaigum I am without powder
Kamchadal :
qam nu'lcek tsik not eating I was
qam nuke'fikin (ki'mma) I did not eat
Examples of verbal forms of the third person are
e'Le alimalau'lcEUn he is one who does not heed 15.12
qqla'ulkElen she was without a man 28. 2
amata'Jcelen she was unmarried 28.2
aa'lomMlen she did not listen 26.2; 54.7; 56.2
6it evf'Tcalin re'mkin formerly people were death-less 42.2
snfa'q wn ELa' evif'lcalin now the mother was immortal 41.12
e'Le anto'Tcslen she did not go out 54.9 (without e'Le 54.5)
va'nevan anto'Tc&len not at all she went out 54.8
emite't-'um atyg! nlcEUn te'rgilin since she did not touch the cry-
ing one 56.6
va'nevan eu'rrekelin it does not appear at all 62.2
eres'qiu'Tcdlin sna'n dini't he himself did not want to enter
103.17
emitkatvu'lcElin the blubber was not scraped off 47.1
nene'neqdi anintona'tkElen she did not cause the child to go
out 54.6
aa'lomlcElenat they did not listen 13.5
eyi'lqaTcElinet they were not sleeping 34.3
inelifkalinet he has not seen them 70.33
inegite'Jcdlin she did not look at me 88.31
A few constructions of -Jcdlin with id'nd seem quite analogous to
forms in -Tea with this particle (see p. 823).
ui'na aa'lomTcElen they do not listen 56.2
ui'na qJce'rilcalen there was nothing, without light 40.9
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826 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
snqa'n ui'nd tit ene'nTcdlin that one was nothing, before not
with guardian spirits 60.1
Kor. ui'na ama'yrrikdle-i-gum I am not large
Decidedly nominal is
elile'TcEldqdgti little eyeless ones 45.1
In Kamchadal the adjective suffix -fe(112, 78) before the negative
changes to -tix.
Ici'mma 'qam uluU'xkin I am not small
Kamchadal X'e Jci with intransitive verbs, we kic with transi-
tive verbs, form the negative. These are nominal forms,
which are given predicative forms by means of auxil-
iary verbs (see p. 779).
x'enu'lci impossible to eat
x'etxlekic impossible to beat him
x'e is presumably of the same origin as the particle x'enc.
115-121. Word-composition
US. Introductory Remarks
Stems may be compounded in such a manner that one stem which
qualifies another is placed before it. The two stems together form
a unit which takes morphological affixes as a whole prefixes pre-
ceding the first stem, suffixes following the second stem. The first
stem, therefore, always terminates without morphological suffixes,
the second one begins without morphological prefixes. If in the com-
plex of stems a strong vowel or s}^llable occurs, the whole complex
takes the ablaut.
maifi,-a'6i-'katt f li-&$'mfti (Kor. Kam. main-a'ti-Jcale'h-tu'mna) a
big fat speckled buck
Each stem may retain the word-forming suffixes or prefixes enumer-
ated in 97-114.
Composition is used particularly for the following purposes.
1. When the second stem is a noun, the first element is an attri-
bute of the second.
2. When the second element is a verb, the first element is an
adverbial qualifier of the second. Here belongs particularly the case
that when the first stem is a noun, the second a verb, the former is the
object of the latter.
115
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 827
116. Attributive Composition
Attributive composition of two nouns is used when the first noun
expresses the particular species of the class expressed by the second
noun. These are used in the absolute form as well as with post-
positions.
1. The first element expresses the particular species of the class
expressed by the second term.
ga'lga-na'lhin bird-skin 7.9
n'rka-Tca'la walrus spirit 8.4
pa 'nvar-n 'rkat two-year-old walrus 8.10
n' rka-npmaf hm walrus old man 9.6
aiwhua' -npina' chdqai Eiwhue old man 11.10
eiwhue' -ora! weLan Eiwhue person 12.4
eiwhue' -ne' ut Eiwhue woman 12.5
wo'lqi-vairge'ti to the Darkness-Being- 18.11
ora'wer-rgfm~ka by human people 21.8
a'nqa-va'irgm sea-being 25.4
Tce'ls-ne'wdn kele wife 38.11
cfl-qla'ul excrement man 39.9
poig-&'ttQot (Kor. Kam. poig-o'ttoot} spear wood
pilvi'nti-pna'vjkun iron file
rcf'-pi'nil (Kor. Kam. yaq-pi'nil wyaqa'-pniT) what news 11.2
lile'-tu'rmita on the sight border ( = just out of sight) 11.8
rtfg-co'rmik on the house border 12.12
Koryak:
nawa'lcak daughter Kor. 12.4
pilvi'nti-yi'nnalcfn with iron antlers Kor. 21.8
yi'lhiliu finger-gloves Kor. 22.2
lawti-Jci'tticnin head-band Kor. 17.12
vai-Tci' Itipilin little grass-bundle Kor. 27.8
The following special cases deserve mention:
The words qlaul (Kor. Kam. qla'wul) MAN, new (Kor. Kam. naw)
WOMAN, are used to express the idea of the nomen actoris, and are com-
pounded with verbs as well as with nouns. Thus we find
tu'li-new (Kor. Kam. tu'li-naw) stealing-woman ( = female thief)
m'n'm-naw (Kor. Kam. vi'n'vu-naw) secretly -acting woman
(= female lover)
Kor. Kam. tola' -qla! wul striking-man ( = blacksmith)
Compounded with a noun is
pilvi'nti-qla'ul iron -man ( = blacksmith)
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828 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The stems qlaid and qlik (Koryak qlik) in first position express also
MALE.
qla'ul-kemm (Kor. Kam. qliTc-Jcai'nin) male bear
For most animals the word tti'mna (Kor. Kam. du'mna) is used to
express the male.
dumfia-n'rki male walrus
Kor. Kam. 6umna f -me' mil male thong-seal
For females the stem new (Kor. Kam. naw) is used.
ne-e'lcik (Kor. Kam. naw-a'Tcik) daughter 28.2
new-lcei'nirt (Kor. Kam. naw-lcai'nm) she-bear
neuwi'rit female soul 37.11
The Koryak word mtalcfn (Kamchadal mtilx') is a contraction of
oya'mtavilafn PERSON (qla'wul in Koryak desi ates a male adult
person), and means literally THE ONE WHO WALKS OPENLY, and
is meant to designate man as walking visibly, while the spirits
walk about invisibly. 1 The Chukchee has the corresponding
word ora'weLan, which has the same derivation. Compositions
with -mtalcfn are applied to a number of m3 T thical personages.
Enni' -mtala s n Fish-Man, Fish-Woman
Valvi'-mtdla e n Raven-Man
The Chukchee use in these compositions the element qlaul.
E'nm-qla'ul Fish-Man
E'nm-mw Fish-Woman
The Kamchadal forms in -mtilx' are probably borrowed from the
Koryak.
sli' he-mtilx' (Koryak live' -mtdlcfn) Wild-Reindeer-Man
tepa'-mtalx' (Koryak Tcitepa' -mtalafn) Wild-Sheep-Man
2. In nouns with suffixes, composition is used to express a number
of relations.
(a) The material of which an object is made.
ra -Jcupre'ta t^m.ne/n with what kind of a net did he kill it? (rag
what; Tcupre net; tyn to kill)
Jco'ne-lcupre'ta t^mnen he killed it with a net of horse-hair (ko'ne
horse [from Russian KOHT,])
(b) The idea PERTAINING TO.
tala'n-ra?nlce'pu tuwa'lgmqcfn I heard it from people of past times
(telenyep long ago; reink- people; walgm to hear)
1 The Koryak have also the term oya'mya for PERSON, which is supposed to be used by the hostile
spirits only, and designates man as the game pursued by the spirits. In Chukchee myths the term
ora'wer-va'rat BEINGS WALKING OPENLY (-= MANKIND) is used
116
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 829
(c) Parts of a whole.
ya'al-gitka'ta geggil-ge' piilin he has kicked him with the heel of
the hind-foot (ya'al hind; gitka foot; -ggil heel)
(d) Possession.
gumu'Tc e'lclce-nalvule'pu qdimi'tyin take it from my son's herd
(gumuk my [possessive]; e'Jclce son; nelvul herd; -gupu from
[ 42, p. 704])
NOTE. In Koryak the possessor may take the same suffixes
as belong to the possessed object. This seems to be always the case
in the locative.
guim'lc Tcme'ninqo nalvila'nqo qakmi'tin take it from my son's
herd
3. An intransitive verb (adjective) may be combined with a nomi-
nal stem so that it qualifies the latter. The^e compositions are used
particularly in oblique cases.
iul-u'ttd (Kor. Kam. iwl-u'tta) with a long stick
meini-lile't (Kor. Kam. ?naini-lila't) big eyes
Kamchadal pltx-lci' -stenk in the large house
tafi-qlaul, pi. tan-qla'ulte (Kor. Kam. malqla'wid, dual mal-qla'-
wulte) good man
ta'n-um-va'lm good one
mamu-wa'l a large knife 16.1
pu' gli-lauti' ynin big bare head 27.13
tfqa'-'ke'le-ne'us'qat bad kele woman 37.11
cfqa-gre'pqai bad little song 59. 5
teg-ne'us'qat a nice woman 62.13
nito'-du'mni a shy buck 49.5
Icorgaf-cafut a lively man 40.3
lii-ten-evi' ralin really good cloths having 33.3
Tig-cf'ttin a shaggy dog 72.28
elh-u'Tcwut a flat stone ( = anvil) 77.12
yitko'mk-u'lcwun divining-stone 101.3
Koryak:
E'UUU mal-na'witkata this is a good woman Kor. 19.1
mal-qlaf wid a good man Kor. 19.10
tan-tf'yu to (be) a good sky Kor. 20.2
~ka'li-qa'nyan ornamented (spotted) palate Kor. 20.2
qai-nafwis'qat little woman Kor. 25.1
qai-'ka'mcik little kamak Kor. 35.5
mcd-Tcdl-yekoi' gu-wal knife with well ornamented handle Kor. 46.8.
116
830 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
4. When the theme of a transitive verb appears as the first part
of a compound, it has a passive meaning:
teik-evi'rm (ready) made clothing 86.22
cf'tti-yno-'kamaanve'ti to (by) dog-sniffed-(at)-dishes 96.10
tot-tai'Jca-Jcamaanv&ti to newly made dishes 96.18
ter-igto'-qaio'ne to a newly horn fawn 129.13
117. Incorporation of Noun
A nominal stem may be incorporated in the verbal complex, and
then forms a unit with the verbal stem which it precedes. The incor-
porated noun may express the subject of intransitive verbs, the object
or instrument with transitive verbs.
(a) Intransitive verbs which incorporate an inanimate noun as sub-
ject express a verbal concept relating to a person.
uwi'~k pli'tkurkin the body becomes ready
but twuwi'~k-u-pi'tkurkm I become body-ready (i.e., I am grown
up)
va'li nMrkin (Kor. Kam. va'la mto'ykm) the knife comes out
but vala-nto' rlcin (Kor. Kam. vala-nto'ylcin) he is knife-coming-
out (i. e., he draws his knife)
nuwge'ntoqen he is one whose breath goes out 126.9
awgentoyafnviika he is without breath going out 63.8
niqolento'a s n his voice goes out 127.8
(&) Verbs with incorporated nominal object. It is hardly feasible
to draw a sharp line of demarcation between verbs with incorporated
object and the verbal suffixes which form derivatives of nouns ( 111 ?
Nos. 73-77). These are -flita TO FETCH, -tuwe TO TAKE OFF, $p TO PUT
ON -gill TO SEARCH FOR, -u TO CONSUME, TO EAT. Owing to their
meaning, these would hardly be expected to occur without object, and
they are always suffixed to it or the object is always incorporated with
them. In the texts the incorporated object is used most frequently in
phrases in which the action is performed habitually on a certain ob-
ject, although incorporated forms that express single actions that are
not performed habitually are not absent. On the whole, this process
does not appear very frequently in the texts.
tiqaanma'tirkin (Kor. Kam. tiqoyanma'tckm) orjl slaughter rein-
tinmi'rkm qa'at (Kor. Kam. tinme'Tcin qoya'wge}] deer
qena-take'chi-lpi'nfige s me meat give!
gumni'n e'Jcik qa-lcale'tel-lpi'nfi-gin my son money-give him I
u'tti-imldrkin (Kor. Kam. u-mla'yTcm) he breaks a stick
117
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 831
n'lhi-cvi'rkin (Kor. Kam. yi'lhi'toi'ykin) he cuts a finger
hale' -ipurkin (Kor. Kam. panJca-ipe'kin) he puts on a cap
qaa-nma' arkm (Kor. Kam. qoya-nma' tekiri) he slaughters reindeer
tikoininto'rkm I take out glasses
tileu'tipi'gtirkin I have a headache
geleu'tilvilin he cut off her head 86.7
mlautipaf tqen she boiled heads 43.12
nabipa' tinat they boiled fat 14.7
nenavenpaf tqen he put cloths on him 127.1
mmpedare'ra let us search for food 119.18
valamna'lm knife-whetter (vala knife) 44.4
niqacC 'nmatqen he slaughtered reindeer 48.8, 11
niquimeviriu' gin he turned the upper part of his trousers outside
(qu'yim upper part of trousers; viriu to turn out) 46.7
geleutirgi'tkuta scratching the head 126.7
nenaveruwanla' qen he asks for clothing 126.10
ke'rgupge* he put on the dress 52.9
qar&thtipge 5 follow the trail ! 52.8
tiLi-lo 'Jc looking for the entrance 131.1
nitiLare'rqen searching for the entrance 131.1
gftaunraf gtaty& take your wife home! 115.8
vafla-n'nfa knife holding 106.13
gina'n inenmuLigrele't-i-git thou art the cause of blood-vomiting
93.11
omqa' -penra? tye* they attacked the bears 115.12
Koryak:
gayunyupe'nyilenau they attacked the whale Kor. 41.3
gaqoleya'wage(qole voice; lya'wa to use) use your voice ! Kor. 48.7
qangeiciplena'nu (to be used) to strike the fire with Kor. 30.7
gavannintalen she lost a tooth (va'nnilnm tooth) Kor. 32.8
The attributes of the object may be included in the compound.
ti-maini-lau'ti-pi'gtirlcin (Kor. Kam. ti-mai 'ni-la'wti-pi'lctikin) I
much head suffer
Verbs with incorporated object are intransitive. They may be made
transitive, however, when they are referred to a new object.
qaanma' arkm he slaughters reindeer
qaa/nrrti'rkm he slaughters reindeer for him
tirilhicvi'git (Kor. Kam. tiyi'lhitvi'gi) I finger-cut thee (i. e., 1 cut
your finger)
In a number of Koryak examples verbs with incorporated object
appear as elements of incorporated complexes. In these cases they
are always treated as intransitive verbs.
117
832 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
qrm-a*'lu-6u'6u-naw-i-iim hard-excrement-eating- woman am I Kor.
47.4*
tigi'lnu-nafw-iy-um snowshoe-strings-eating- woman am I Kor. 47.4
(c) Verbs with incorporated noun expressing instrumentality.
Qtti-kipe'wa by striking with a stick 48.10
ni-ke r g-tegiliniiku' qinet groping about with the palms 73.26
gamoLetino'laat they are covered with blood 91.27
Koryak:
| dihnmilula'tikm he licked with the tongue Kor. 56.3
118. Composition of Verbal Stems
Compounds consisting of two verbal stems are quite common. In
all of these the first stem appears as qualifier of the second stem.
te'rgi-pli'tko finished crying 27.11
a! un-re' na-tila' gti with easy flying motion 16.8
nu-waqe-tvaf qenat sitting they were 62.9
qa/mi'pli f tkuk(K.OT. Kam.afwyi-plitfaik) eating finishing (i. e. after
the meal) 33.11 contains the stem of the compound verb
qami-tva TO EAT.
vi'yi-tiui'wunin breathing he drew them in 61.4
Koryak:
ga-mlawa-nka! 'w-len she ceased to dance Kor. 48.6
g-awya! -nTcaw-len he refused to eat Kor. 51.3
gen'aix&at-paa-nvo r -lenat to send them away ceased began they
Kor. 72.2
119. Adverbial Composition
Intransitive verbs are combined with verbal stems in the same
manner as they are with nouns, and then assume adverbial functions.
Stems expressing modality, quality, quantity, appear frequently in
this position. The forms are quite analogous to those treated in
116.3.
ine-teTi-inpi'lkuum thou hast well vanquished me 17.7
qa-tan-yoro-tukwa't-ye arrange the sleeping-room well 58.6
tur-qi'tilin newly frozen 13.7
tur-ure' tilm newly born 21.6
tor-kaleftno' qenat newly adorned ones 29.1
lie-Harau' tile truly wife-seeking 57.1
cfqaf-rkila badly pursued 17.6
tur-ewkwe'tyi* he departed just now
ti-ten-yilqa'ty'tfk (Kor. Kam. ti-mal-yilqaftilc) I slept well
118, 119
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 833
Koryak :
aqaLapTiivo'ykm looks badly Kor. 13.8
ga-aqai'paLen it fitted badly Kor. 34.9
ga-qayihilannivo'len it began to be a little light Kor. 18.1
ga-qa'yi-6ulin he chopped it small Kor. 53.6
tan-afwy envoi he began to eat well Kor. 20.7
ga-mdl-mai'vulen he bit well Kor. 41.4
ga-mal-hinta'wlen he fled well Kor. 41.7
ga-tuyi-kmina't-i-gum I have recently given birth Kor. 64.13
Verbal nouns are treated in the same way.
a'ridhi-tva'rkm (Kor. Kam. a'yitni-tvafylciri) you are lying on the
side
120. Multiple Composition
Compound terms may include more than two elements of the classes
described in the preceding sections.
a?qa lt -lu'mni-ne'us'qat (Kor. Kam. aqa' '-lu'mna-na'wis'q^at} a bad,
lazy woman
taubuwa'-gai'mici-lau'lcinin reindeer -breeder -rich -man R59.4.
tan-e' tbi-ten-poi' gin a good, heavy ice-spear
ti-mei'ni-leu'ti-pigtirkm (Kor. Kam. ti-maini-lau'ti-pi'lctikiri) I
greatly head am aching
qine-ci'in-mi'mli-i'lhi* give me warm water!
idu-wgi-ne'lirlcm heavily breathing he becomes (i. e. he sighs)
nel-ep-rilhi'linin thimble-put-on-finger, the second finger
t-uwd sf qudi-lqar-re'thit I husband-destined for brought to thee
(i. e. I brought you a suitor)
Other examples have been given before.
121. Composition in Kamchadal
The composition of words in Kamchadal is quite similar to that
of Chukchee and Koryak.
Ice'li-yu'nyucx (Chukchee ~keli'li-re w) spotted whale
However, the collected texts show that the use of compounds is
much more restricted. Besides, constructions are found that do not
agree with the synthetic method of Chukchee and Koryak.
ni'mcx'in p!'ib! child being a woman (i. e., daughter)
(Chukchee nee'Jcik, Kor. Kam. naw-a'Jcak woman-child)
In Kamchadal ololaxfn Jcl'sti s n6 SMALL LITTLE HOUSES the adjec-
tive remains an independent word, as is indicated by its being in
the plural form.
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 53 120, 121
834 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
122. Consonantic Shifts
It has been stated before that the consonants I and 6 are closely re-
lated. A comparison of the parallel forms in I and 6 show that the
former sound applies often to generalized terms and continued actions,
while the latter expresses the special term and single momentary
action. This explanation applies well enough in some of the follow-
ing examples, but not by any means in all of them.
It would seem as though this process were no longer free. Still, a
few times I heard the change introduced as though it were still
functional:
palomts'lirkin &ndpa6omtE f lirlcin he listened
The following examples will illustrate the differences in meaning of
the parallel forms:
leivUj eivu TO WALK
/ forms:
ga'mga-notai'pu mlei' vuqinet they' traveled through every country
17.'9
gamga-vairge'pijb mlei'vuqin he traveled to eveiy being 18.5
nute's'qtik pagtalkoi'pu nilei'vugin he traveled through the clefts
of the ground 22.6
yei'velqdi Icu'lika ralai'vmnoi an orphan child shall (from now on)
travel alone 24.10
Jceimi'tild lei'vuJc ra? nutqaiti ge'ild to traveling shaman small
things must be given 25.9
gumna'n atta'ta lei'wukin mi'ilhir ' give you the means of trav-
eling secretly 93.4
atda'ta qdlei'wui walk about in secret! 93.5
notai'pu lei'wulit lif'ninet he saw them walking about in the coun-
try 113.11
ia'm mlei'vutku-i-gir why don't thou wander about (all the time)?
8T.18
6 forms:
lautitkma! ta ei'wutkui e he walked (for a little while) on the heads
8.6
Icita'm ?m6ei'vutlciM lc let me go 79.27; 80.10
qla'ul pulci'rgi* teivuikulm a man arrived walking 86.26
irga'tilc ebei'vutkuka mi'tyafk tomorrow not walking let me be !,
i. e., tomorrow I shall not go 87.9
ne'me 6ei'vutlcui e again he went 87.25; 88.1
ndme vei' vutkurkm again he was going (for a short while and
once only) 88.7
122
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 835
luwi (initial), Ivi (medial); 6uwi (initial), 6vi (medial) TO CUT
I forms:
geleu'tilvilin the head was cut off 86.7
6 forms:
nebvitkui'vuafn they cut it off 27.3
nine'cviqin, nine'nuqin he cut it and ate it 43.10 (see also 72.18)
niMtkurkin r<fw he was cutting the whale (when the other
arrived 46.10)
lela'lhitliin gecvi'lin he cut the eye 106.19
ginone'ti buwi'nin he cut it in the middle 109.33
Icile (initial), rkile (medial); Jcid (initial), rlcide (medial) TO FOLLOW
cfqa'-rkila difficult to be pursued 17.6
kileu' milva'wkwafn I should not be able to follow 17.5
Icila'wke* she followed 31.2 (here a single act)
~kde'nin he gave pursuit to him 57.8
6 form:
Tci6au6a'ty& he ran off quickly 57.5
Tcipl (initial), rkipl (medial); Jcipd (initial), rkipc, (medial) TO STRIKE
I forms:
Tci'plmen um leu'tik he struck it on the head (as he was accustomed
to do) 110.26
ga'rkiplilen he struck her (until she let go) 31.4
d forms:
s'nikit Icipci' tk&nen suddenly he struck it 35.11
nineninnuteuf gin otti-lcipce'wa he makes it swollen by striking
with sticks 48.10
rienarkiptev! qin he gave it a push 53.5
lilep (initial), Lep (medial); titep (initial), tep (medial)
I forms:
lile'pgi* she looked up 7.6; 79.11; see also 107.14
q&Le'pgi* look up! 79.11; see also 107.14
Lite 1 'purJcrnlhe, looks on
6 form:
cite'pgi* they looked about 86.22
ritite'urkin he inspects
talaiwu, tadaiwu to strike
nitalai' wuqen they strike him 59. 7
natacai'wuan they struck him once 59.5
plii pci to finish
uwi'lc pli'tkurkin his body becomes ready
tuwi'lt-i-ph' tkurkin I become ready-bodies, i. e., grown up
122
836 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
-Iqiu verbal suffix expressing requested action; -s'qiu verbal suffix
expressing single action
I form:
nitule'lqiuqinet they would come to steal 13.4:
6 () forms:
ganto's'qeulen he rushed out 57.11
qaniggeus'qi'wkuiki go and wake them up at once 56.3
-liJcu AMONG A NUMBER; -diTcu INSIDE
I form:
utti'liku among the trees
forms:
ple'Jcitilcu in a boot 43.4
wu8'qti, f m&iku in the darkness 34.5
-qal, -gad by the side of
ragro'lminqal from the rear side of the house 51.10
ginilcqa'c by thy side 9.3
-Iqan, -s'qdn TOP 1
I form:
Icoivi'lqan top of glacier 91.16
6 form:
gi'this'qdn surface of lake 144.3
nute' s'qdn surface of ground 98.24
mel-, met LIKE TO
I form:
m-el-uwd f qu6 it seems my husband 49.9
6 forms:
med-cP'qalpe somewhat quick 45.10
ma6-eto'pel somewhat a little better 135.7
A number of nouns show generally the I forms, but have in cases
when parts of the object or special forms of the object are named
6 forms.
ye'litfun tongue 40.10 yeci'tkibhm tip of tongue 40.4
n'lhin fingers ribfii'tkin finger-tips
(qlik) man qadjftr 'cheta the man trans-
formed (similar to a man) 2
u'nel thongseal uneci'thm thong of thongseal
skin 102.13, 30
meinil seal memide'dhin thong of seal skin
134.31
See also -Iqdn ABOUNDING IN (104.39).
* See Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. VII, p. 449.
122
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 837
blood gamo&e'pilen full of dried blood
68.2
Also:
tsl sick ts'dirgrn disease 133.7
Itf'ls winter ttf'tE cold
To this group may be added, as also differing in regard to the spe-
cific character of the term:
lu st rkin he sees M-tu'mgin or luf-tu'rngin old
acquaintance ( = seeing com-
panion)
Ule'lhin mitten de-mingi 'LIUIH glove ( = mitten
hand)
li'glig egg hg-i'-ttrm egg-shell ( = egg-
bone)
velo'lJi^n ear vilu'-ttnn or vi&u'-ttim auricu-
lar bone
vilu'ptirkin he marks the ear emcu'ptiki (reindeer) without
(of the reindeer) ear-mark
Attention may also be called to the relation between the nominal
endings -&7nn and -Ihin, which have been treated in 52, 53, and which
may also be considered from this point of view, -Ihm being used in
nouns with indefinite meaning, -6hm in those indicating particular
representation of the class of object.
In other cases the forms in I and d, while related, do not differ in
their more or less specific character, but in other ways:
qulile'erkin he cries qudide'erkm he shouts, makes a
noise
gemle'lin it is broken gem&e'tJculin broken to pieces
umi'lin a lo'net the whole day umi'6i-6o'net or ti,mi'6-a 6o'net
a long time
anqa'li-ra'mkm maritime peo- afiqa'bi-ra'mkm reindeer-breed-
ple ers who come in summer to
the seashore
li'nilin the hearty one, avenger dine'erkm he yearns for some-
(from li'nlin heart, linile'er- thing
kin he avenges)
123-124. Numerals
123. Introductory Remarks
The system of numbers is derived from manual concepts. Even
the expression TO COUNT really means TO FINGER (Chukchee ri'lhirkm,
Kor. Kara, yilne'lcin^ RECOUNTS [from stem nlh-, Kor. Kam. yiln, FIN-
123
838
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
Chukchee
mi' Linen
am-niro' otken
mmgi'tken
mmgi'tden ten
Icilhi'nken
fifteen
BELONG- qll~k
ING TO A MAN
twenty
GER] ). In a number of cases the relations between the numerals and
manual concepts can easily be given.
Kor. Kam. From stem
mi'Linen five ming HAND (con-
tracted from the
absolute form
mingi'Liniri)
eight am-niro'lcen JUST
THE THIRD (i. e.,
of the second
hand)
qon'a'binken qonya'acmin nine qon-ya'aci (Kor.
Kam. qon-ya'waci
probably ONE BE-
HIND i. e., one fin-
ger left over)
BELONGING TO THE
HANDS, refers evi-
dently to the com-
pletion of the
count on two
hands
may be derived
from stem gitka'lh
FOOT, referring to
the five toes of
the first foot,
added to the ten
fingers
a man, refers to all
the fingers and
toes. The form
qlik is obsolete in
both languages.
Larger numbers are composed with qli'lckin or with the ordinary
modern word qla'ul (Kor. Kam. qla'wul) MAN.
The term qlig-qli'lckit or qli'lckin qla'ul FOUR HUNDRED is the high-
est term of the older Chukchee numeration. Every number higher
than four hundred is called giyeu' -te' gin LIMIT OF KNOWLEDGE. In
modern times this term, under Russian influence, has been applied
to express the idea of ONE THOUSAND. This recalls the old Russian
term for TEN THOUSAND TMa (Greek /#^otf), which literally signifies
DARKNESS.
123
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 839
in Chukchee, 11, 12, 13, etc., contain the particle pa'rol (also pro-
nounced pa' rod) BESIDES. This element, however, may be omitted.
It is not used in Koryak. The numbers 9, 14, 19, 99, are negative
verbal forms containing the negative prefix and suffix e Tc&lin (see
114, 4).
anting i tkau'Tc&len not being the tenth
akilhinkau'lc&Un not being the fifteenth, etc.
When used as nouns, all numerals may take post-positions. When
numerals stand with nouns with post-positions, they form compounds
with the nouns for which the stems without affixes are used.
mingit-'kale'tela ta6ifli-pli'tJcQa k I pay my debt with ten rubles
paper money (mingit ten; Tcale'tol scratched one; -a instru-
mental; t- I; a6in debt; plitko to finish)
Numerals are also compounded with personal pronouns.
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
nire-mu'ri ni'ye-mu'yi we two
niro'-rnqre niyo'-mu'yu we three
ni're-tu'ri ni'ye-tu'yi ye two
nire'rgeri niye'thei'ti they two
Numeral adverbs are formed with the suffix, -6e, -6a (Kor. Kam. -6a)
(see 112, 81), from the stems of the cardinal numbers, except qune'ta
ONCE (Kor. qu'n'at Kor. 53.2), which is derived from gun SINGLE.
fifra'da giwi'Jdnek on passing the year a fourth time 12.8
Distributives are formed with the suffix -yut; (Kor. Kam. -yut
[dusL\],-yu'wgi [pi.], see 112, 80), from the stems of the cardinal
numbers. In Chukchee they have also the prefix em- JUST ( 113, 7).
Ordinals are expressed by the verbalized numerals, except ONE.
nireqe'urkin (Kor. Kam. niyeqi'wikm) he is double, he is the
second
Collective forms are derived from the numerals with the suffix,
-nlen (Kor. Kam. -Ian) (see 124, p. 841).
The Kamchadal numerals have almost been lost, and their place
has been taken by Russian numerals. Only the first four numer-
als are still in use, side by side with their Russian equivalents.
The word lune'jin HE COUNTS is also derived from the stem lux
FINGER (absolute form luxltixt).
123
840
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Numerals Cardinal Iterative
1 Tconi'n gun
2 Tcasx, Ica'cix ntel
3 dole tol
4 6aJc tal
Ica'cix ~kcxo*n two dogs
Tca'cxcfn li e l two mittens
6o'lca e n Jccxo e n three dogs
Kamchadal qun may be compared with Kor.
Kamchadal dole may be compared with Kor.
Kamchadal dak may be compared with Kor.
(perhaps from an older form nida'x)
Ordinal
nte'lnin
to'lafia
ta'lana
Kam. gun SINGLE.
Kam. niyo'x THREE.
Paren niya'x FOUR.
124=. Cardinal Nunibers and Other Derivatives
Chukchee Koryak Kamenskoye
1 Enne'n', Enne' - Enna'n
n'6e n
2 ni'rdq ni'yax
3 nlro'q niyo'x
4 nlra'q nafyax
5 mi' 'Linen mi'Linen
6 Enna'n mi' Linen Enna'n -mi' Linen
7 nera' -mi' Linen na r a-mi' Linen
8 am-niro' 'otken nlyo' -mi' Linen
qon'a'dmJcen
amingitka u'Tc & - qonyd ahnm
len
10 mingi'tken mmgi'tden
11 mingi'tilc En- mmgi' tile Enna'n
ne'n' pa'rol
12 mingi'tik ni'ra mingi'tilc ni'yax
pa'rol
13 mingi'tik nlro' mingi'tik niyo'x
pa'rol
I mingi'tik nira'
^\ mmgi'tikna'yax
akMinJcaulcE-
len
15 Icdhi'nlcen mingi'tilc mi f Linm
124
Korj'ak Paren
Enne'n'
ni'dax
niyo'x
niya'x
mi'Linen
mingi'tken
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
841
mmgi'tik qonya'ahnm
Chukchee. Koryak Kamenskoye.
16 ~kilhi' nikEnne' n' mingi'tik Enna'n mi'-
pa'rol Linen
Jcilhi'mTc nlra'
19 pa'rol
eHkkeu'TcSlin
20 gli'ldcin
21 qli'lckik snne'n"
pa'rol
30 qli'lckig mingi'- iqli'lcilt mingi't6en
tJcen pa'rol \niyo' x mi'ngitu
40 ni'rdqj-gli'Tckin
50 ni'raq-q li'lclci g
mingj' t~ken
pa'rol
60 niro' q-qle'liken
80 nira'q-qle'Tcken
99 amiLiftqlelclcau' -
100 miLinqle'Tcken
ni'yax qli'lcit
na'yax mi'ngitu
ni'yax qli'Tcit e'n'lci
mingi'tten
mi' Linen mi'ngitu
niyo'x qli'Tcu
Enna'n miLinen mi'n-
gitu
Ha'yax qli'lcu
mi' Linen mi'n-
gitu
(miLinen qli'Tcu
[mingi'tden mi'ngitu
200 mmgitqle'lcken mingi'tten qli'lcu
400 qlig-qli'Tckm qlik-qli'Jcu
Numerals are verbalized by the suffix -eu (Kor. Kam. -aw, -(i)w).
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
nireqe'urkin niyeqi'wikm he is double, he is the
second
Itfroqa'urkin niyoqa'wekin he is threefold, he is
the third
-rilen (Kor. Kam. -latt) with numerals form collective terms.
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
snne'nlen Enna'nlan a single one
nire'nlen niya'qlan two together
nlrg'nlan niyo'qlan three together
nlra'nlan naya'qlan four together
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842 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
125-131. Adverbs.
125. MODAL ADVERBS.
Modal adverbs are formed by means of the inclusive affix
n(i)-eu, (Kor. Kam. n(i)-au) (see p. 810.) These forms are parallel
to the adjective form n(i)-gin (see 49).
nime'leu well (Kor. Kam. nima'lau) stem Gh.mel (Kor. Kam ma?)
nime'leu qatva'e be kind (to us) ! a common form of prayer.
mmei'neu ga'tvulen tf'ttin he made a great promise, a dog 101.21
nu'rrikeu Tii'wkiw ni'nelqin the nights passed (there) became
many 108.8 (ki'wkiw is sing.; nti'mJceu adverb).
These forms however are not used very frequently, especially in
Koryak. In most cases they are replaced by adverbial composition
(see 119, p. 832).
Kamchadal -q designates adverbs.
omq deeply (adjective o'mlax deep)
me'daq far (adjective me'talax distant)
Tcli'jhiq shallowly (adjective Idi'jhilax shallow)
NOTE. I have found a few forms in Kamchadal which corre-
spond to Koryak forms:
n'mi'ta (Kor. Kam. rfmi'tau) warily (adjective rfmi'tqiri)
nu'ra s far.
Other adverbs of modality are derived from verbal stems in an
irregular manner.
a'tqeuma (Kor. Kam. attiftau regular) badly R 62.72 (stem a e qd,
Kor. Kam. a qa] adjective form e'tgin, Kor. Kam. a'tdin)
me'dEn'lci (med<md good; sn'Tci there) well 67.22
me'6En'Jcu-wa'l-e-um I am a fairly good one 114.34. Here met
does not assume ablaut (see p. 763)
me'rinfe slowly (stem-nr; adjective form ni'nfdqin slow)
A number of synthetical bases are used as adverbs, either without
any change or mostly with added -i,-qi,-akr,-eti which are locative and
and allative suffixes (see 95). The same bases are used also with
va'lm (Kor. Kam. i'tala n), (see 76).
As adverbs they always have the ablaut, those without suffix as
as well as those with the suffix -i,-qi, although the locative generally
is used without ablaut.
Adverbs without suffixes are
o'ra openly 121.30; stem ure (Kor. Kam. o'yafl) (see p. 862.)
oma'Tca (Kor. Kam. oma'Jca Kor. 61.2) together; stem umeke
125
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 843
ye'ta in readiness 105.20, slowly 64.17 stem yiU
a'lva (Kor. Kam. a'lvan) wrongly, go away! Kor. 37.5 stem ej,v$
(Kor. Kam. alva)
With suffix -&/, -qi
te'Tci of cylindrical form; stem tik.
Icoulo'qi (Kor. Kam. Ico'lon) round; stem Jcuwl.
a'rlcidi (Kor. Kam. aylcida) aslant, stem arlcit (Kor. Kam. aylcit)
a'rkici qata'e (Kor. Kam. ay'lcita qata'wan) more aslant!
ve'ti truly 120.24 (ve'te 107.8); stem vefh
ve'tire straight (irregular) ; stem vetli (adjective form nuwe'fhaqeri)
ge'me without my knowledge; ge'mu 103.5 (Kor. Kam. a'mu
Kor. 55.3). This form is designative; stem -(t}Jiem not to
know.
rathema'un without my knowledge 11.9. The affix re eu is
causative.
gewe'ti without my knowledge 120.37; stem -(t)7iiu not to know;
allative.
pulhirra'lci flatly; stem p^lJiirri
apaqa'Li(n) (Kor. Kam. apaqa'di) face downward; stem apaqau.
pi'tvi, pitva'Tci double; stem pfiv
e'mpu(n), empa'lci downcast; stem imp
ti'mla, timla'lci close to; stem tpnl
yi'6Jii(n), yidha'Jci uninterrupted, stem yidh
and several others.
Those with the suffix -eti, -gti express a diminished intensity of
the adverbial term:
deute'ti somewhat low; stem 6iut
qaLe'gti somewhat lazy; stem qdLi
yerge'ti somewhat foolish; stem yurg 1
qewregti somewhat hasty; stem qiwri
tane'ti somewhat better; stem ten
All these forms combined with -va'lin (Kor. Kam i'talari) are com-
monly used to express the absolute form of the adjective.
In Chukchee some of these adverbs may form with the prefix
ti'nhi quite ( 113, 4) a kind of superlative.
tiflk-a 1 'tqeuma quite badly
tink-d > 'qalpe with great hurry
tinki-me 1 'rinfe quite slowly
1 See also yorpitu-wa'lidhin a foolish one 65.3.
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Some others may form diminutives, as
Iciikinn'u' 'qtii very little 118.6
qaiaqan' e r qai a trifle more 106.6.
6i'm6eqai very near 100.15
vi'n'VEqfti very cautiously 106.16.
126. LOCATIVE ADVERBS.
For demonstrative adverbs see 57.
Chukchce.
Koryak Kam.
ii'mdE 103.9 near
tei'mik
ya'a 113 20 far.
ya'wdk
ya'al, ya'aci 119.29 in the rear . ...
ya'wal
atto'ol in the front, earlier; atto'oda 8.7 in the front, down the coast
atta"yol Kor. 39.7
girgo'l 68 35' girgo'gta 123.7 above
gicho'l, giSho'id
iu'til below .
i'wtil
t'uca-Sudai'pu from below 131 5
mra' on the right hand
mya'
fid'SBn'ki, na(h)-e'n'ki; stem ftach, on the left side . . .
nd'dnin-qaC, nalne'ti; stem
ro'isn'ki 52,11; stem roh l ,on the other shore
fidcn
yocne'ti; stem yoft
lia'rgin' stem fia'Tgin outside
na's'hin Kor. 64.8
o'nmi inside .
aninka'ciku Kor. 60.9
onmixkoi'pu from within 59.9
e'mi where (is it) 81.16
&'a,2'!!aq near the surface
'6a nitva'nat if they had remained on the surface 68.27
Td'ndu straight ahead
(K. K. yd'ndu, Kamchadal
I 'inla close by
MM)
(K. K. ti'mld, Kamchadal
fia'fliil on both sides on all sides 129 24
ti'tndl)
gd'lftil Kor. 58.2
rima'gti farther on, beyond .
yimai'ti
a' child side by side
d'cftitd
em-nu'ftki inland 112.6 .. .
dm-nunik
wti'rn on the back
wu'sslH Kor. 30.3
yo,' and in the presence
Tidgnnu'ki (ri-ydgnd-u-ki' TI u causative) opposite to 100.28
TtdTnle'li around
am-ligd'nli back to back
ye'tir half-way 109 1
Tinere' askance
wolva'ki across; stem wulv ..
mal-volve'ti, volva'kl
lulttt'li lengthwise
eu'letlfi
fe'de along. . . . .
qd'i, qa'fa close to (see 100.26)
di'gipH windward 111.10 (cig odor coming with the wind; -pu ablative)..
Most of these may form compounds with nominal and verbal
stems, or with the locative of the noun.
i The form rodht'ti to the other shore 30.11 suggests a nominal stem.
U26
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
845
nuwolvenana'tvaqen across sitting was carried 145.3 (n(u) gin
nominalizing prefix; wulv across; inefte to sit on a sledge; tva
to be)
gumugga' gna, in my presence
'eulete'l-va'lin of elongated shape 91.15
ya'rau-lilia'nlinqa^-va'lin to the houses from the other side
being 11.7
te'rki-irgo'l at sunrise 104.16
va'am-girgogcafgti up river 119.14
kamle'li -ya'rak around the tent 104.20
yoro'wti Icamle'li sleeping room all around 12.10 (yoro'wti al-
lative)
ve'emilc va'e s qa'ta he lived close to the river 122.8
Nota'rmenqata close to Nota'rmen 121.10
127. Temporal Adverbs.
Kor. Kam.
ti'ta Kor. 27.7
i Kor. 39.2
Ute
Chukchee
ti'te
E r n'~ki
En'fiite'q
lu'mna 19.1 gu'mlan Kor. 84.11 te'nax
pi'ika-lumna
Kamchadal
, nur
ya'not
ye'ppe
ya'net 43.9
yep
te'le 7.1
telenye'p 112.20 ankiyep
tite'ep titoo'n
gi'nmil 83.19
gmmiye'p
.1; 36.9 a'thi Kor. 30.9 n*n
CMVE ai'give Kor. 78.26 a'din&k
(aivsn-yep)
aigo'on
aigoond'a'p
(gigoon-yep)
irga'tik
Icitu'r
Icituje'p
(kitur-yep)
qlank
miti'w'K.OT.21.8
vo'tm-ai'nun i'xiltu
when
then
of late
again
double again, i.e.
the third time
at first
still
in olden times
long ago
from what time
on, after a long
time Kor. 57.5
recently
from recent time
on
now, at present
yesterday
from yesterday
on
lately
from late times
on
to-morrow
last year
from last year on
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Chuckchee
Tcitur-no'on
yawn'nak
pe'Le 20.2
pi'fka-yawnak
tit!7.6
pa'nena 54.9
K or. Kam.
yawyin
pa nena
Kor. 15.6
quli'ninek
aielc 118.20
na'nsnqad
qole-t-aflo'
aivE na'nen
gad
imi dido 'net
a'mlcini6on2.S
(e'mkin every)
60 probably
analogous
to de nu-
meral ad-
verbial ;
a suffix)
quli'nikak
va e yuk Kor.
21.3 vtf'ak
Kor. 56.5
qole'-alo'
aigiv-ai'gi-
vedna
a'mnud, Kor.
53.1,a f wun
a'mnut Kor.
54.5
ai'num Kor.
61.1
a'mliin
gull' -fhi' wile
tiq-etuwa'Jc 44.4
wuf'fku
127
yu'laq Kor.
16.2; 64.10
wu s 'ttu Kor.
31.2; 41.2;
47.9; 80.2
wo*'tvan Kor.
96.8
Kamchadal
tal'a'nanTc
Jcondpol
many a year ago
next year
soon
the year after
next
before this
another time
early
afterwards
Iday after to-mor-
J row
day before yes-
terday
always
all the time
long ago
Kor.
after that
II
in future years
all at once
(tiq see
113.13)
for a long time
just then
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHTJKCHEE 847
Chuckchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal
un 'iku itu e 'pil after a while (see
1 eto'pelCh.)
akila s '6 Kor. just now
27.4; 28.3
akiltf't Kor.
27.5
ve'tha-qo'nom just now
Kor. 56.10
pice' Kor. 14.11 for a while
qo La Kor .70.14 aftera while
qu'lin Kor. 60.2 afterwards
nmvo'q Kor. 13.5 - many a time
A number of these are adverbial phrases:
quli'ninek at something else (from quli some, ni'Tcek see p. 731).
qole-t-a s lo r another day
imi dido' net all days
irga'<iJc on to-morrow, etc.
Other adverbial terms are derived by means of post-positions from
the forms here given.
irgate'ti towards to-morrow
irga'thupu from to-morrow
Others, like lumfia AGAIN, yanet AT FIRST, do not take post-positions.
Seasons of the year, sections of the day and night are expressed
Tby the locative
wulqatvi'k in the evening time 120.3 (wu'lq darkness -tvi to at-
tain a certain quality 110, 68)
la le r nki in the winter 51.1 (stem laflen)
irgiro'lc at dawn (pry dawn; -ru: phenomena of nature (110, 71)
Following are some examples of their use.
yep still
yep wu'lcwu y a' rani na'qam but the tent was still stone 107.11
yep irgiro'Tca while (the day) was not yet dawning 56.8
mi'rikri re'lqu va'ma yep while he is still in the inner room 135.15
telen-ye'p in olden times 61.5
telen-ye'pkin belonging to olden times 61.5
yep e'thi not yet
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848 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
yl'nmllkin lately
e'nmen lu'ur- gi'nmilkin ro'o then there was the one who had
lately been eaten 35.9
me'mslqai gi'nmilkin sni'n timyo' yarro'nen the seal he had lately
killed, he put in his bosom 43.8
gi'nmilkin lo s 'o the one recently seen 104.8-
pe'nin(e) as before
pe'nin nima'yEnqanadhm of large size as before 20,5
pe'nin sni'n i'gitkin lu s 'lqdl it was his face as before 77.14
pe'nin tautawa'tilin as before he barked 104.13
peninei'-git lei'wul-i-git from olden times on thou art travelling
133.12*
pa'nena releulewe'urkm will you as before do wrong? 20.12-21.1
pa'nena nilcitima'tqen he was as before extending his hands 47.8
qdn've'r e'nmen irga'tilc pa'nena wulqdtvi'i* at this time then in
the morning it became as before dark 54.9
go'onqan panena'gti genlete'td that to the former (place) is carried
133.2
Koryak:
assa'lcin pa'nin gayo 'olen the one of the other day (who)
before had found him Kor. 52.6
pa'nena . . . ga'npilen another time he stuffed it in Kor. 15.6
qa'wun pani'ta mi'kinak nayamata'ge though some time thou
wilt marry some one Kor. 78.17
pa'ninau vaca'pgicnu . . . the scars of former times Kcr. 86.1
Cit FORMERLY
a'7nsn dit gumu'w-ci'mguta a s qa'-rJcila gene'l-4-um before this, in
my own mind, I have become one who can hardly be pursued
17.6
snqa'n ui'na cit ene'nkdlin that one formerly had no spirits 60.1
cit vai Ice'lE Ecdaka'ta mlei'wuqin formerly there ke'lE wandered
outside 61.6
qailo'qum dit Icime'k me' ' csn'lcu-wa'l-eum in truth formerly I was
a fairly good one 114.34
dit tim wuikekinei'-giim formerly I belonged to this place 97.10
guiwele'm'n dit one who had formerly had evil charms 50.11
cit mitu'ren'mik eLi ge'nu ni'rd-mu'ri before we were born to
father, we two R44.2-3
The following example seems to refer to the future :
dit ELigiqai' gupu ta'a s t e f un ui'na after some time they passed by
the father's place and (there was) nothing 109.34-35
tele in olden times
te'le e'nmen . . . ndqdlidi'tqinet in olden times, then they were
at war 7.1
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEB 849
pe'Le soon
naqa'm pe'Le numqitvi'qin but soon it decreased in size 20.2
pe'Le neu 'ttm topa'wkwe* soon the bitch was 104.7
a'chi va'n this time
acJii va'n qo'npu mala'ti this time it grew much better Kor.
20.5-6
e'clii-van ti'nmm this time I killed her (Lesna) Kor. 97.13
athi va'n qaye'm this time not Kor. 54.3 (see also Kor. 20.5;
54.3)
a'chi just now (i. e. before a little while)
a'dhi ni'w-i-gi qanga'tiyJcin now you said, "it burns" Kor 30.9
adhi'kin nenenaye'ye-ge? wert thou looking for it just now?
Kor. 49.8-9
adhiki'du-ai'ftaka now do not cry! Kor. 60.7
See also Kor. 68.13
128. Miscellaneous Adverbs and Conjunctions, Chukchee.
On the following pages I give a list of adverbs and conjunctions
without attempting to differentiate between the two groups. The
meaning of many of the adverbail or connective particles is so un-
certain that a division seems hardly possible. Many of them have
such nice shades of meaning that they can not be rendered ade-
quately in English.
The use of such particles is much more extended in Chukchee
than in Koryak. In Kamchadal most of the particles, particularly
most conjunctions have been lost and replaced by Russian loan-
words.
The particles occur frequently in groups as will be seen for in-
stance in the use of urn, ELO'H, a'msn, etc. Some are always post-
positional and tend to unite phonetically with the word they modify
(see examples under um)
, Im, -m an emphatic adverb. It is always postpositional
and seems to emphasize the word to which it is attached
Following nouns:
snfa'q ne'us'qdt um . . . ganra' gtaLen then the woman . . .
took it home 28.5-6
penyo'lhm um rilete'tyi* the hearth blazed up 32.3
wu'rgirgin um vai ge'pkiLin the noise reached there 32.13
inpina'cJiin um ELI' gin gene' wand the old father and his wife 33.9
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 2-12 54 128
850 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Enqa'n E'n'ki erre'6 ne'us'qat, . . . qora'Jc um uwa 'qud there was
only she the woman, . . . with the reindeer (was) the hus-
band 51.9-10
uwa 'qu6itd um by the husband 39.6
yorou'ti um to the sleeping room 39.10
Following pronouns :
wo'tqan um vai this one here 45.12
snqa'n um vi'n'vi te'rgilin this one who was weeping secretly 49.1
gumna'n um I 137.1
Following verbs:
teqe'lignin um a' mi she made a cap too 28.8
ye'tti-m vai she came there 29.13
qapleta't um qpra'ni the reindeer fell down 51.6
guq, gemi's'qalin urn, ci'ni it is deep! 53.1
minpela'a n um let us leave it 53.1
The emphatic um appears frequently in combination with other
particles. Examples of these will be found on the following pages.
I 'ml also, furthermore,
i 'mi am-viye'irgd gi'lhin naranauno'nin furthermore, by only
breathing on the skin, he shall be cured 24.4-5
i' git i f mi yei'velqdi Jcu'lika ralai'vinnoi furthermore, from now
on an orphan child may travel alone 24.10
imi nounou'lin in e f Le wu'fku eplci'rJcalin g u'nurk not even a
hair here would reach me 93.6
i'gir I'mi Nota's'qa-Va'irgin narataaro'flinonm from now on,
furthermore, the Ground-Beings shall be given sacrifices 25.1-2
Enqa'at gei'lqdLeet i f min they also were sleeping 55.2
ina'n exhortative particle
pu'ru ina'n wo'tqan va'ls ml'ilhir in exchange let me give thee
this knife 15.12 (see also 93.30; 103.31; 104.3)
ina'n am-taaro'na qaUi'gitki no'ta-mla'irgiikon only with sacri-
fices provide the ground-crevices 24.1-2
le'uti-tELe n ina'n nanwa f qea n let the head-sufferer be seated!
45.11
In the following example ina'n appears with the future:
ina'n tre'etya me&-a 'qdlpe I shall come quickly 45.9-10
The following are probably derived from the demonstrative
stem EU-
E'niklt all at once
na'qam E'nikit poi'ga niti'npuqen um but all at once they struck
him with a spear 36.2
128
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 851
In most cases E'nikit appears in coordinate clauses and may be
translated AS SOON AS
e'nmen E'nikit rilu'tku then all at once he moved 16.5
E'nikit uwi'Jc kipci'ik&nen (as soon as) he struck the body (i. e.
himself) 35.11
E'nikit um naramata'git (as soon as) they will take thee 36.9-10
E'nikit gai'mi'cin nigite'd n (as soon as) they looked upon the
wealth 107.16
E'nikit retipe'tya 5 (as soon as) you will be submerged 114.22
E'nikit ne'rgid n ilule'tyi as soon as he was loose he stirred 102.25
E'nikim gite'nin ... as soon as he looked on it 23.9
Enna'nl in like manner
Enra'q then (see under e'nmen)
Enqana'ta therefore (instrumental of Enqa'n, BY THAT)
Enqana'ta s'nqu tilgi'rkmet therefore I gave them up R46.39
Enqana'ta no'c-e-um gene'l-i-um therefore I become poor R45.28
gano'twey-gum Enqana'ta qo'n'pu therefore I became quite poor
R45.28 "
Enqana'ta ilva'-neta'gti titegge'nirkin therefore I wish for the
wild reindeer country R46.52
Lnqana'ta caucuwa'^ra'mkidha a s 'ttm niggi'pqin therefore the
reindeer breeding people keep dogs R53.31
En*ke'mlr, Ervqe'mlr, En'ke'mir e'ur moreover (see also
acJie'mira)
sn'qe'mir e'ur a s qa'-ra'mkibhin ya 'rat moreover, they are very
bad people R, 53.20-21
En*qam then (see under e'nmen)
En*nata'l THIS TIME.
En'nata'l um li'iti'lhi-gir from now on I shall know thee 93.21
sn'nata'l snqa'n ru'nin this time she ate 90.6
sn'nata'l anqanqacagti . . . n'ntminet this time she threw them
seaward 49.6
sn'nata'l Icirvete'ru qinetei'lcitik from now on jostle me! (literally
with elbow jostling do me) 61.3
En-nata'l um revi 'ntiJc this time (if you do so) you will die 64.19
sn'nata'l um qalheqami'tvatilc of that you may eat your fill 65.31
sn'nata'l um qa's'qdce'wkwi* this time he did it in earnest 83.20
sn'nata'l um lu-ora'weLan this time they were real people 84.29
En'nata'l um i'ppe gina'n i'me ra 'nut em-ginfi'td nine'nti-git
this time evidently you for everything lie in ambush 93.20
En'nata'l um na'nmirkin-e-git this time he will kill you 114.32
'l snqa'n erretteqin this time it is ended R4.50
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852 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
'nkri gratis
En'fti'n' thus
mgnopitva'qen En'ni'n' in'hlcu he remained crouching thus in
his coat 7.4
sn'ni'n' urn nan nipiu'riqin thus that one plunged along 8.11-12
qagno'pge* . . . sn'ni'n' crouch down thus 32.4
e'ie sn'ni'n' va'la inenu'kali-muri not of [thus being] such we
eat 34.9-35.1
Also 9.4; 15.4; 90.1, 10; 94.1; 95.34; 105.17
En-ftu thus
E'n'nu-wa'l-e-git such a one art thou 70.25
sn'nu-wa'li-to're such are you 106.28
E'n'ftot thus
ni'wkw&n s'n'not they spoke thus 78.4
ti'wJcwd Jc E'nflot I say thus 15.8
ELO'n emphatic particle
gik ELo'n oh! 10.1
ELO'U ginni'lcu ne'ly&t now they became (our) game 12.2
gilc, e'nmen nipe'a t. ELO'U re'mkin tumge'wkwi* oh, they landed.
Now the people became friendly 14.1
ELo'n En'nu'-wa'le-git such a one art thou 21.11
ELO'U mirn'wkut-'hit let us bind thee 23.8
ia'm ELo'n ten'ne'urkin why doest thou laugh? 30.3
ELo'n nara'nmugit they will kill thee 37.10
ELo'n vai tiyi'lirkm-i^git this one I give thee 104.1
ELo'n gina'n ELO'U Piti'yn4-git thou art Rheum 103.21
i'git um ELo'n but now! 123.18
Here belongs also
e'miLon somewhere 97.23; 121.1 (<emi-ELo'ri)
e'miLonai'nm (augmentative of e'miLori) 43.6
awe'tuwaq suddenly, at once
awe'tuwaq ewkwe'tyi* suddenly he left R 13.27
yilg-awe'tuwaq naus'qati'ynm orgu'tkini Jcenema'nnen at once
he tied the girl to the sledge R 13.23
a'm,En fym ELo'n expresses displeasure, somewhat like German
a aber doch" without disjunctive meaning.
gik, Gb'mEn um ELO'U notas'qa'wlcwe* Oh, the land is near 8.8
("aber das Land ist doch nahe")
guq, cb'mEnum ELo'n h'mquk pela'arkin oh, some are leaving 8.9.
guq, a'msn Urn ELO'U . . . re'mkin qdinunre'lqid oh, the people
will come 10.3-4
yuq, a'mEn um ELO'U miniwkurhin-i'-git let us tie thee 20.9;
see also 23.13
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 853
um ELo'n e 'tqi nintewimin'ge't-i-um I was badly tortured
.by them 21.9
ci'msn tim ELO'H Nota's'qa-Va'irga ini'wkwi* I am told by the
Ground-Beings 23.11-12
guq, ELo'n urn a'mEn ga'mga-vairge'pu timete' wkwa ~k among
all beings I could not do it 18.9
ELo'n um a'mEn, wotqanai'nin ELO'U garaqecha' Len that big one,
what has the bad one done! 31.9
amsn um ELO'U wot uwd f qucitd ai'mak em e f lu getei'lcilin this
husband made the whole carcass into excrement 81.11
a'mEn um ELo'n ne'us'qdt-i-gir so you are the woman 136.15
mEn seems to introduce an unexpected event AND THEN UNEX-
PECTEDLY or to introduce an entirely new idea, to which emphasis
is given 40.4; 41.12.
a'msn urn e'nmen pen yo'l hin nuurgirge'tqin and then unexpectedly
the hearth made a noise 32.8
e'nmen um uwa'quc qlaful a'mEn um nitvetca'qen wulh-e' raqaia
a'mEn um vai li'i-ten-eviralin then the man, the husband, was
standing there unexpectedly with a little thin fur shirt, unex-
pectedly really well clothed 33.2
also 24.1; 29.11; 33.11; 39.3, 4, 5; 38.9, 11; 81.1; 88.8
am, a'msn oh! (another idea) 56.8
, a'mEn-! 58.7
a'mEn-um 8.10; 9.5; 13.10; 9.13; 39.3; 58.5; 65.20; 77.29; 80.25;
89.9; 93.31; 99.1; 101.2
a'minam (= amEn-um 15.10)
um not! such a one 98.33
um ELo'n 8.8, 9; 10.3; 39.1, 13; 41.6; 64.1; 81.11; ELo'n
um a'mEn 31.9 (see under ELO'U) it should not be expected, but
a'mEn um qare'm 16.9; a'mEn garem but I will not! 16.1
a'msn um naqa'm 39.4; na'qam a'mEn 63.11; however
venli'i um a'mEn 40. 7
a' ml
tepe'lignin um a' mi she made a cap too 28.8
nananaqa' gciflin um a'mi geggeu'lin the little child awoke 55.3
telenye'p um a' mi long ago 61.5-6
Icirga'm um a' mi . . . well (if you had found him) 121.4
a'ni an emphatic particle ( ?)
e'nmen a'ni qanu'r qun nute's'qan then certainly just like ground
8.6
e'nmen a'ni gilu'tkulin then she practised shamanism 39.7 (see
also 39.8, 9; 40.4; 102.15; 104.35; 105.2, 15; 109.32)
gecenite'Lin um a'ni she was startled 29.6-7
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854 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
genpeu'lin um a'm he became quite decrepit 107.26
a f ni,geiliik<ri f vulin u'klcam so they distributed vessels 14.1 .
a'ni,gilu'tkulin he beat the drum 107.9
a'ni,getipeine'lin he continued to sing 102.17
a'm a'ttau for no particular object 30.4
a'm qu'num,qanto'e s oh, look here! come out! 81.27
atau' without purpose; for no particular reason; it does not matter
atau', li'en re'qarJein (you went to no purpose) what is the matter
with thee? 18.6
atau' , le 'nvo (to no purpose, only) in order to be looked at 19.2
(also 19.6; 23.1; 30.4; 48.12; 125.1,6)
ata'um ni'rgipa'tqen to no purpose was he discussed 15.7
g e i e nkeli'y-gir, a'ttau it is your (own) tattooed face; (you act) to
no purpose 77.8
attau' girgo'l-qla'ulo nine'lhaqin for no particular reason he
takes it for the man above 124.6-7
guq, attau'-qun o'rgoor ye'taqatti' gin just get (your) sledge ready
105.20 (see also '119.18)
e, gu'na, a'ttau oh, well, it does not matter 78.7
gukj attau' gumi'lc oh, it does not matter, with me (sit down) 78.24
ache'mlra, ache f mira-n-e f ur moreover (see also En'ke'mir)
a' 1 1 ml disjunctive
a'limi alo s ka'gti va'ls-um although I am invisible 22.10
a'limi va'ls ra'qalqal however, there is no need of the knife 57.4
~ka r ~ko, a'limi inelu 'lcaUnet he has not seen them anyway 70.32
ya'am tile'lit a'limi lu'ur nan titqa'nninet but it swallowed them
71.3
a'limi quwalo'murkin um ve'ti do obey! 88.10
a'limi ene'nilm however, he was a shaman 105.1
a'limi Tcamagra'nnoi he really gave a start 101.16-17
a-lU'mfta expresses surprise (see lu'mna)
g.uq, a-lu'mna qai've git oh, is that so, is it thou? 97.13
a-lu'mna is that so ? 121.1; 125.7
a-lu'mna no' on me'nin who was here ? 109.21
a*'qdlpe quickly 122.2
ei'uJc, ai'ek
ma'n ai'ek neu s tte'pi'k trenurete'ur let me in due time make it
appear (be born) through a female dog 121.31
gik,gmi'lc ei'uk ekalu'lc oh, in due time (I see) thee at last 19.4
sn'ga'm ina'n ai'elc . . . re'etyd 5 then after a while ... he shall
come 83.5-7
Also 118.20
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 855
e'un seems to be a connective with weak temporal tone.
mi'nlcri, e'nmen, ge'mge-ni'lcin ni'nqdi nena' gtoqen, e'un navi s 'qin
how, then to whomsoever a child is born, and (then) it dies 20.8
ni'lJid ge'wkuLin e'un ninerilipe 1 'tqdet with thongs he is tied and
he breaks them 20.9
e'ur pulci'rgi* e'un nelki'nkdH then she came and they had gone
abroad 31.2
e'ur snqa'n d 'ttwet geti'neneLin, e'un gepli'ikuleet and that boat
was loaded and they had finished 31.1
qagno'pge . . . e'un eLe'plcd sit with head bent down . . . and
do not look 32.4-5
" en'ne' eLe'plcd," e'un walo'mge* "Do not look!" and she obeyed
e'un nine'dviqin and they cut it 72.18
e'un gepelqdruceu'linet ne'wanti and their wives had become de-
crepit with age 72.29
ceq-alvam-va'lit, e'un I'pe Icele'td gayo 'laat how very extraordi-
nary! and evidently they are visited by kelet 106.8
e'nmen e'un s'n'lci nitva'qen i'me-rd s 'nut and then there was
everything 106.32
e'un yara'ne nine'lqin and it became a house 107.14
giJc, npe't um e'un! (now they are coming!) 11.10
gik, neqe'm e'un qare'm e'un, gik oh, but it was not there 27.11
gai'micin mgite'ti n, e'un Jcukwa't-leoko'nalJiin they looked at the
wealth and all was turned into dry leaves 107.16
NOTE: Not to be confounded with the prefix e'un- ACTUAL, PRIN-
CIPAL, as in e'un-ne'lvul PRINCIPAL HERD; a'un-geta'gti JUST IN THEIR
SIGHT 83.28
eur, eur-um is connective AND with the added connotation AT
THAT TIME; it always refers to two events taking place at the
time.
ra'gtia e t, En'qa'm e'ur lumnena'e 5 they went home, and at the same
time he also followed 120.26
e'ur girgirontaf Len, cf'ttwila nicamitaqen at that time the dawn
came, (and) a boat's crew crept up to him 10.9
duTTirkaftai'unin) "E'uryi'lqa narayo*' git, muru'wmil qaine'i"
at that time the walrus said to him, "At the time when sleep
overtakes you.., roar like we (do)" 10.6
e'ur um qro*laro'a*t, Aiwhuanpina' chdqai gi'ulin at the time when
they began to make a noise, the little old St. Lawrence Island
man said 11.10
a e 'ttwu-ye'nki mgite'qin, e'ur um geyi'reLin they looked into the
canoe and at that time it was full 67.6
e'ur is used also quite frequently as conditional.
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856 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
e'ur lumetu'nu ri'tya*, rine'newkwa* at the time when you are
lumetun, you shall make me black 23.6 ( = if you are the same) ;
also 24.2
Icita'm e'ur li'e-va'innld ganau'tin-e-git, vai u'mki qagti'gin this
time if you have indeed married among real gods, then bring
a polar bear 110.5
i 'tik e'ur tegge'nirkm, gina'nti'mnutaii actually you want it, do
as you please
euLu'mna<e'ur lu'mfia or, or again
euLu'mna e'kik or again the son R 23.88
but e'ur lumna 98.9
Before the initial n of the following word e'ur changes to e'un (see
7.20; 11). See 20.8; 72.18
Still e'un and e'ur are not identical, e'ur being used as connective
AND between separate nominal (or verbal) forms while e'un is not
so used.
gettu'ta e'ur geleu'tirgiikuta with blowing or with scratching the
head 126.7
ilh-cf'ttin e'un, e'ur urn uneci'chin also the white dog and the
thong-seal 102.29; also 97.18
also 8.7; 9.2; 21.6; 31.1, 2, 3; 98.9
NOTE: Between proper names, instead of the connective e'ur, the
plurals of the personal pronouns may be used.
Gi'itiilm e'rn Tna'irgin genewtu'mgd Sunset and Dawn are con-
nected by group marriage R 228, footnote 1 (lit. Sunset they
Dawn)
mu'ri Qla'ul I and Qla'ul (lit. we Qla'ul)
eple'un
Jci'tam gun eple'un li'i enefiitvi'e* well, did he really obtain
shamanistic power ? 18.4
wTturga-m however
e'wkurga, tu'mgitum ui'nti however, companion none (i. e. my
companion is not with me) 11.1
e'wkurga ginencennitew-i-git however, you have frightened me
15.10
e'wkurga tilv-a'mman Irene'lTia (if I do so) however, I shall be
all alone 31.13-32.1
e'wkurga Nota's'qa-Va'irga nenanwethawa'tqen however, the
Ground-Beings spoke to me (against my will) 24.9
egei', e'wkurga ta'mam all right, however, (it will be) in vain
' 108.30
e'wkurga-m cotoleu' o'co nine'lTi-i-um, however, that under my
pillow I have for my leader 128.13
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 857
ewkurga-m ILO'U vai nitermece'nqin however, he does much vio-
lence 66.26
See also 45.7; 66.14; 79.20; 84.6; 85.8
e'pte likewise, in the same manner
qan've'r Icime'Jc ena'nmue e'pte gum at this time almost you
killed me likewise 121.16, 17
attau' a 'ttu milhi'a n e'pte gum simply as a dog I'll use it (I)
likewise 135.20-21
e'pte ginni' g-gui'lit ne'mdqai gina'n nena'nme-git likewise the
game procurers also thou has killed 44.9-10
a'msn um ELo'n e'pte gum minau'tinga ~k let me likewise take a
wife R12.8
emite't at once, just now
emite't um muwe'nnitaaq I shall go for (my) body 31.12 (see
32.2 emite't um in final position
emite't um te'rgilin ra'gal nan even thus crying for what ? 27.12
guq, emite't um evi'nt qatei'kiginet oh, at once clothing make!
49.4
emite't-um tipela'nat nime'lqinet I just left them in safety ( = good
ones) 53.4
emite't-um ataa'nk&lin te'rgilin they did not touch the one who
cried, (so at once . . .)
emite't um qagti'gin bring it at once 111.3
emite'tim tigiie'&n I looked on her 88.30
e't I evidently, probably.
e'tim vai nipa'tqenat ven'va'Jci evidently they cooked them
secretly 9.9
e'tim nu'tenut mmnei'meukw&n evidently we are approaching
land 9.11
e'tim am gemge-nute'qin evidently from every country 1 1 .4
e'tim a'mEn 'kuwi'cin tre 'tya s n evidently I brought Children's
Death 20.1
e'tim Ice'lek qali'Jcetyi 5 evidently thou wilt marry a kele 26.2
e'tim wu'iku evidently he is here! 125.2
e'tim niro'rgan there many have been three 97.26
ELo'n um e'tim evidently that! (a term expressing annoyance)
31.10; 108.22
e'tllln necessarily
Sto
sto'qaia'qan nplcire'nnin after a while he brought her back
51.4
e'nmen eto' qaia' qan um gre'lgi* after a while he vomits 136.24-25
qai'vE-mac-eto'pel indeed I am a little better 135.7-8
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858 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
eme'c git eto'pel thou art most fit 135.19
Eto'pel sn'lci iwkutii'i* she better drank then (i. e. she could
drink then) 37.4
e'toqon wo'tqan qdimi'tgin will you take this one ?
e'toqon mirrenu'tergi-git shall we bury thee rather in the ground?
R 60.23
e'nmen, En*qam, Enra'q THEN, coordinating conjunctions. Of
these enme'n seems to express the most definite temporal
sequence, En'qa'm a closer temporal connection, while snfa'q
should be translated in turn and indicates a still closer con-
nection. It seems to depend upon the liveliness of the narra-
tive which of these three is used. The first one is the most
frequent connective conjunction, although a constant use of
sn'qam is not rare 62.6 et seq.
The difference between e'nmen and En'qa'm appears most clearly
when their use alternates; as in the following examples.
En'qa'm Enqa'n Umqaqdi'ma rilhindigiwe'nnin ne'us'qdt. e'nmen
lu'ur e'gripgi At that time U'mqaqai pointed with his finger
at the woman. Then thereafter she felt pain 63.7-8
En'qa'm Enqa'n Umqaqdi'mti geginteu'linet; e'nmen qu'ttirgin
qa'at nerri'net at that time U'mqaqai and his people fled; tnen
the others untied the reindeer 63.10-11
En'qa'm nite'giftqin . . . e'nmen niten'fie'w-i-um . . . sn'qa'm
gi'ulin At that time she sniffed .... then I laughed a
little; . . . then she said 72.11-13
e'nmen ya'yak qamitvada'qen mi'tqak, En'qa'm snqa'n riyrrrai'-
nenat then the gulls ate all the blubber and at that time they
anointed them
en'men uwi'lkan qatei'lcigin . . . En'qa'm dincikou'ti qineni'ntii-
then make a woodpile and throw me into the fire! 31.12-13
In all these examples, the impression is conveyed that En'qa'm sig-
nifies a closer connection than e'nmen.
The form Enra'q is parallel to me'rgm-raq WE NEXT 69.22 and
gum-raq i NEXT 77.21 Its meaning IN TURN THIS TIME appears
clearly 17, 23, 96.11.
snfa'q appears also together with e'nmen
e'nmen nute's'qan snfa'q nuweihau'qen then this time he spoke
to the ground 15.9-10
e'nmen Enra'q ya'yalcit nammgukwa' arkinat then in turn he re-
warded the gulls 74.28-29
In the beginning of a story e'nmen means ONCE UPON A TIME.
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 859
e'nmec because
va'nevan m'tvinen, e'nmec um nayilliau'nen she did not tell him
anything because she feared his anger 88.22-23
e'nmec um e'un puld'rgi 5 ya'rak garancemau'len uwd e 'quc when
she came home, her husband had broken the tent 30.10-11
e'nmec um nan e'clii wulqdtvi'i 5 , Icenlcele'nnin because of this,
before evening came, he made her descend 97.5-6
e'nmec d'qdlpe because of this, hurry up!
e'nmec geplr'ikulin and already it is finished
e'nmed qui'milc ta la r iorkm already I soil my trousers 94.19
e'nmec wi'yolu qi' nelhi' rkin already you shall have me for a
servant 95.7, also 95.15
ece'nur ecu'ur
ece'nur vintuwi'lin it shall be (this way) a well trained one 24.6
ece'nur . . . veime'nu nere'lhinin it shall be (this way) one who
is kindly treated 25.8-9
guq, ece'nur ye'ta qale'iik it shall be this way! (you shall) move
on slowly 65.28
etu'ur yep vai atevga'tka vai yegte'LeH it shall be this way! as yet
without crying (shall be) those living R 54.40
echi before
e'cJii ras'qeuno'a e t tit nepi'rirkm qla'ulqai before they could
enter they attacked the man 85.15
e'cJii yilqd'tydt ganto'len before they had gone to sleep he went
out 8.4
e'6Jii eime'wkwi* irgiro'nnoi before it approached the dawn
came 9.12
See also 10.9, 12.10, 11; 13.3; 20.3; 31.3; 55.6, 8; 97.20
Followed by -rkin WHEN ABOUT TO
e'chi pelqdnte'erkm . . . gapekagta' Len when about to come
back, she fell down 97.20
e'bhi cit qami'tvarlcm lu'ur pi'rinin when she was about to eat,
after that he caught her 87.12
e'nmen e'cJii re s 'nild te'gnrlcinin lu'ur i'wlcwi* then, when the
bow-man was about to fling the harpoon, after that he said
10.10
elhlle'nlci in case, if
elhile'nki relu f nm in case you should see him
erre'c only
erre'6 qun ne'elcilc an only daughter R 12.10
erre'c snqa'n He'eTciJc (there was) only that daughter 28.2
erre'c niro'rgan there were only three of them 34.3
na'qam erre'c yi'liil ru'rkinin he eats only tongues 49.3
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860 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
erre'd um am-gitka't gegnu'linet only just the legs were left 51.4
erre'6 ai'kolak moLi'ynm Um on thebedskins was only blood 56.4-5
erre't-te'gm limit of end (i. e. it is the end) ; from -tegn limit (only
in compounds) 64.2
erre'6 mi'mil, ya s 'rat mi'mil nine'uqin a'rfikinico only water y
verily water they were consuming in quantities R 32.28
eke' In but (weaker than naqa'm)
eke' in git niru'l-i-git; gi'newdn um gumna'n me'cen'lci tre'ntinin
but you are weak; I, on the contrary, shall do it very well
ekdlu'k
gmi'Jc ei'uk ekdlu'lc at last for thee 19.4
ekefta'n, ecena'n I wish I could (with subjunctive &)
e'kena'n gumna'n ti pi'red n I wish I could take it
eke' 'u pel and now, but now
eke'upci tipli'ikurkm and now I am finishing it
ia'm>iyam why 19.5
ia'm ELo'n ten'ne'urkm why are you laughing 30.3
ia'm pegti'nu nine'llii-gir ora'weLan why doest thou meddle with
man? (lit. to meddling interest doest thou become) 23.11
ia'm gemge'-gmni'k qo'nmu an why do you kill all the game?
92.32
iu'kd oh if! I wish
guq, iu'ka qaia'qan mmqami'tvarlcin I wish we could eat more
65.4
guq, iu'Tcd minpontorlcin-e-git I wish I could eat of your liver!
95.19
iu'Tcd no'onqan mini 'nmur kin I wish we might kill this one 70.22
i'ppe, yl'pe actually
En'qa'm i'ppe milkidi'ynm . . . gata'len then actually very
many . . . moved 11.7
En'nata'l um i'ppe gina'n this time it is really thou 93.20
e'un I'pe Tcele'ta gayo s 'laat now really kele visit them 106.8
i'pe-qun really 45.3
gum, gu'nd li'i-i'ppe ti'urkm I, indeed, quite truly say 57.2
P'tik
i*'tik a'msn drunte'erkin in reality thou desirest 24.11
gare'men ora'weLan, i s 'tilc um Jce'ls (she is) not a human being,
in reality she is a ke'lE 29.9
qare'men i 'tilc lu'mnil this is not a real myth 61.5
gilcj attau' i 'tik um ti lu 'd n in vain, if in reality I had seen
him 121.6
g ale* ocina 1 -mere i*'tik um in reality we have met 121.23
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 861
Nota's'qa-Va'irga leule'wu ine'lhii 5 li'eni 'tilc the Ground-Beings
induce me to do wrong, just really 25.1
li'en' i f tilc amni'cvirila gu'mik riniJce'urkin qare'm milimala'n-
noa Jc just really the angry ones order me to do something,
let me not obey them 21.10
i 'tig lu'mna Tno'tirge-git in reality again, thou art Tfio'irgin
i 'tig lu'mna qailhma'n'get ene'netvii in reality again he has
acquired real shamanistic power 19.11-12
i e 'nqun lest
nenaio'qen i s 'nqun nere'lu nm she shoved it in, lest they should
find it 29.3
i 'nqun vai Icintaya'n ragno'urkin ve'ti ginni'Jc lest even the
lucky one should feel great scarcity of game 42.3
nini'uqinetj titi't remle'giiki, i'nqun nere'lu nin he said to them,
" You will break the needles!" lest they should look at them
82.12
i'glt now
i'gir I'mi Nota's'qa-Va'irgin narataaro' 'nrnonm now also the
Ground-Beings shall be given sacrifices 25.1-2
qu'num i' 'git um mmra' gtatya n let me now take it home 121.28
i r git-um-iLo'n o'ra tiyo 'wlcut now I have come to thee openly
'123.18
ya'net first
go, gum um ya'net oh, I first 43.9
ya'nfra separately, alone
niikiu'qin ya'nfa she passes the nights by herself 28.3
ycf'rat very (sometimes ya 'cat)
mihi'lqinet ya f rat very hot ones 9.9
ya 'rat nite'nqinet very good ones 14.8
mte'nqin ya 'rat a very pretty one 36.3
eneHitvi'i ya 'rat he acquired great shamanistic power 35.10
ya 'ran niglo'qen she sorrowed very much 27.10
a'msn um ya 'rat verily! 85.2
yaJta'n'-kln probably 9.13
ydqqdi a particle giving a slightly emphatic shade to the phrase,
like German "ja"
ydqqdi' sn'qa'm pe'Le tre'etyd I'll soon be back (ich werde ja
bald wiederkommen) 30.8
ydqqdi' um qu'num tu'ri qare'mena-t&re ye are not (human
beings) (ihr seid ja doch nicht Menschen) 85.4-5
mi'nkri-m-e'un ydqqdi' gumna'n milu 'a n tuwelvada' arkin how
is it then? I shall find him. I am unable to do it (ich soil
ihn ja finden) 124.3
128
862 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ydqqai'-nan git tratara'nna for thee I'll pitch the tent (fur
dich will ich ja das Zelt aufstellen) R 61.38
ydqqdi' ora'weLa-tainati6Jia'til-e-git you are a murderer of men
(du bist ja ein Morder) 94.6
ydqqdi' um rd / nut what is it? (ja, was soil das denn?) 111.3
ydqqdi' um yagtale'n'vo tiye'tyti lc have I come for life? (bin ich
etwa gekbmmen, um mein Leben zu erhalten) 113.26
y&li'i (evidently containing the element li'i TRULY, REALLY, see also
ULi'i, verili'i, miteli'i, qdLi'i, qum'i)
e'nmen ye e li'i snqa'n is he the only one? 21.13
ye li'i gumna'n rather (let) me (be the one)
Also R 12.7
yu'raq perhaps.
opo'pG exhortative
opo'pe garai'-git minle'git thou hast a home, let me take thee
there'89.7
opo'pu minpa'awkut let us stop! 98.6
opo'po mitalai'ruut let me give thee a beating R 61.50
o'ptlma like (see Koryak Kamenskoye opta)
o'ra openly
gina'n qanra' gtatya n o'ra if thou shouldst take it home openly
121.30
i'git-um-iLo'n o'ra tiyo s 'wkut I have come to thee openly
'123.18-19
uru'ur it seems that
u'rri thus, so
u'rri nuplu tvi'qin it was so small 20.3
u'rri li'nki numqitw'qin thus becoming it decreased in size 20.4
qagno'pge* entilcou'ti u'rri Efi'ni'n sit with head bent down in
your clothes thus 32.4
u'rri mingi'Limn n'nnin thus he did (with) his hand 57.10
u'rri nan gini'n . . . thus it is yours . . . 93.9-10
w u'rri thus
na'qam um neyule'tqin wu'm still he was alive (although he
was) in this condition 50.3
e'nmen vai wu'rn snqa'n gama'tinolen there thus that one
dragged her 51.1
Enqa'n sna'n dini't wu'rri ni'tqin that one there herself was
thus 26.9
e'nmen wu'rri puulqe' 'wkwi then he floated thus 77.23
e'nmen E'nikit rilu'iku wu'rri girgola'c/ti there at once he moved
thus upward 16.5
u'nmUik greatly, strongly
128
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 863
uLi'i in this case indeed (or besides indeed ?) (containing the ele-
ment li'i REALLY, TRULY; see also ye li'i, venli'i, miteli'i, qaLi'i,
i'i yara'ni qamata'gm wu'kwen then take also my stone-house
92.4 (in the same way 92.14, 24; 93.3, 8, 18, 26)
ve'tl really, truly, very, at once; an intensifying particle
ve'ti veime'nu nere'lhinm truly friendly he will be treated 25.9
veil gmni'k um a'msn nenankettuwa'tgen truly they made game
scarce by means of magic 42.4
ve'ti nimei'sngin he was very large 73.9
ve'ti niqe'tvugin he was very strong 47.3
ve'ti nara'nmuntik it will kill you at once 70.12
ve r ti-m re 'w nena'nmuqen he killed really (many) whales 73.3
a'limi quwalo'murlcm um ve'ti but obey me strictly 88.10-11
tranauti' nirkm ve'tE gun I shall marry at once 57.2
mre'vi nqin ve'ti he really wanted to die 99.27
ve'ti, qaya' 'arkinat nan do sing it again! 120.24
vetci'in um, velci'in for my part granted!
i&'nom
ve'nom srgina'n let them (be) 55.11
Also 56*. 1
ven'va'kl secretly (see vi'n'vi)
venli'i unexpectedly 60.7; 61.2; 69.33 (Bogoras: still, meanwhile,
notwithstanding), (containing the element li'i REALLY, TRULY;
see also ye li'i, ULi'i, miteli'i, qtiLi'i, qum'i)
qdn've'r met'-'ki'it venli'i urn a'msn nma'gti nine'lqin at this
tune somehow unexpectedly to the other side it came (i. e.
nevertheless it came across somehow) 40.7
venli'i leu'ti ~ki'plmen unexpectedly he hit him on the head 45.12
qai'vE teinele' erkm, venli'i aa'lomka i'irkin indeed, I blame him;
unexpectedly he does not obey
na'qam pa'nena venli'i nuurgeimeu' gin but unexpectedly more
thunder approached 69.30
ne'me cuwi'pit mmei'netqin venli'i unexpectedly the remaining
piece also was growing in size 72.18
venli'i nitiu'qin unexpectedly he is persistent 137.15
Also 74.4; 137.13
vele'r, vele'r-um, vele'r urn nan AT LEAST (Kor. Kam. va'fan)
limited qualification of action)
gailo'Jcim mi'nkri, vele'r-um wo'tqan indeed, how then, at least
this one?
vele'r-um midaqaro'tflc at least I will eat some sugar K 65.124
vele'r-im yara'ni ga'tvata although a house had been there
(lit. at least with house's being) 31.6
128
864 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
vele'r dimce'ta qenata'ge? at least move near! 37.10 (see also
37.9,13)
vele'nm mitwet'ha'urkm at least I can talk with thee 32.1
vele'r-qun, vele's'-qun at least (with a shade of anger) R 72.20
vien* < viyen just, simply
tikimite' erkm am, vi 1 'en' mewkwe'tycfk I am staying too long,
just let me depart
vi'en' pulci'rgi 5 euno'a s t he just arrived (and) they began to
speak 110.3
go, vi'en' qra'gtitiJc just go home! 45.9
vi'en aa'lomlcEl-e-git thou just doest not listen 54.11
vi'n*vl, ven'va'kl secretly 108.14
pla' ', plJ^a'q apparently, pretending
PILCL' vi 'lin pretending death 82.4; 124.6
pldyi' that is all! 107.21 (from stem pi to finish)
mei, mec, like, somewhat like (see 113.10, 11).
mei
Tca'lco mei oho, there! 14.5
met--ki'tkit, met-ki'it (?)
me'cicu besides
i'tkenin um me'tibu erga'wkwe? he robbed him and ridiculed him
besides
mac exhortative particle
mad gumna'n let me be the one !
mat irgina'n let them be the ones! R 62.70
ma'6man<mac-Ena'n let it be (impersonal)
ma'dman dei'va let it be (done) on foot R 60.21
mite' of course 121.6
miteli'i undoubtedly (containing the element li'i REALLY, TRULY; see
also ye e li'i, ULi'i, venli'i, qdLi'i, qum'%)
miteli'i tila'nvu va'rkm TILU undoubtedly there is a stranded
carcass 64.18
miteli'i ranto'a* undoubtedly she will come out 82.21
miteli'i Jcitkin'u' qai rakerga'tya* undoubtedly a small bright spot
will appear 118.6
mitiu' (perhaps mithiu') I thought
mitiu' ene r nili-git I thought thou wert a shaman 22.3
mitiu' Jce'le-i-git I thought thou wert a kele 15.11
miti'nm ELO'U qaigi'pe mri'irkin we thought he really wanted
to die R 52.7
128
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 865
tarn, tag am all right!
ge, tarn! oh, all right! 121.28
gij tarn, a'msn! oh, all right then! 84.14
/, tarn! yes, all right 84.19
te'naq if perhaps (always with future)
te'naq nara'nmi^um if perhaps they should kill me
te'ce-n how many times
ne'me te'de-n giiwi'i* again how many times a year passed (i. e.
after several years) 12.8
naqa'm however, but
utte'mu nimayEnqana'tJim naqa'm pe'Le numqitvi'qin like a tree
was he large, but soon he decreased (in size) 20.2
nara'nmunqen na'qam . . . nenalwau'qen they wanted to kill
him, but . . . they could not do it 36.1-2.
na'qam nin'ni'uqin ne'me but they ordered him again 59.6
u'ttaqai na'qam snqa'n gelelu' qaglin it is little piece of wood!
But it has whiskers 75.4-5
na'qam demi'ngit yito'nenat but (this time) she pulled out a pah*
of gloves lli.5-6; also 76.4, 6, 24
na'qam um is more strongly adversative
guq, naqa'm um re'qa but with what then? 34.9
naqa'm um no'onqan but this one 35.1
na'qam um tew-mu'ulin but this one's blood was good 117.14
na'qam um niqe'tvuqin but this one was strong 66.20
With a'mEn it is strongly adversative
e'nmen qu'ttirgin qa'at pe'Leqai nerri'net, na'qam a'msn
Umqaqai'in . . . nenalwau'qen then the others' reindeer
quickly were untied, but on the other hand Umqaqai n s
. , . could not 63.11-12
a'msn um naqa'm inpilu'tkul-4-git you on the other hand, are
an old shamanistic practitioner 39.4
naqa'm lumna (literally but again) . In this complex the adver-
sative meaning is not always marked. It seems to mean AFTER
ALL THAT HAS HAPPENED.
naqa'm lumna na'wtmge* after all, he married 58.7-8
naqa'm lu'mna gaa'qolen after all he sat down 98.24
na'qam lu'mna inennike' wkwi s after all I am treated thus
98.28-29
na'qam lu'mna deq-e'ddaq after all, quite on the surface (?)
102.25-26
inenpelqu'uikalin um wot, naqa'm lu'mna he can not be van-
quished, after all 114.27
na'qam lu'mna i'liil ui'nd ne'lyi* after all, the rain stopped
116.11-12
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 55 128
866 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
naqa'm lu'mna gmni'Tc reurre'tyd* after all that has been
done game shall appear 25.6
Clearly adversative are:
naqa'm lu'mna awge'ikinka nevertheless they did not say
anything 26.6
e'nmen im-nike'fet nikamagra'qen, naqa'm lu'mna va s glmin
no'mraqen then the whole night he struggled, however
the grass (with which he was tied) was (too) tough (to be
torn) 20.10-11.
It is also used before nominal forms, pronouns, and nomi-
nalized verbs
Jcitauca'tye* na'qam wus'qu'mciku, na'qam niki'td he
galloped off notwithstanding the darkness, notwith-
standing the nighttime 57.5
na'qam yo'yoqan've'r . . . naa'lomga n notwithstanding
the wind, just at that time they heard it 34.4
ene'nilin naqa'm go'rgulen but the shaman had a sledge
14.10
naqa'm am-gina'n but only thou (i. e., but you are all
alone) 30.'3
Apparently following the verb to which it belongs :
gape'nrilen na'qam, ganmitkoi'vulen but they were at-
tacked, they were slaughtered 12.4
ni'naqin um naqa'm but this one was swift 40.4-5
ne'me again
ne'me gitte'wkwi* again thou art hungry 9.13
ne'me &ipe'tyi c again he dived 10.1
(JU, ne'me oh, again 36.6 !
ne'maqai also
e'nmen um Ai'wanat um ne'maqa'i they are also Aiwan 7.9
e'nmen ne'maqai, geri'nelin then he also had flown up 15.3
e'pte gmni' g-gili'lit ne'maqai gina'n nena'nme-git likewise the
game procurers also thou hast killed 44.9-10
nemaqai qumna'n I also 93.13
ne'maqai Enqa'n ene'nilin nipe'gtimet also that shaman is hauling
a sledge 14.12-15.1
neqe'm but, nevertheless
gik,neqe'm e'un qare'm e'un, gi~k oh, but it was not there 27.11
neqe'm um li'i-vennolm nigtaqin ve *-re'mka nevertheless having
just died, he is taken away by the dead people R 52.12
cl'wiqiiq partly, somewhat
ci'mquc[ nu'mkaqin re'mkin nimitva'lm somewhat many people
were encamped 58.9
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHTJKCHEE 867
h'mquq snqa'n niqulile'tqin in part they were noisy 60.9
di'mqulc Tcuke'hlcu e'ret mtva'qen partly in the kettle boiled meat
was (left) 75.11
e'nmen vai ye'tvue* ti'mqvik then it grew somewhat brighter
94.22-23
ca'ma also
6a'ma snqa'n mad-ewga'n titvu'rkin also this is an incantation I
tell 39.13
ta'ma mu'La e'ur also with blood (they sacrifice) 41.11
da' ma li'en' ai'makik naflai' oqen he also defecated on the carcass
81.6
da'ma qu'Ul ga'nmilaat also the others were killed 98.3
tmin-la'li-mo're vai da'ma we come here also carrying antlers
121.20
da'ma nuwethau' qaat oraweLa'-mel they also talk like men 64.10
guq, a'mEn um na'qam um gai'mid-ai'wan da'ma oh, he was how-
ever a rich Aiwan 50.7
See also 42.3
ce'mit therefore
de'mit gu'muk ena'tvat eplci'r~ka mtva'qen therefore to me prom-
ised gifts do not come 93.16
go, e'ur qu'num de'met li'i iulule'tyi* lu'mna walqa'Linm oh, and
therefore really has become long again the jaw 45.8
c&ft&t since, because
de'Het im vinfe'tilit nu'mqaqaet since there are many helpers
R 4.44
6e'net um qaalvilu'En'ni'n* nu'rri nrtva'qen since the buck is there
on its back R 4.34
6e'n$t ve e 'li6hm, ia'm mmyo e 'a s n since he is dead, why should
we visit him? 108.13-14
de'ftet umEnne'n'-mi'mla giwkuci'td since they drink one water
R 45.13-14
te'ftet gumni'n E'nni-lcu'pren u'ifld snmeqa'eti tralva'wflm since
I have no fish nets, I cannot trade in fish R 46.47-48
gUj de'net um ili'Ld-muri oh, since we are on an island! (an
exclamatory phrase) 11.11
cite'un
tit gumiJc ga'tvalen, tite'un ta'n'Hilc titva'rkm um %'git before it
was with me, and later (now) with the Russians I am staying
now R 45.19
6it ai'vanana me'tal nnhrkmin . . . dite'un um gumna'n wu'fku
ti E nfi'qa n before the Aivan kept the medal, . . . and later
(now) here I should (like to) keep it R 45.20-21
868 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
cite'un akka'gti titegge'nirkm and later (now) with (my) son I
should like (to be) K 46.38
cite'un Icinta'irga memilqa'a nafna'lpmhe* later on (now) good
luck may give me seals K 46.42
cite'un a e 'ttilu a'lvanqan nita'qenat and later on some dog-drivers
were moving on in unwanted directions R, 32.38
inpit-ekke'ta nn'lpinnen cite'un ve e -wgento'e e the eldest son was
with him later on then he gave up his breath (i. e. that he
might die an easier death) B, 49.15
le'nltaq already ( ? )
le'nitaq urn napel&'an um vai He'ekik already they had left this
daughter 30.12
lenrta'qum . . . dumna' chin na'nmuga e n already they had slaugh-
tered the reindeer-buck R 52.7
li'en' and simply, and only; restricted action
nindmeu'qinet, Wen' a e 'ttti gape'nrcilen they approached, the dogs
just jumped at them 11 1.21
li'en' elhipera' rkin e'ce it is simply white with fat 81.27
ta'yolhm um lo'lo li'en' the needle-case was simply his penis 82.13
See also 67.19; 81.6; 86.8, 12, 25; 87.1, 28.
li'en' i 'tlk (see i 'tilc um) I tell you what (implying contempt)
R 61.1
li'en' i e 'tilc Icema'wlcurge-git and let me tell you that you are caus-
ing delay
li'en' i 'tilc ra'nnitae* and may I ask you what do you want here ?
li'en' um i e 'tilc e 'tqi and really, as I tell you, it is bad 11.3
attau' li'en' utterly in vain (see atau' p. 854)
IW&9 before vowels lu'un just, just like
loen-ai'vE just yesterday
li'i really
sn'nata'l um li'i ti'lhi-gir from now on I shall really know thee
93.21-22
li'i enenitvi'i* he has really acquired shamanistic power 18.4
lu'ur AFTER THAT, THEREUPON always refers back to a preceding
event.
e'nmen ai'gepu eine'utkui s j goq, lu'ur qa'at ye'tyaft and he called to
the east; oh, thereupon reindeer came 108.32
atdau' luwau'nen, lu'ur yopa'tye* she could not wait, thereupon
she went to look 30.13
lu'ur wethau'noe* thereupon he began to speak 31.11
lu'ur pmtiqoro' a?t thereupon they began to emerge 102.23
"kiye'wkwaft. e'nmen lu'ur qla'ul ye'tyi* they awake. Then, after
that, a man came 66.11
128
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 869
nlhindigiwe'nnin; e'nmen lu'ur e'gripgi* he pointed at her with a
finger; thereupon she felt pain 63.7
See also 8.5; 10.8, 10; 15.1; 29.6; 61.9; 68.11; 70.27
lu'un matali'ynm euftoi' thereupon the father-in-law said 114.9
l&'mfta again
gu, me'riko lu'mna pi'ntiqatyi* oh, whence doest thou appear
again? 10.12
ra' *nota' cliit lu'mna what are these again? 14.3-4
naga'm lu'mna . . . ergewe'tyi* but again he dived 17.4
See a-lu'mna p. 854.
rlpe't even
npe't terga'tye* he even began to cry
eyi'lqakMinet npe't ELI' git without sleep were even the parents
34.3-4
lile'-mi'mla nipyu&i'tqin npe't the eye fluid even spurted out
106.19
npe't ge'mu li'ngafn you did not even mind it 109.25
e'nmen npe't tena lai' okwut I even eased myself over you 109.23
rattqn*ftaunln enough 65.6
re' en I confess
-ram with personal pronouns MY, THY, HIS TURN (perhaps < mfaq
um, gum-ra'q um it is my turn)
e'un nipampice'teqen Enfa'm ci' cliinciku atinra'lm he puts on
tufts of reindeer hair in their turn in the armpits of the owner
(i. e. the owner puts on . . . ) K 4.46
nmne'ta gaikola' Leet this time they spread the skins the
inside upward R 59.13
nimtu'mqdqai eninqa'i'kElm on his part their camp com-
panion has no child R 12.11-12
klme'l, qlme'l at once ( ?)
~kime'l e'lhu ine'ttii* at once he has a liking for me 137.14 (see
also 137.5, 11)
Enqa'mnaus'qate'ti qime'l then at once (he said) to the woman
58.6
kfme'k almost
Jcime'lc miti'nmuut almost we killed thee 10.11
a'mEn-um-iLo'n ti'nma ine'ntii 5 Icime'Jc but now you did almost
kill one 123.17-18
qdn've'r ~k%me'lc enanmue e'pte gum this time you have almost
killed me 121.16-17. See also* 66.35; 71.6; 85.27; 128.12.
klta', Jtlta'm, kitau
Icitau'
kitau'gun, mi'nkri ni'tqin now then ! how was he ? 17.12 Qcita'm
gun 18.1) 128
870 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Jcitau' gun a e tti'yna ninenyegtele'nmilc well then! the big dog
saved us 106.26
Jcita' na'riko go ahead! (bring him) here! 20.1
Jcita'm 46.4; 79.1; 80.10; 87.8; 94.9; 110.20; 113.21; 124.2; Jcita'm
qun 16.6; 18.4; Jcita'm qu'num 21.5 well then!
Icita'm nu'nfi now then (bring home) here! 23.2
<juq, Icita'm lu'mna well! now then again! 68.17
It may be separated from the imperative or subjunctive by a
clause
Jcita'm e'ur li'e-va'innJci gaflau'tin-e-git qailhma'n'get, vai u'mki
qagti'gm now then, if among real being (gods) thou hast married
really, here a polar bear bring! 110.5-6. Compare 110.9-10.
kfta'tkE unfortunately 25.12
kl'tvil-qun notwithstanding
kl'nmal together (?)
Ici'nmal mmune'lmiJc let us go for fuel! 30.6
ki'nmal . . . piliqili'lit . . . gma'n nena'nme-git thou wert
killing at once (?) the food procurers 44.9. See also 83.26
klrya'm tint a'mEn, klrga'm Urn a' mi well now! 121.4
kit e' seldom
M'tMt a little
Ici'ikit niten'fi,e f w-i-nm I laughed a little 72.13
Td'ikit qanve f ntetyi s open it a little 94.21, 34
Ici'tkit nuurre'tqinet they were a little visible 95.30
ku'likd alone 24.10.
qaia'qan a while
e'nmen qaia'qan tile'aH they walked a while 64.8. See also 66.8.
gukjiu'Tca qaia'qan minqami'tvarJcin I wish we could eat a
while 65.4
qaia'qan e'ur neimeu'qin for a while he approached 66.13
qaia'qan e'uli-getenno'e* ven-dumn'a'cJim for a while the trained
reindeer-buck was looking for urine B, 13.26
Eto'-qaia'qan nplcire'nnin after a while he brought her back 51.4
qdLi'i eto'-qaia'qan gewlcwe'Lin after a while he departed 45.11
qai'vE indeed, truly, really.
qai'vE qine'ilhi* really, give (it) to me 16.1
snqa'n qai'vs lu'metui-gir thou art really lu'metun
qai'vE-m I'mi yei'velqai nu'tek tumn-alva'lag rayi'lqanno indeed,
also a little orphan in the country anywhere may (will) sleep
24.10-11
128
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 871
guq, qai'vE-mnan me'ten'Tci tre'nti'Hin oh, indeed, I shall be able
to manage him 67.22
Also 23.6; 80.27; 85.3; 92.23; 97.14
qailo'folm
gilc, qailo'Jcim re'qa qata'Liniiki with what will you answer 14.2
qailo'lcim mi'nkri mini'ntin how shall we act 53.1
qailo'Tcim wu'fku mi'nti-c/ir how should I keep thee here 109.30
qailo'Jcim pe'nin wolvitva'lm before he was motionless 125.4
qailo'Tcim eLe'nyuta rin'lpinnen the younger brother accom-
panied him R 50.22-23
qailhlna'n'yet, qagl&na r nc[t and actually
qailhina'n'get li'e-iamte'tinoe and actually, he began to feel quite
well 33.5
(juq, qailliina'nget um ne'lu e n and indeed, they saw it 10.3
qailhma'nc/et m'rgipatqen and actually, he was talked about
17.5, 7
Also, 15.7; 18.3; 67.22; 80.27; 104.9
qa'tin just so 127.10
qal&lE vertically
qdi-I'pe, qaiyi'pe really, in truth
qai-i'pe li'e-w'innki ganau'tiH-e-git really among the gods (real
beings) you married 110.30-31
miti'tim ELO'U qaigi'pe viri'irkin we thought he really wanted to
die R 52.7
qdi'ftun it seems (Kor. II, Fallen qa'inun Kor. 90.2)
qa'inun tu'rgin re'mkiNe e 'tqi it seems your people are bad 8.9-10
tu'rgin re'mkin qa'inun re'lqid it seems your people will appear
10.4
qa'inun meti'u rine'lhii* certainly I shall not be believed by
them 19.8
Also 21.2, 5, 12; 24.2.
qdnu'r like, as
gene'Li'net qanu'r pe'welti they became like bladders 9.4
mi'tikri va'lit qanu'r a* r ttwukin pu'ttiftet how big! like holes of a
boat (cover) 14.6
naqa'm lu'mna qanu'r memlihlcou'ti ergewe'tyi* but again as into
[the inside of] water he dived 17.4
qanu'r v&le'ti gilo'len as for a dead one she mourned 27.12
e'nmen qanu'r a s 'Um are'ta m'ntdqin then like a dog they held
him back 66.17
Icele'td va'nevan du*'Tca qanu'r mergina'n i'git Tca'maTc va'nevan
eu'rrekElin to the spirits they are invisible, as to us now an
evil spirit is invisible 62.1-2
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872 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
. . . qanu'r vai mu'rgin re'mkin like our people here 61.6
e'nmen a'm qanu'r gun nute's'qan then it was just like earth 8.6
qanu'r gun wi'lquul just like coal 22.7
qanu'r qun nithi'lqinet they were like hot ones 9.10
e'nmen qol qanu'r inpina'chin gene'wana then another one, like
the last (namely in the preceding story) an old man with his
1 wife 28.1
qanu'r Wen ne'nti&n just as though simply they did to him 35.4
e'nmen qanu'r qun niciite'ruqin then it was as though they were
heated 9.8
qdn've'r the fundamental meaning seems to be AT THIS MOMENT,
AT THIS TIME
qan've'r gal&olhiocina'^mo're just at this moment we have met
121.15'"
qan've'r ginmi'lkinek til-eime'wani'tqinet at this time they drew
nearer 103.8
qan've'r gitte'picin Tcele'Hn i'wkwi* at that moment the leader of
the kelet said 104.26
e'nmen qan've'r neime'wkw&n qan've'r um aHti'ynm um
wefhau'noe at that moment they approached and at that
moment the dog began to speak 103.19
Taaro'n-Va'irgu um qan've'r . . . Va'irgu ne'Le n a Sacrifice-
(receiving-) Being at that time ... a (spiritual) Being he
became 41.9-10
Often it may be translated therefore,
qan've'r um tergila'tinoe* therefore (at this moment) she began
to cry 31.7
lu'ur wo'tqan qan've'r wu'rgirgin walo'minonen afterwards, there-
fore, she began to hear this noise 32.9 (in the folio whig lines,
however, the translation AT THIS MOMENT is suitable)
qdcl'-qu'num as you like it( ?) R 54.36
qtiLi'i (<qa[t\-li'i) but in fact (containing the element li'i REALLY,
TRULY; see also ye li'i, ULi'i, venli'i, miteli'i, quLi'i)
ni'mnim vai ci'mceqai va'rkm, Eiwhue'n qam'i a settlement is
quite near there, but in fact St. Lawrence Islanders 7.7
qaLi'i git but in fact, it is you 23.5
qaLi'i Re'lckenit but in fact, they were Rekken 34.5
qaLi'i eto' -qaia' qan gewkwe'mn in fact after a short time he de-
parted 45.11
qaLi'i rfc'lin in fact (it was) the dead one 52.2
qaLi'i snqa'n . . . e'tm ye'tyi* in fact this was the master
70.28-30
qaLi'i pinU'nenat in fact, he asked them 70.30
128
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 873
qaLi'i notas'qa'urkit in fact they were digging the ground 71.9
q&Li'i gun snqa'nat tei'n'nidit in reality they were murderous
68.20
qdLi'i um gun qai-a f ttiqai in fact it was (only) a pup 80.4
qdLi'i Enqa'n . . . ELO! in fact that was the mother 85.21-22
qdLi'i pala'wkun yara'ni in fact a funeral circle 108.17
qeten' even now
garaqedTia' Len qeteu' what has the bad one been doing, even
now 31.9
qete'm, qette'm, kete'm just, just like
qette'm gu'mnin yam' Hi just like my house
Tcete'm pli'iku just as it is finished R 3.24
qo'nirl, qo'nlrl-m, qo'nlrl e'ur (contracted also qi'en-e'ur)
since
qol qoi'maron wu'fhih, tu'mgin Enqa'n qo'ninm genewtu'mgeLeet
Enqa'nat the other rear sleeping room was in the middle, a
strange person's (not a member of the family) that, because
they were wife-companions (lived in group-marriage), these
53.9-10
qo'ninm ba'ma qo' er-qla' ul-e-um Enqana'ta no'o-e^um gene'l-i-um
because also a gambling-man I was, therefore poor I became
R 45.27-28
qo'ninm gumni'n i'git i'rdlqdl u'inii . . . tre'lqatya*q Velew-
Tcwaygo'uti because my now clothing material nothing . . .
I'll go to Merchants Point (i. e. because I have no material)
R 46.43-44
qo'mn tilv-e'tqin-i-git since you are utterly bad
qo'ninm e'un ELI' gin i' mi wri'tagi'Lin since (the) father has also
died a voluntary death R 49.11. See also R 32.37
qo'ninm Ene'nene eine'wa da'mai'liil #m, qa'lco because he calls
the East wind, it rains 132.20-21. Also R 13.21
qo'n'piji quite
qp'n'pu vi e 'i he was quite dead 83.21
qo'n'pu nimi'tvanno'a*t they began to be quite a camp 107.19
gilc,qonpuninenmelewe'tqinln.Qism&,dQ quite well 127.3; 135.12-13
qun, qu'num, qun-um probably an emphatic particle, stronger
than um (p. 849) and ELO'U (p. 852). It stands in second posi-
tion, generally following another particle
qanu'r qun wi'lquul just like coal 22.7
e'nmen qanu'r qun mdiite'ruqin they were just as though they
had been heated 9.8-9
qanu'r qun nitTii'lqinet just as though they were hot 9.10
qd'nur qun mi'mlik just as though (they were) in water 101.32
128
874 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
e'nmen a'nr gdnu'r qun nute's'gdn they were just like land 8.6
a'ni gun qrilu'ikui valata thus it is ! they move about with the
knives 16.4
a'ni qun Wen' re'plcirgd* ratopa'wlcwa* thus it is! simply you will
come home, she will be pregnant 104.4
a'ni qu'num te'Jciclun qanu'utki thus it is! then eat the meat!
14.6
a'ni qu'num qanto'e* come out! 81.27
a'nr gun, i'ppe gun thus it is! really! 94.8; also 45.3
terga'tye 8 gun um he cried 116.7
Jci'tam qun eple'un li'i enenitvi'i 8 did he this time attain shaman-
is tic power? 18.4
Jcita'm gun mi'nkri ni'tgin how is he this time? 18.1
Jcita'm gun e 'nni6hin gai'pugun this time put on the necklace
16.6
kita'm qu'num minirri'l-hit this time we will let thee go 21.5-6
Icita'm qu'num ineLe'tti gatvu'ginat this time what shall there be
for payment? 102.11
Jcitau'gun a tti'yna ninenyegtele'nmiJc this time the big dog saved
us 106.26-27.
Jcitau' gun mi'nkri ni'tgin how is he this time 17.12
attau'-gun non um Tno'tirgma mmpedare'ra we are just going to
Tno'tirgm for food 119.18
attau'-gun o'rgoor ye'ta qaUi'gin just get the sledge ready 105.20
e'nmen -gun ra'gtie* ELQ! then the mother went home 30.10
gaL'i'i um gun gdi-a s 'ttigdi in fact, it was only a small pup 80.4
In the following examples gun follows verbs, verbal nouns and
pronominal forms.
nipe'aH qu'num E'n'Jcr they went ashore there 71.12
panda' 'tik nimpe'ginet qu'num gi leaping it went ashore, indeed!
122.16
a'un -geta'gti pilhirra'tyd 5 qu'num he makes himself flat before
them 83.*28-84.1
ti'nunin qu'num he pulled it out 84.7
ei'miunin um gun he caught him 121.13
vi s 'lin um qu'num snqa'n nine'lgin dead that one had become
(he had died) 125.10
yi 'lhin um gu'num } ra 'nut it was the moon, what was it ? 86.26-27
rd s 'nut qu'num lo'nil what was it? walrus-blubber 47.4
i'me-rd e 'nut qu'num everything 107.2
mi'nkri qu'num mithitte'urkin it is because we are hungry 70.24
tei'vuikui'nimnimeiti, qu'num aHto'rguqaia he went to the camp
with a dog sledge 105.5
128
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - CHUKCHEE 875
According to punctuation qunum is in initial position in the
following example
ge, tarn! qu'num i'gittim mmra' gtatya n let us take it home now !
121.27
It seems, however, that instead of ge, tarn we might read Jcita'm
asp. 21.5
'i in this case indeed (containing the element li'i REALLY,
TRULY; see also ye li'i, ULi'i, verili'i, miteli'i, qtiLi'i)
i'i va'anqan a 'ttin ni'ilhit in this case indeed I will give you
that dog 121.24
geceu'kl together.
giiliite' against one's will
gi'newan besides
fte'wdq strong emphasis
ne'wdq gi'wa you do say 21.11
fte'wdq ninemirke'w-i-um I have been working hard 81.9
qai'vE fte'waq sna'n cini't mini'uqin indeed, he himself did say
it B, 50.23
fie' way qai'vE and indeed
129. Miscellaneous Adverbs and Conjunctions; Koryak
Im I also
i'mi gaaqai'paLEn also it fitted badly Kor. 34.9
yuqya'nu gana f linau they also become bumble bees Kor.
45.3
imin gayai'tilen nevertheless he came home Kor. 42.8
i'min . . . pla'Jcu wu'gwa gayi'lin also (her) boots they filled
with stones Kor. 28.7
Also adj. Kor. 66.8, 72.14, 76.19
Ina'n-awi'wut quickly Kor. 70.12
Enna'n that one alone
Enna'n koro'wapel gana 'lin only the cow was left Kor. 78.12
Enna'niku from that time on Kor. 80.7
Enqa'ta
Erika'ta tllai'vikin ne'Ld then a herd was walking about Kor.
21.8
Enqa'ta, gassa'len qata' 'p-vai' 'am then he dragged a net along
the bottom of the river Kor. 70.11
E'riki then, at that very moment
s'nki yu'la n gaplrtdu'linau then they finished what was to be
eaten Kor. 50.1
s'riki tiyanu'wgi then I shall eat you Kor. 78.18 129
876 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
s'riki Enni'mtila n pipi'ttuylcin s'riki qata'p-e'mat va'ylcin then
Fish-Man was combing his hair; then a load of winter-fish
was (there) Kor. 86.16
srike' Enni'mtila n then (there was) Fish-Man Kor. 88.15
Efina 'an thus
Enna 'an thus it is! Kor. 78.2
galqaLin qaicayici'na snna 'an wus'qu'mdilcu she went groping
thus in the dark Kor. 16.9-10
Enna 'an vanvolai'lce thus they lived Kor. 43.7
Enna'an gayiltelnivo'lenat thus theybegan to lie downKor. 82.10
gina'n snna 'an ina'nti thou didst thus to me Kor. 88.2
qo'La Enna 'na6 Yayo'ta-nawgut gai'IiLin after a while they
gave Fox- Woman to him Kor. 70.14
snna 'nvot gani'Jcalimau all at once something happened Kor.
70.17-18'
Dual forms:
Enna 'anet gana'tvilen thus they brought him in Kor. 59.2
snna 'anet patta 'la mani'ti gayi'ssalinat thus the two filled
with dried meat two bags Kor. 70.21
ayi'kvan at least Kor. 18.1
Ina'n-awi'wut quickly Kor. 70.12
avi'ut Kor. '44.5
a'wun (Kor. II, Kor. Paren, Lesna e'wun Kor. 96.30; 97.17)
a'wun ga/ya'lqiwlinau and so they entered Kor. 80.18-19
a'wun im-la'wtalin and so his head became hairless Kor. 82.13
a'vwn ui'na and then there was no one Kor. 96.12 ( = e'wun
i'ika Kor. II, Kor. 96.30: e'wune'Le Paren, Kor. 97.17
awnu'p (?) Kor. 64.11
a'wgi falsely Kor. 88.14
ant (Paren im)
gun-am nu'tak ui'na ane'lhiyipnuka even in the open country
we eat no inner skin Kor. 49.1
pe'nin qun-im Uwe'npilin the same (former) little U'wen
(Paren) Kor. 92.7
a'men
a' men gawgu'Lin and they tied her Kor. 23.4
a'men e'wan and they said Kor. 23.6; 28.1
a'men yi'nna and now what! Kor. 28.2
a'cJii a'men gu'mkin ni'wi-gi just now like me thou wert talk-
ing Kor. 29.2
a'mu I do not know Kor. 55.3
atau vainly Kor. 61.3
ata'mtim in vain Kor. 30.8
129
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES - CHTJKCHEE 877
snce
as's'o' qati' since you went away Kor. 18.5
a'cclc, acco'c (Ch. erre'6) that is all, only, no more Kor. 62.8;
70.8 acco'c Kor. 66.19; 68.19
a'nam then, and so
me'nqan a'nam gi'Linau how then did they become? Kor.
61.9-10
a'nam . . . gala'lin then he came to him Kor. 63.6
Also Kor. 66.6; 78.1
a'nam-e s 'en all right then! Kor. 30,5; 31.8
e 'en a'nau all right then! Kor. 32.1
a'naqun and so Kor. 36.10
anuva't just as, just when
anuva't myatilqi'wgin, s'nki mityi'lqala just when he was
about to come, we went to sleep
a'llml I wish it were!
a'limi vai'cita I wish (we would go) on foot Kor. 21.2-3
(jina'n a'limin qeti'gin I wish thou wouldst take it Kor.
72.24-74.1
a[va' other
alva'lin it is of different material Kor. 76.23
a'kyel also
gayo'olenan, a'lcyel ipa'na they put it into it, also into the
soup, Kor. 28.6
e s 'en (Ch. e'ur) then, and
gayo s 'olen, e s 'en gavi e 'yalin he visited him and he was dead
Kor/20.8
ya'nya e s 'en na'witqatu partly also women Kor. 44.2
e s 'en . . . gamlawanka f wlen and she ended her dance Kor. 4S. 6
galcya'wlinau e 'en yaq ni'lnm ni'tin they awoke and what
thong was there ? (i.e. and there was no thong) Kor. 40.5
e'enac once upon a time Kor. 58.4
e'wun (see a'wuri)
matula'tin e'wun missaitila'nm they stole it but we shall bring
it back Kor. 40.8
i'pa really; indeed Kor. 37.8
i'pa a'nam gi'ssa but really thou Kor. 66.6
Also as adjectives:
i'pa Tcmi'nm the real child Kor. 68.11
gumni'ni'pa qla'wul vi s 'gi my real husband died Kor. 2 1 .10-22. 1
i'pa li'ge-ta'ta our real father Kor. 74.20
i'na s quietly Kor. 39.2
qaye'm i'n'a mya'tin he did not come back quickly Kor. 72.19
129
878 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I BULL. 40
i'n*ac enough! Kor 30.4; 86.11, 18; 88.15
inya'wut (?) Kor 16.5
i'nmiq really, in truth
i'nmiq tapananivo'ylcin in truth it began to be heavy Kor. 51.8
i'nmiqu'num all right! Kor. 28.1-2.
Also Kor. 61.3; 62.3
ifii'nninlk in this manner Kor. 14.3 (from ini'nnin such)
o'ya openly
ui'na o'ya a'tvaka she was not (there) openly Kor. 76.14
o'pta also (Lesna: THE WHOLE; Kamchadal o'ptima THE WHOLE);
Chukchee o'ptima LIKE)
a'din o'pta gei'liLin he also gave him fat Kor 15.4-5
qla'wul o'pta srika'ta tilai'vikm a man also was walking there
' Kor. 21.9
Quyqmn'a'qu o'pta e'wan Big-Raven also said Kor. 29.5
qo'La ai'ak o'pta . . . gayo'ohn an other one she also put into
the storeroom Kor. 55.1
See also Kor. 56.5
oma'ka together
Ama'mqut a' nice o'maka kana'tiykm Ememqut was fishing
together (with them) Kor. 44.10
e 'en fta'nyeu oma'lca I'ssa and then together they (were her
children) Kor. 61.2
o nnen verily, indeed, Kor. 59.9
u'nmi (?) Kor. 74.10
ya'wac ( ?) Kor. 64.9
y'anya (Ch. ya'nfa) partly, separately
yaq (indefinite pronoun, see 59) and now
wu'tdin yaq yi'nna and this now, what is it ? Kor. 36.9
ame'yaq na'wis'qat well, how is the wife Kor. 68.2
gm-ya'q thy turn Kor. 46.7 (See yaq, 59, p. 729)
ya'qam only
ya'qam ai'Jcipa gapi'wyalin only (with) fly-eggs she scattered
Kor. 45.2
ve'lo ya'qam ninataikinvo' qenau she was only making thimbles
Kor. 59.5
ya'qaft why
ya'qcufl ya'ti why hast thou come Kor. 64.1
yaqqai'-qun (Paren ydqqai'-qun Kor 92.5) then
ye'll
ye'li gayi'ndlin and so she flew away Kor. 46.5
e / en ye e l ganekela'len and so she felt ashamed Kor. 60.1
129
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 879
vi'yaft, ve'en (?)
vi'yan iskula'ti (if that is so) then you were cold Kor. 26.2
vi'yan Mapi'tdonvo'yJcin nevertheless he looked up Kor. 42.8
na'no vi'yan Icisva'diJc va'y'kin of course, it is there on the
cross-pole Kor. 68.5
vi'yan gapanqai' pilen (without clothes) but with a cap Kor.
76.22
vi'n'va, vi'n*vi secretly Kor. 61.1; 76.14
va*'yuk afterwards Kor. 14.7; 19.5
va e 'a7cKoT. 56.5; 64.9
van (never in initial position; perhaps related to the Chukchee
demonstrative particle nan which is also used adverbially).
ui'na-van minka'kila not by anybody else Kor. 40.6-7
gaye'm na' r no-van minutnana'wge not those I shall be able to
eat Kor. 55.8-9
a'mhn-van Tcitve'-li'ga pendi'ylcin after that he rushed at her
every time (Paren) Kor. 92.10
pa' La perhaps Kor. 60.5
maci maybe
ma'di wu'tduk mayhap (it was) here? Kor. 49.7
ma'ddi vi'Ilca va'ylcm mayhap a fork is there Kor. 19.7
me'te mima'tage mayhap I'll marry thee Kor. 32.6
mal well
mat-kit properly Kor. 15.6; 74.6; 88.9
mal-ki'til very well ! Kor. 21.5
Also met'-ki'tldt
male'ta quietly Kor. 54.7
ma'kiw somewhere Kor. 80.9
me'nqan how Kor. 82.4; 84.21; 88.1
me'nqad mi' gun mai'mik how indeed shall I get water? 16.7-8
me'nqan mi'qun how, indeed? Kor. 17.12
mi'qun (Paren mu'gun Kor. 92.23) indeed ; an intensifying particle
mi'qun nana'ngin indeed he is a shaman Kor. 42.9
mi' gun Ama'mqut e'wan Ememqut said even (this) Kor. 64.11
ya'gu mi'qun qatai'lcigm what indeed will you do ? Kor. 76.7
Also 16.3, 8; 17.12; 39.10; 84.21; 86.12
(ti'wyak [literally: I SAY] it seems Kor. 57.9)
ti'ta when
ilu*'pilin ti'ta mlnelo '6ola when we find a shaman's wand Kor.
27.7
ti'ta gu'mma tra'tik when was I at home? Kor. 68.13
ti'ta o'pta ninanuva 'an let him also swallow me Kor. 84.15
ti'taq mu'yu mita ttayi'pnala when did we feed on inner skin of
dogs Kor. 48.9 129
880 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
tito-o'n after a long time Kor. 57.5
nlme' very; very much Kor. 16.1, 8
ca'myeq indeed Kor. 24.2
cemya'q really Kor. 56.1
Zemeee s 'n it is so ! Kor. 46.4
cini't since
dini't Enna e 'an gi'ti since thou art so Kor. 56.9-10
much less Kor. 49.1
simply
li'gan mimtelJiiyalai'Jce simply they were resplendent Kor. 44.3
kXma'k almost Kor. 21.7; 84.13
kale'LE, qale'LE vertically
ke'nam Kor. 39.3; Jcena'm Kor. 40.3 already
ki'wan truly Kor. 26.9
kit, ki'tll see mal-kit
ki, klc (never in initial position) and
ya'qkin-lci and what for ? Kor. 26.10 (for ya'qkin see 47, 59)
ki'tan; kltta' then (?)
Jci'tan amyaqaThefie'tifl taya'flikm then she wanted to go to the
porch Kor. 33.8-9
gu'mma Tcitta' tu'lcwdk I am caught Kor. 36.10
kitta' atawalnila'lca, do not look back by any means Kor. 51.6;
52.10
Tci'tta negative particle; see 131.3, p. 883 (Ch. en'ne)
ki'tkit a little
ki'kit; Jti'Jvic as soon as 84.3
Wkit gayi'ltilen as soon as he went to sleep Kor. 84.3
Td'Tcte gayalqiwlin as soon as they entered Kor. 72.21
qai'gut indeed Kor. 84.23
qa'wun though
qa'wun pani'ta, mi'lcincik nayamata' ge though later on thou
wilt marry someone Kor. 78.17
qaci'n
qadi'n plakgene'tin na s> 'taftvoqen for he had passed water into
the boots Kor. 14.2
qadi'n qp'npu niki'ta, gana s/ Len therefore altogether it became
night Kor. 16.6
ga'tin milya'qpil because it was a small shell Kor. 23.8
gayo s 'olen, qa6m vi'tvitpil they visited her, for there was a
small ringed seal Kor. 24.4
qah'n Ena'n tawi'fkinik for she (had been) pilfering Kor. 34.3
129
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 881
na'nyeu qadi'n Yaqyamtila f nu for those were Bumble-Bee-Men
Kor. 44.6
qa'din ui'na ana'luka gati'lcalen for without chewing he swal-
lowed her Kor. 84.1*
qa'cih
gi'ssa qa'cilc ui'na a'lva a'tvaka for this reason will you be
(feel) wrong Kor. 18.7
gu'mma qa'dik oyamya'-gum for am I human game Kor. 42.6
qun, qun-am
gina'n gun mta'witJcini-gi' so thou art playing mischief Kor. 82.9
qu'nam nu'talc ui'na ane'lhi-yipnuka even in the open country
we eat no inner skin Kor. 49.1
pe'nin qun-im TJwe'npilin the same (former) little U'wen
(Paren) Kor. 92.7
qu'nam mu'yi . . . oya'myan miti'nmin even we too (alone)
have killed a man Kor. 68.3
qu'nam qun Kor. 74.17
ve'tha-qo'nom just now Kor. 56.10
qo'npu very, quite (qon'pu Chukchee; xe Kamchadal); Kor.
13.10; 15.8; 41.8, etc.
ytimlafi again Kor. 15.8; 18.8; 19.8 etc.
na'nyen then 63.10; 72.8; 74.3 etc.
130. KAMCHADAL CONJUNCTIONS
Most of the Kamchadal conjunctions have been replaced by the
Russian (local) forms.
i, dai (H, ^an) and
je (me) but
tolko (TOJIBKO) merely, only
dotopera (^o Tonepa) until now
potom (HOTOMI,) after that
Other conjunctions of Kamchadal origin are still in use. Among
these I mention
hold, JidUeq it is time! then, now, altogether Kor. 99.5
This particle is used quite frequently with a great variety of mean-
ings. Its use has even influenced the local Russian dialect inasmuch
as the Russian adverb nopa IT is TIME is used also as a conjunction,
although this does not agree with Russian usage.
-ilme, -me (never initial) AND, AND NOW, corresponds to the
Chukchee -urn K. K. -am.
-Ice (never initial) AND, AND NOW, but more emphatic than -me.
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 232 56 130
882 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
-ven (never initial) Kor. 98.9. This emphatic particle cor-
responds to K. K. van, and may have been -borrowed from
Koryak.
hat THEN in the beginning of tales corresponds to Chukchee
e'nmen.
e'wun AND, AND so corresponds to Ch. e'un, K. K.; a'wun, K.
Paren e'wun, but may also have been borrowed from Koryak.
IdCt HOW IS IT, WHEREFORE.
131. NEGATIVE ADVERBS
1. va'n&van negative particle, NOT AT ALL (stem probably vane).
This occurs either alone or with other negative elements.
va'nevan ninutewurre' erkinen not at all land appears 7.3
va'nevan nuwa'lomnen he would not hear anything
va'nevan gina'n li'i qalhi'ginl have you no knowledge at all? 38.4
yi'liil rurkinin te'lcichin va'nevan tongues he eats, meat not at
all 49.4
va'nEVan nute's'qan m e yo*'nen they did not at all reach the ground
52.12
va'nevan ne s nlu 'rkinet Icele'ta the kele could not see them at all
100.29
va'nevan na e nayilhau'nen a*'ttm they were not at all afraid of
the dog 105.25
va'nevan anto'Jcslen ne'wqat the woman did not go out at all 54.8
va'nevan qare'm nuwa'lomnen he would not hear anything
va'nevan cFnWnet they could not see them at all 61.10
va'nevan eLe a'lomka they did not hear anything 60.10
va'nevan elu 'lca they are invisible 62.1
va'nevan eu'rrekelin it is not visible 62.2
2. qare'm; Kor. Kam. qaye'm; Kor. Par., qeye'm; Kor. II
(village Qare'nm and others in Kamchatka i'gut} ; Kamchadal.
X'enc, x*e. Used always with the exhortative, or alone with
exhortative meaning, and ignifying negative future.
qare'm mini' nmi file we shall not kill you 13.4
qare'm minefetyafk I shall not become black 23.6
qare'm milkrnno'a n I shall not treat him 24.10
qare'm minmu'ut I will not kill thee 98.25; 99.7
qare'm mra'gtia k I will not return home 99.2, 24
qare'm ELi'ga rinenyegtele'tya? father will not allow me to live 99.15
qare'm mi'ilh&n I will not do it 99.20
qare'm mi'ilhit I will not give it to thee 15.13; 16.9
qare'm miydtyafk I will not come
a'msn qarem! but no! (i. e. , I shall not do so) 16.1
131
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 883
m i'git! not now! (i. e., I shall not do so from now on) 21.1
qare'm! no! (i. e., I shall not do it) 99.13
Kor. Kam. qare'm mla '~k, Kor. II. i'hut mlefk, Kamchadal x'ent
mnuJc 1 will not eat
Koryak.
adJiiva'n qaye'm this time I shall not! Kor. 54.3
qaye'm na'no-van mmutnana'wge I shall not be able to eat
them Kor. 55.8
qaye'm enalha'lmilc he will not catch us Kor. 72.19
Even future imperatives take this particle.
qare'm quwfi'tik do not die! (i. e., you shall not die) 64.16, 17
Derived from qare'm is the verbal form (jar e' men (Kor. Kam.
qiyme'en Kor. 38.5, Kor. Far. qisme'neri) it is not so, not true.
qgre'men tf'tik lu'mnil it is not really a story 61.5
qaremenai'-gum I am not this one 23.5
qare'mgn ora'weLan he is not a human being 29.9
garemena'tgum qla'uleum I am not a man
qaremena'lgit qla'ulegit thou art not a man
qaremena'lgum niru'lium I am not feeble
qare'mena'igit niru'ligit thou art not feeble
qare' then niru'lqin he is not feeble
qaremenai' gum ne'usqatium I am not a woman 116.31
Kor. Kam. qiyime'w un impossible! Kor. 14.3.
3. ewfte Kor. Kam. kl'tta, Kamchadal jak, we do not! (see 114
p. 823)
4. elo' NO e[o' (Reindeer Kor.) 30.9
els no 30.8
raft' uri? -elo' what is the matter with you? nothing 53.6
4a. ea'mam NO! i DO NOT WANT TO (referring to future events) 78.6;
used with future indicative. There is no corresponding form
in either Koryak or Kamchadal.
da'mam I do not want to 98.5, 8
6a'?nam tre'ilhit I shall not give thee
5. e'I,e NOT, signifying simple denial Kor. Par. e'Le, Reindeer Kor.
e'Le, Kor. II., village Qare/nin and others in Kamchatka efta,
Kamchadal qam Kor. Kam. ui'Hd instead (see below). See 15,
12, 21.3, 24.8
6. ui'fia NONE (with nouns; substantives and adjectives). (Kor.
Kam., ui'na, Kor. Par., ui'fla e'Le, Kor. II. , village Qare'nin
and others in Kamchatka em, e'mma NOT. The Kamchadal uses
qam (see above, under e'Le). Kor. Par. uses also e'Le alone
131
884 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ui'nd $pi'nlca I have no powder
See also 18. 5; 22.3; 27.9
Without the negative prefix-suffix we find
6ai ui'nd ^ ta'aq ui'na, tam-va'irgm gumni'n no tea, no tobacco,
mine is a good life!
(Kor. Par.) e'Le epi'nke I have no powder
Derived from this particle is ui'nilin HAVING NONE.
ui'nilium epi'nTcElium I have none, I am without powder 59.2
132. Interjections
Chukchee and Koryak are rich in interjections. These may be
divided into several groups; namely, a) ejaculations expressing a
state of strong emotion, without definite tone; Z>) exclamations
expressing assent, disapproval, surprise, fear, pain, question, call,
and answer, etc.; c) onomatopoetic interjections, sound pictures,
imitations of sounds, such as singing of birds, thumping of stones,
swishing of rapidly moving slabs, etc. ; d) words and phrases used as
exclamations. Some of these are derived from pronominal or con-
junctional stems, while others can not be reduced to such sources,
at least not at present.
a. Ejaculations
a! 45.3 (Kor. a! A! Kor. 55.5) oh!
ga! R 104.48 oh!
0/63.9 oh!
e! 85.12; 90.6; 91.7 ah!
e/ 101.20 all right
go, go! R 65.119 (call)
'ga, 'ga! 122.1 call
gi, gi! R 72.16 ah, ah!
gei! 69.4 oh!
ggg! (Kor. ggg!) yes !
guq! 10.3; 52.3; 53.1; (Kor. gek! Kor. 50.4) ugh! oh!
goq! 24.1 108.32; gik! 10.1;' 11.2; gi! 68.30; R 69.35; Kor.
51.1, 5; 58.6
gu! 26.4; go! 69.7; 108.19
ogogogogoi! 70.2 oh, oh, oh!
ugugugugu! 29.7 uhuhuhuh !
Koryak
e! oh! Kor. 47.1
ye! ah! Kor. 49.2
eni'! oh! Kor. 64.19
132
ane'! Kor. 49.3 ifle'l Kor. 27.6
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHTJKCHEE 885
b. Exclamations
Their stems are independent and some of them form derivatives.
qo! expresses ignorance: i DO NOT KNOW!
qona'arkin to speak always of one's ignorance; to answer: "I
do not know."
Assent:
// 9.6, 13; 66.25; 84.10 (Kor. o! Kor. 30.2; 38.6) yes.
// 84.19 ah!
egei'l 133.24 R 71.5; R 73.34 (Kor. uga') all right!
assent and approval.
egei'l 75.30 oh!
taga'm! R 59.9, 16; R 66, 134 (Kor. toq! to! Kor. 35.3;
Kor. 45.8) come ! well !
taga'm is used also as the usual leave taking.
taga'm tewkwe'erkin! R 41.98 (in Koryak toq is used as
leave taking) good-bye ! I am going.
The usual greeting is ye'ti? or less frequently ge'et-i-git;
R 62.62; R 76.25 (Kor. yatif HAVE YOU COME?' as
greeting)
The answer is // yes ! or /, tiye'tyafk! yes, I have come !
Greeting borrowed from Russian, tor o' ma (aflopoBo) (Kor.
toro'va) how do you do ?
tarn contracted from taga'm, mostly with an ejaculation
preceding, COME! WELL!
ee, tarn! 30.9; 89.23; e tarn! 90.3.
i, tarn! 84.19.
gi, tarn! 84.14.
Assertion :
gu'na! 82.16; 85.6; R 76.27 sure!
gu'na, gai'vE 24.8 indeed, yes !
Calls:
mei! 76.22 R 73.32; R 59.11, from man to woman 53.6;
Kor. mail Kor. 64.24 amei! Kor. 63.6; mei! Kor.
32.5; here addressed from a man to a woman; me! Kor.
100.5 K. Paren ve! Kor. 101.13; Koryak II Qarefiin
mei Kor. 102.4 there, you! you! halloo!
na'ul 45.3 (Kor. na'wal) call among women
wui'! 83.13; R 72.15; goi 60.2 (Kor. goi'!) answer to call
yago'! 67.8 (Kor yawd'! Kor. 33.9) halloo
wago'l R 125.22 halloo! there, take it!
Disapproval :
e'wi! 120.10 so!
ee'! 81.17; 83.14; is it? (doubt and disapproval)
eei'l 108.19 aha! (doubt and disapproval) 132
886 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Surprise :
Used by men
Tca'lco' 7 generally reduplicated JcaJco, Jcako! 8.5; 12.6; 68.31
oho!; qaJcol 84.10; gako,gako! 77.26; 104.14; ga'JcoZIA
Icako, mei'l 14.7; R 64.93. ga'ko mei!, go' to mei!
Used by women
Jce'Jce'l 52.2; 71.26.
Jce'Jce, na'ul!
Jceke' , Jceke' , keke' ! 29.7 great surprise and fear
Koryak, for both sexes.
ce Kor. 47.6 (surprise and disapproval) ugh.
qe'e Kor. 82.14 surprise
Fear:
gdkkoi'l 63.1 oh, oh!; goqoi' I 18.8
JcokJcoi'f 22.5 surprise and fear
akakaka! 87.14 sudden fright
Question :
waf (Kor. vaf Kor. 46.10) would you?
amto'f 13.9; 80.4; R 92.18 (Kor. amto'?) well? what news?
also used as a conjunction: amto' giika'lhin? how is
your leg ?
Pain:
gi,gi,gi R 74.46 (Kor. mikikikik! Kor. 29.1) sudden acute
pain
ge, ge, gel 63.8 (Kor. igigi'! Kor. 23.9) crying
Warning :
ga, ga, gal 85.17,28 (Kor. got!) off! look out!
Laughing:
ga, ga, ga! R 79.10
'gigi! 30.2
gm! 30.2 laughing of a skull.
Anger :
gm! R 72.20 (Kor. gm! Kor. 31.2)
gftm! (terminal) 61.2
taga'm, qapa'ae, gtim! 61.2 well, cease, will you!
Miscellaneous:
go! (Kor. go! Kor. 49.6) I do not know
yau yau! 66.17; R 73.35 wait a while! (Kor. ya'wo)
c. Onomatopoetic Interjections
qa,qa,qa! R 140.10; R 277.8, yapping of fox
gin, gin! 105.27 barking of dog
m-m! 106.15 mumbling of ke'le (hence derived a noun
mti'umgin KELE'S MUMBLING)
Tcaleu', kabeu'! R 307.8 cackling of ptarmigan 132
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 887
alia', ana', ana'! 84.8 crying of small infant
ew, ew, ew! R 104.47 singing of thanksgiving ceremonial
dig, 6ig! 68.25 swishing of slabs of whalebone
piw, piw! 68.8 thumping of stone on the ground
pig, pig! 76.3 thudding of small objects on the ground
pr! 88.17 sound produced with lips
(Koryak) valcikiki' ! Kor. 46.1 jabbering of magpie
Shaman's calls
egegegegei'! 15.7; 68.28; (Kor. ogogogogoi'!) ; 66.35 (here
merely fatigue, though borrowed also from shamanistic
practice)
ototototototoi' ! 59.4
otatatatatatai' ! 59.4
Answer to shaman's call
git, git, git, gige'tl 39.9
ge'we, gewe! R 306.1 raven's shamanistic song
go'on-Jcale', go'on-Jcale' R 314.23 (Kor. qo'on, qo'on Kor.
48.2; ann, ann! Kor. 47.2; Koryak, ^rw/u'mKor. 90.15;
Kor. II Pallan, raven's cawing) raven's shamanistic song
ge'we, egegegei'! R 122.2 mosquito's shamanistic song
R 306.7
qaia'qan, qaia'qan! foxes shamanistic song (a little more !
at the same time onomapoetic)
ge'wye, ge'wye Tco'onm R 315.31 polar bear's shamanistic
song
Calls of reindeer-herders
go, go, go, goq, goq, goql 32.11 for driving the herd
ga, ga, ga, 'gaq, 'gaq, gaq!
eia', eia', eia'! R 307.13 for calling a broken reindeer
(chiefly in offering it urine)
qrr! R. 4.38 the same; also reindeer's snorting, onomato-
poetic
Interjections are often used in groups
guq, i! 9.13; giJc, i'! 65.26 oh, yes!
ee, ta'm! (see before)
gei, gu'nd! 69.4 oh, indeed!
d. Words and phrases used as interjections
ina'nken, ina'nken um 9.5; 64.7, 14; 68.16 oh, my!
tite'net! 64.15; 68.16; 80.22 (great emphasis) used also in com-
pounds with personal pronouns hi verbalized form
tite'net-i-git it is wonderful with you
tite'net-tu'ri (plur.) it is wonderful with you
tite'net-ve'rin it is wonderful with him (stem verin unknown
otherwise) 132
888 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULU 40
ij tu'n-mkekl oh, my! sudden surprise; (tur new; nikek verbal
noun of indefinite verb nike (82)
efliinre'wan! 80.23 oh, goodness !
am no't amsnl R. 73.27 (surprise and anger; em mere
113.5) not demonstrative particle (57) amsn adversative
conjunction p. 853) how is it then!
ceq-a'lvam va'lin! 76.5 (113.15) how very strange !
ve'nom wonder and blame; in compounds with subjective form
of personal pronoun
venom gma'n 55.11 ; 109.24 something like OUT WITH YOU !
dlu'mna! 120.16,23 (a ah, lumna again) only think of it!
sudden surprise (see also p. 854)
nire' gin-urn! I do agree! 84.19; R 62.58; R 65.112 regular
nominalising form of indefinite verb req (82)
rere'q-um R 75.6 I do agree ! (causative re-requm)
re'qu lu'mna the same! R 73.24 (re'qu designative of req what;
lumna again)
ra'qal 80.25 what of that; (req what; al otherwise unknown)
u'nmun a'm, u'nmun a'm-m e'un 84.26; 87.7 Oh, how bad it
is! (u'nmun very, a'ni-m even so; e'un and so)
KAMCHADAL
tea there! gu call; halloo!
tie there, take it! he, hei answer to call
nux here! qa what do you want?
ee yes xi surprise
133. Euphemism
For diseases, dangerous animals, and unfortunate events or condi-
tions, euphemistic phrases are in use, some of which express the
idea to be stated by the opposite idea.
nigitte'pqin (literally, clever) fool
cilcaye'tu-wa'lin (from cilca'yon-va'lm intelligent) silly
erme'urkin (literall} 7 , he acquires force) he becomes possessed
by madness
also
emtme'urkm (literally, he reposes) he dies of hunger
uulvilu' (literally, black wild reindeer) brown bear
lei'wulin (literally, the one who walks about) wolf
re' qatkurkin (literally, something is happening) contagious
disease is spreading
va'irgitkerkin (from va'irgm being) disease
133
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE
889
134. New Words.
On the whole, Chukchee and Koryak have not borrowed many terms
from the Russian, but have rather coined new words for new ideas.
Following are a few examples of these.
Chukchee
Kor. Kamenskoye
a'yim
te'qenan
ta'qana
teq-e'rem
taqa'-a'yim
anan-ra'n
anan-ya'n
tin-lcoi'nin
e'tti-Tcoi'nm
wui'gun
tin-u'Tckam
gui'vin
pnti'lkan
cfq-i'mil
Tceli'lcd
a* qa' -mi' mil
Jcati'Jcal
Tcdi'tul
kdli'tul
ta'aq-Tcoi'nin
~ka!nta
emte'-qal
yara'r-o'lcJcam
aima'lqal
ilh-u'lckam
commander (literally, strong-
man)
tribute (literally, thing for
bowing down with)
chief officer of district (liter-
ally, tribute-strong-man)
church (literall}^ spirit-
house)
glass (literally, ice-cup)
fortified log-house
bottle (Russian SyitUKa;
in Chukchee literally, ice-
vessel)
brandy (literally, bad water)
letter, book, writing (literally,
carving)
ruble, paper ruble (literally,
piece of carving)
tobacco-pipe (local Russian
rae3a, borrowed from
Turkish, in Chukchee
literally, tobacco-cup)
(one side of) horse -pack (liter-
ally, carrying-side)
flat brandy-keg (literally,
drum-vesse')
long brandy-keg (literally,
thigh-bone)
plate (literally, white vessel)
Russian loan-words are always modified to suit the phonetic charac-
ter of the language. The Koryak, even those that have no ?*, retain,
however, the Russian r.
Chukchee Kor. Kam. Russian
caxapi>
ta'aq
6ai
Jco'neJcon
Kor. Kam.
ta'qar
ta'wax
Ico'n'e
Tco'tir
naa
KOHL
sugar
tobacco
tea
horse
K03bipi> (trump) cards
134
890 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
salt
how is your
health?
quarter
cow
cossack
table
plate
6ol
tol
COIL
toro'ma
toro'wa
3 A OpOBO
6e'6ver
de'dver
HCTBepTL
Tcoro'walhin
Icoro'wa
KOpOBd
Ica'tak
ka'sak
Kaaani
Etto'l
stol
CTOI1
tore'lqan
tore'Tka
xapeiKa
CHUKCHEE TEXT
THE WOMAN WHO MARRIED THE MooN 1
E'nmen 2 qol 3 yara'chm, 4 ne'us'qat 5 um 6 qol 3 ora'weLa-
Once a certain house, woman certain human
Sa'us'qat 7 uwa / qu6ita 8 E'nku 9 ge'tftilin, 10 e'nmen 2 gequ'pqaLin, 11
woman the husband to rejection ' used her, then ' she was starving,
elvetine'ta 12 gene'Lin 13 em-qu'pqata. 14 E'nmen 2 gite'. 15 Qan've'r
crawling on 'she became just by starving. Then "she was After that
all-fours hungry.
um 6 yara'dhin 4 lu 'nin, 16 res'qi'wkwi 5 , 17 ci6e'pgi , 18 e'ur 19 teik-
a certain house she saw it, she entered she loo'ked at the made
about same time
evi'rm 20 gaimei'vulen, 21 e'ur 19 upa'lha 22 keme'ni 23 geyi'reLin, 24
garments ' were hanging, at the with tallow a dish was full,
same time
mqaim'tvaqen 25 um 6 e'nmen, 2 li'en* mpli'tkuqin, 26 nigmteu'qin 27
she eats and then, just she finished, ' she fled
nota'gti. 28
to the country.
1 From W. Bogoras, Chukchee Texts; Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition Vol. VIII,
pp. 86-89.
* ONCE UPON A TIME, also connective AND THEN, THEN; always in narrative (p. 858).
Absolute form; with non-personal nouns the synthetic qyll is also used ( 60, p. 732).
<Stem ra HOUSE; yara probably reduplication from rara; -6hm A PARTICULAR ONE ( 53, p. 716),
absolute form; here in predicative sense THERE WAS A PARTICULAR HOUSE.
Stem lieu FEMALE; -s-qat a suffix, probably related to others in -s-q-, but not free. Absolute form
as before.
Particle, indicating that the whole story is well known to the narrator, and is supposed to be
known to the hearer ( 128, p. 849).
I ora'wer+lcfn WHAT BELONGS TO THE HUMAN RACE (54, p. 717);r+Hn con tact form L(7, 17; p. 654)
the strong vowels of the word produce ablaut in the second part of the compound ( 3, p. 646)
The first part of the compound has dropped the suffix -n of the absolute form ( 115, p. 826).
Subjective form in -ta ( 37, p. 697); here as subject of transitive verb ( 92, p. 780).
9 E'nku; verbal stem srik TO REJECT, TO REFUSE; u suffix (103.34) expressing purpose, depending,
upon the following verb.
10 ntti'rkin or ritdi'rkin to make some one something ( 79, p. 765); stem rtf initial; tS medial ;yclin
nominalized verb (ft) ( 73, p. 758).
II Stem qupq(dt) TO STARVE; gelin SHE WHO HAD ATTAINED A STARVING CONDITION (73); $<H-
(7).
Stem elvetift, -et adverbial suffix ( 110.70, p. 810); a Nominal Form 1,3 ( 64; 95, p. 786).
" Stem nel ( 77); ge-lin (see note 10); L<l+l ( 7).
" em- MERE ( 113, 7, p. 816) ; qupqat TO STARVE (see note 11; -a Nominal Form I, 3 ( 64, 95).
15 gitteu TO BE HUNGRY.
"Stem lu* TO SEE; -nin HE HIM ( 67, p. 741).
"Stem res-qiu TO ENTER; -gi* HE ( 64, p. 738); wkw<u+g ( 7.2; 72.4).
"Stem ttiep related to lilep TO LOOK ( 2; 122, p. 834), also & TO LOOK; -pi< HE (64).
128, p. 855.
>Stem teik TO MAKE; evi'rin GARMENT, absolute form ( 30, p. 691), here subject of intransitive verb
(5 91, p. 779) ; composition see 116, 4, p. 830.
21 Stem yjTO TO HANG; suffix yv(u) frequentative or intensive (110.54); go, ttn( 74, p. 760); with
ablaut (3).
TALLOW; subjective form in -a expressing modality ( 37, 92); with ablaut ( 3).
DISH, absolute form in -ni ( 30); absolute form as subject of intr. verb ( 91).
Stem yir FULL; with suffix -et ( 110, 70); gelin (see note 10); L<Z-K.
Astern gam, compounded with tva to be; nqin ONE WHO is PERFORMING AN ACTION (73, p. 758);
with ablaut (3).
"StempZ and suffix -tku ( 110, 67), compare plagi it is ended; nqin see note 25.
^Stem gmt; with suffix -eu ( 110, 70); nqin see note 25.
Stem nu<$; -fii after vowel, allative ( 40); ablaut ( 3).
891
892 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Qla'ul 29 puki'rgi 530 6eivutku'lm. 31 Yi 'lhin 32 urn 6 qu'num, ra e 'nut. 33
A man came walking. The moon really, what.
"Guq, 6eq-a'lvam-va'lin, 34 ra 'nut 33 lei'vurkin 35 qamitvala'arkm, 36
'" Oh, quite extraordinary being, what is walking is eating much,
u'kkam-yi'riir 37 te'lpirkm. 38 " Ne'me irga'tik 39 ewkwe'tyi . 40
vessel-full is finished." Again in the morning he started.
Elve'lin 41 li'en* ple'kit 42 nenai'puqenat, 43 na'qam eu'rrekElin 44
Other ones just boots he put on, however not appeared
ne'wan. 45 Ne'me qati', 46 e'ur 19 Enqa'n 47 ne'us'qat 5 puki'rgi , 30
a wife. Again he went, at the same then the woman came,'
time
upa'lhm 22 ne'me lu 'nin. 18 Qamiitvala'tye , 48 qan've'r gnrkew'kwi 5 . 49
the tallow again she saw it. She ate much, after that ' she grew fatter.
Qla'ul 29 urn 6 ne'me ragtie . 50 "Guq, u'nmun a'ni. 51 Ceq-a'lvam-
The man again came home. "Oh, how bad! Quite extraordinary
va'lm. 34 Ra 'nut 33 iLo'n 52 qamitvala'arkin ? 36 Kita'm e'ur 19 irga'tik 39
being. What then is eating much? Well then this in the
time morning
eSei'vutkuka 53 mi'tya k!" 54 Ne'me arn-gmotilo' 55 ne'lyi . 56 Lu'ur 57
not going let me be!" Again mere* mid-day it became. Thereupon
ne'me no'ti 58 ye'tyi 5 , 59 res'qi'wkwi 17 um 6 ne'me, takeche'ti 60 qati'. 46
again behind there she came, she entered again, to the meat she went.
29 Probably reduplicated absolute form from astern qla (qlafl) (29); q before consonant becomes e
( 7) ; absolute form as subject of intransitive verb (91).
Astern pukir in initial position; pkir in medial position ( 12, p. 662).
Astern teivu, related to leivu ( 2, 122); -tku ( 110, 67); -lin ONE WHO ( 54). See note 35.
32 Absolute form; predicative.
83 See 59 p. 729; absolute form.
s *iq- EXCESSIVELY ( 113, 15); elve DIFFERENT; alvam-va'lin EXTRAORDINARY ( 112, 82, p. 814) stem
tva- TO BE, initial va- ( 12.2, p. 661)'; -lin (54).
Astern leivu, related to ceivu (note 31); -rkin derived form ( 64, 87).
36 See note 25; derived form ( 64, 87); -^FREQUENTATIVE, ( 110.53 with t dropping out in intervo^
calic position (10).
91 u'kkdm DISH, stem yir FULL, here reduplicated absolute form ( 29).
^Stem telp; derived form (see note 35).
3 Stem irg dawn; a locative form (38). Compare irgiro'fiaoi IT BEGAN TO DAWN 9.13; irgiro'k at
dawn lu.3.
L " Stem ewkw with suffix -et ( 110, 70); ty< t+ g ( 7. 26, p. 654).
* l elve DIFFERENT, OTHER; -lin absolute form ( 60.3); singular and instead of plural ( 46, p. 709). The
strong form alva signifies AWAY!
Plural.
Stem ipu; prefix Ine- making transitive verb intransitive, here passive ( 113, 28) ;n qin, ONE
WHO is PERFORMING AN ACTION ( 73), plural because referring to ple'kit: THOSE THAT ARE BEING PUT
ON (74); with ablaut (3).
Stem urr(eu) often medially wurr; ekelin negation ( 114, 4; p. 824).
Derived from neu FEMALE.
< Stem medially Iqdt; 3 d person past, more frequently qa'tyi'; ty<t+g ( 7. 26, p. 654).
< 7 Demonstrative ( 57).
See note 36, ty<t+g ( 7. 26, p. 654).
Stem gin-k+eu ( 110, 70); wkw<u+g ( 7.2).
MFrom ra house, probably the allative form ragti which serves here as verbal stem: ti&<t-gi f with
ablaut (3, 7).
61 Particles ( 128, p. 853).
62 128, p. 852.
wstem ceivu, see notes 31 and 35; -tku ( 110, 67); ekd negation ( 114, 4), see also note 44.
"Stem it to be, 1st person subj. (a); ty<t+g ( 7. 26).
em- MERE ( 113, 7); gmo'n middle; ilo'-, a lo' DAY.
66 Stem nel- TO BECOME; ly<l+g (7): see Note 13.
67 126, p. 868.
68 Demonstrative particle (57).
6 Stem yet- TO COME.
*teki'6hin MEAT; allative form in -eti ( 53, 40).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 893
Ne'me e6hi cit 61 qami'tvarkm, 62 lu'ur 57 pi'rinin. 63
Again before as be- she ate, thereupon he took her.
fore
"Akakaka'I ilu'ka 64 a'lva!" 41 mqama'graqen. 65 "Gu, e'unan 66
"Ah, ah, ah! motionless away!" she struggled. "Oh, so
gma'n." 67 "Gu'na, a'lva, 41 qine'rrilhi 5 ! 68 u Gu'na, ilu'ka. 64 Qare'm 69
thou." "Oh, away! let me go!" "Oh motionless. Not
minre'qewkur, 70 mimnilo'ur. 71 Gik, ia'm nilei'vutku-i-gir ? 72
I shall do anything to thee, I will question thee. Oh, why art thou Avalking about?
Qai'vegeti'nve-gir?" 73 "Ui'na." 74 "E'mim?" u Uwa 'qucita 8 E'nku 9
Indeed thou hast a master?" - "No." "Where is he?" "My husband torejection
gine'tcilin, 75 genancaatvau'len, 76 ginenqu'pqeulin." 77 "Eirqa'm 78
used me, he cast me off, ' he let me starve." "Then
va'nevan 79 wu'tku 80 yara'Siku 81 re'qan 82 qinelu 'rkm." 83 "Va'ne-
not at all here inside of the something thou hast seen." "Nothing."
house
van." 79 "Guq, a'men 84 um, mimata'git." 85
"Oh, then let me marry thee."
Ma'tanen. 86 Ne'me cei'vutkui 2 . 87 Wulqatvi'k 88 um 6 puki'ri. 89
He married her. Again he walked. In the evening he came.
i Before, formerly ( 127, p. 818).
62 See notes 25, 36, 48; here qamitva, derived tense in -rkm ( 64, 87).
83 Stempiri to take; -nin he him ( 67).
M ilu TO MOVE; eka negation ( 114, 4). The initial e is contracted with the i of the stem.
K Stemqama'gra; nqn ( 73); with ablaut ( 3).
ee 126, p. 855'.
w Subjective form ( 56); presumably as subject of an idea like YOU HAVE EATEN IT.
68 Stem initial rirril, medial ml; ine- ( 67; 113. 28); q gi* imperative 2d person sing.
"Negation with exhortative meaning ( 131.2).
7 Medial form of the causative prefix n; stem raq WHAT, SOMETHING; eu ( 110.70); predicative
form of the indefinite pronoun; mgit LET ME THEE, subjunctive ( 67); wku<.u+g; in place of git
we have here and in the next word the alternating form gir.
"Stem *piilo; initial formp/nfo-: medial form -mnilo-; mgit LET ME THEE, see note 70.
"Stem leivu, see notes 31, 35, 53; -tku ( 110, 67); predicative form of nominalized verb ( 73).
"Stem Hint) MASTER ( 48, 73).
NNO( 131.6).
"See note 10; here with the prefix -ine- referring to the first person ( 73) .
76 See note 75, the same form; stem -faqtv-; rau CAUSATIVE ( 114, 1).
77 See note 75, the same form; stem qupq TO STARVE (see note 11); r $u CAUSATIVE ( 114, 1).
"Conjunction ( 128, p. 858).
7 131.1.
80 Demonstrative (57); as particle vai; stem wut-; locative in -k.
M See note 4; -ciku inside of, nominal ( 101, 24) .
82 ra<7 SOMETHING; here absolute form (irregular) used as object with the verbs iu TO SAT, lu s TO SEE
wstem lu e TO SEE; derived tense in -rkm (64); ine- ( 113. 28); q- imperative ( 64); here used as a
past ( 85).
w Con junction (128, p. 853).
*Stem mata TO TAKE, TO MARRY; subjunctive (a), mgit LET ME THEE ( 67).
"StemmataTO TAKE, TO MARRY; -nin HE HER (67).
^Stern 6eivu+tku, see notes 31, 35, 53. The g of the ending -gi* has dropped out on account of its
intervocalic position.
88 Stem wulq EVENING, compare wu's'q DARKNESS; a locative form (38); -tvi to become (110, 68)
' Initial stem pukir, medial pkir; abbreviated termination for -pi e .
894 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULU 40
I'wkwi* 90 Eirno't 91 nawane'ti," 92 "En'ne' 93 a'ntoka 94 ralkodikoi'pu. 96
He said thus to his wife, "Don't not going from the inside of the
out inner room.
MinreVqmmik, 96 li'err 6ot-tagne'ti 97 ple'kit 42 qani'ntinmet." 98
Let us enter, just pillow edge to boots throw them."
E'nmen 2 ri'ntininet. 99 E'nmen 2 lu'ur 57 vai 100 keme'ni 23 , em-keme'ni 55
Then she threw them. Then there- here a dish, a mere dish
upon
res*qi'wkwi , 17 e'un 101 ere'ta 102 geyi'reLin. 103 Qami'tvaa t, 104 ne'me
came in, then with being full. They ate, again
boiled meat
li'en- ne'nvua n 105 keme'ni, 23 irga'tik 39 iim 6 kiye'wkwa t. 106 E'un 101
just - they put out the dish, in the morn- they awoke. At that
ing time
keme'ni 23 gite'nin 107 ne'us'qata, 108 genu'mkeulin 109 .
the dish she saw it the woman, it was put in its proper place.
Ne'me 6eiVutkui e . 87 Ge'lvulin, 110 -- tt Gik,irga'tik 39 um 6 minine't6imik 111
Again he went. He obtained a Oh, to-morrow let us have a thanks-
wild reindeer, giving ceremonial.
Tai'iiikwut 112 en -fie' 93 gma'n 87 enne'ka 113 qanti'gmet." 114 E'un 101
The charm-strings don't ' thou not carry have them for And so
out ones being thus."
nayopa'tya n 115 6na't6iyo 116 ilvilu', 117 e'un 101 tai'iiikwut 112 gene'Lmet. 118
they went to it made to be the wild rein- and so the charm- * were on it.
thanksgiving deer, strings
ceremonial
Guq, yilqa'tya t. ni Irga'tik 39 thn fl kiye'wkwaH, 106 ne'me
Oh, they slept. Next morning they awoke, again
90 Stem iu; suffix -gi ; wkw<.u+g (7).
* See 58, p. 727.
92 Stem newdn wife: -Bti ALLATIVE (40).
88 131.3.
"Initial stem ftito, medial nto TO GO OUT; | kd not (114.4).
"Stem relku; -Siku interior (101. 24); -ipti ablative (42).
"Stem res-qiu TO ENTER; subjunctive (a), mm mik LET us (64); see Note 17.
97 Sot PILLOW; te'gin edge; -iti ALLATIVE (40); PILLOW-EDGE i. e. THE OUTER TENT.
"Stem int; r- to cause to ( 114. 1 c); qdninet THOU THEM, imperative ( 67).
"Stem and prefix as in note 98; -ninet HE THEM (67).
100 Demonstrative particle; stem wut- ( 57, p. 723). See note 80.
i128, p. 855.
102 e'ret boiled meat; -d instrumental (37).
w Stem yir FULL. See note 24.
1M See notes 25, 36, 48, 62; here 3d per. plur. ending -ya?t t with intervocalic y dropping out; ablaut (3).
106 initial stem kiy+eu, medial gg+eu, suffix -eu\ wkw<u+g (7).
107 Stem gite TO SEE, -nin HE HIM (67).
108 See note 5, -d SUBJECTIVE as subject of transitive verb.
iw Transitive prefix r, in medial position -n -( 114.1); Stem umk+eu ( 110. 70); yelin ( 73).
"ostem ilv WILD REINDEER, -u to consume ( 111, 71); gelin ( 73).
111 Stem inett TO HAVE A THANKSGIVING CEREMONIAL (perhaps ine+t6 but never used without ine;
cf. Kor. Kam. ina- dax-at); subjunctive (a), minmik LET us (64).
ll *tai'nikulhin pi. tai'Tukut MISFORTUNE-PROTECTOR; Stem taifta TO TRESPASS; -kwk protector (105.43).
" 3 kd negation (114,4\ If it were affirmative this would be a verbal noun in -(t)d dependent upon
following verb ( 80, p. 766); stem, initial rne, medial nne.
< Initial stem rt, medial nt; qdginet THOU THEM, imperative ( 67).
"Astern ygpgt to visit; negafn THEY HIM (67).
ri'Stem ineti, see note 111; -yo past participle ( 107, 47); ablaut ( 3).
117 Stem ilv, absolute reduplicated form (29).
"8 Stem nel; gelinet, 3d person plural ( 73).
"'Stem yilqtit TO SLEEP; ty<t+g ( 7).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 895
cei'vutkurkm. 87 "Re qum 82 a'm6n 84 i'unin, 120 'So'onqan 121 ce'nil 122
he was going. "What then he said to her, 'That trunk
en-fie' 93 enve'ntetka 123 qanti'rkm. 124 Errne' 93 pegci'nu 125 e'lhika. 126
don't not opened have it for one Don't for object of not having it
that is thus. concern as one.
A'limi 127 quwalo'murkm 128 urn 6 v6'ti.'" 129
However obey truly.
Gik, e'nmen 2 cei'vutkui 5 , 87 ce'nil 122 ruwentecewiu'nin. 130 E'un 101
Oh, then he went, the trunk she opened it. And so
E'n-ki 131 ne'usqat 5 n&ianva'tqen, 132 en'men 2 lu 'lqal 133 cma'ta 134 va'lin, 34
there a woman was placed then destined to split being
be a face
qaca'ken 135 le 'qac 136 nu'uqin/ 37 qol 138 tim 6 ni66'Loqen 139 le 'qac. 186
one side side of face black, the other red side of face.
E'nmen 2 ne'us'qat 5 yiki'rga 140 puke'nnin: 141 "Pr.!"
Then the woman with mouth made a noise at her: "Pr!"
E'nmen 2 gite'nin, 107 e'ur 19 nan 142 vai 100 vi e 'i , 143 p^kagta'tye 6 . 144
Then she saw her, at that that one here died, she fell down,
time
E'nmen 2 rm6nnoma'nnn, 145 mmkri 146 nayilhau'q^n/ 47 qailo'qim. 14
Then she closed it, how she was afraid of course.
Puki'rgiMn 149 uwa 'quc. 150 Res'qi'wkwa t. 151 . Va'n^van 79 ni'tvmen, 152
He came the husband. They entered. Nothing she told him,
120 Stem iu TO SAY; -nin HE HIM (67).
121 THAT YONDER, independent form ( 57, p. 723).
122 Absolute form (28).
123 Stem vent TO BE OPEN; r et CAUSEATIVE ( 114, 1); e kd negation ( 114, 4).
124 Stem rt, see note 114; derived form ( 67).
wpegcin CONCERN; -nu SERVING FOR ( 103. 34).
^Stem -In ( 78) ; eka negation ( 114, 4).
127 Disjunctive conjunction ( 128, p. 854).
128 Stem walom TO HEAR; imperative of derived form ( 64).
i Particle (128, p. 863).
""Stem vent TO BE OPEN; r et CAUSATIVE ( 114, 1); -Sewiu contracted from Set yw(u), (100.54,56);
she opened with great care and after several attempts; -nin HE HIM ( 67).
131 Locative.
"2 n-tna.-n-v%-t-qtn ( 74; also 114.1).
133 103.37.
1S < Stem cifi; suffix at; verbal noun in -()a dependent on the following participle va'lin.
Wqgca'k&n belonging to one side ( 47).
136 Ivf FACE; -qac SIDE OF ( 101, 26).
37 See 49.
1J 8 see 60, p. 732.
i39 n qin (49)
uo yiki'rgn MOUTH; -a subjective (37).
141 -nin HE HIM (67).
" 2 Demonstrative (57).
^Stem vi ! TO DIE, vi^'i* <vi s 'gi s with loss of intervocalic g ( 10).
m Stem pekagt-; suffix at
"5 Stem om(r); rat (114.1); n-tn-n prefixes, n n transitive, tn- intransitive (?).
H6stem??itfc(58, p. 727)
wayilhau; nqln ( 73).
i<8 Particle ( 128, p. 871).
K' Contraction of Urn.
IN Absolute form (28).
'5i Ending wkiva't <u-ga e t.
i 2 Initial stem tuw, medial tvu; nintn (67, la 6).
896
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULU 40
e'nmec 153 urn 6 nayilhau'n^n. 154
because she feared him.
Ple'kit 42 ri'ntminet" cot-tagM'ti, 87
The boots she threw pillow-edge to,
them out
e'nmen 2 a' teak- 155 luwa'wkwaH 158 kama'gti. 157
then to wait they were unable for the dish .
Guq, uwa 'quc 150 ure'wkwi , 158 "Guq, qa'ko. Tite'net-ve'rin. 159
Oh, the husband appeared, "Oh It is wonderful
Enfa'q 160 e'mi? 161 Qai'vE e'Le 162 ce'nil 122 i'nenvente'tkal-i-git?" 163
Now where is it? Indeed not the trunk not you opened it? "
Na'qam um e'mi? Gu'na quwalo'murkm, 164
However where is it? Do listen,
irve'r tu'wnen, 166 " Emite'tim 167 tigite'a n. 164
After that she told him, " Namely " I saw her.
e'Le. 162 Yiki'rga 140 tipuke'tya k, 170 lu'ur 57
no. With the mouth I made a noise, thereupon
"E'Le." 162
"No."
qatvu'gun!" 165
tell!"
Inegite'kalin, 169
She' did not see me,
kapleta'tye. " 171
she fell down."
Guq, c'eq-a'lvam-va'1-e-git. 172 la'm agero'lkal-e-git? 173 Atta'um 174
Oh, quite extraordinary you are. Why " dost thou not obey? With reason
e'un 101 uwa 'qucita 8 E'nku 9 ge'tcigit. 175 Ya'rar 176 rai qine'ilhi." 177
and so the husband from deserted thee. Drum behind there give me."
there
E'nmen 2 rinirgirgeu'nin. 178 E'nmen 2 ei'ui 5 . 179 En'qa'm 78 lu'ur 57
Then he drummed on it. Then she revived. Then there-
upon
gagtarrninai'piilen, 180 keme'ni 23 gereli's'qi6eLin. 181
'she was quite angry, the dish "she pushed in strongly.
is 3 See 128, p. 859.
1M See note 147, transitive form; n ntn (67, la 6).
iss a'tca TO WAIT ( 95, p. 786).
w Initial stem luw+au, medial Iv+au TO BE UNABLE ; 3 p. pi.
WFrom keme'ni dish; -gti ALLATIVE; with ablaut ( 3).
!58 initial stem ur+eu.
!59 It is a wonder! (Interjection) .
w From demonstrative stem En.
181 Interrogative adverb.
^'Negation ( 131.5).
Astern vent, see notes 123, 130; r et CAUSATIVE ( 114, 1); ikdlin NEGATION ( 114, 4); 2d person
verbalized noun ( 73).
>M Stem walom TO HEAR, LISTEN, OBEY, see note 128; derived tense, imperative,
iss stem tuw, see note 152; imperative.
IM Stem tuw; -nin HE HIM; with ablaut ( 3).
I" em-ite't-um ( 128, p. 857).
168 Stem gite TO SEE; tigd s n i HIM.
169 stem gite TO SEE; ine- '( 67); ikdlin negation ( 114, 4).
"o stem puket; tigd f k I, intransitive (64).
171 3d person sing.
i 72 See note 34; 2d person, nominatized verb ( 73).
"3 Stem gergl TO OBEY; ekdlin negation ( 114, 4); 2d person sing.
"< atau'-um BUT WITH SOME REASON ( 128, p. 854).
iw 2d person nominatized verb ( 73).
i 76 Absolute form, perhaps for rar-rar (29).
i" Stem yil; q-inegi* THOU ME, imperative; transitive form.
ITS r eu TO CAUSE; - nin HE HIM.
79 Stem ei'u, with vocalic u; therefore with loss of intervocalic g of the suffix -gi*.
w>-gti very ( 113, 22); stem an-nin ANGER; ipu TO PUT ON; gelin (\ 73).
isi Stem reli; -s-qttet INTENSITY ( 110, 59) ; gelin (73).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHTJKCHEE 897
Irga'tik 39 urn 8 kiye'wkwa t, 106 rile'rkmin. 182 I'unin, 120 "Atta'um 174
In the the J T awoke, he carried her He said to "With reason
morning (back). her,
uwa e 'qu6ita 8 E'nku 9 ge'tcigit. 175 Opo'pe 183 garai'-git, 184 minle'git." 186
the husband from he deserted thee. Let! ' thouhasta let me carry thee
there house, (back)."
ELi'gti 18e rile'nnin, 187 npkire'nnin, 188 mata'lm 189 i'unin, 120 u Guq,
To the* father he carried her he took her, to the father- he said to "Oh,
(back), in-law him,
a'men 84 urn gumna'n 190 i 'tik 191 ginfi'tik 192 tilva'wkwa'n." 193
then I indeed "watching I could not do her."
1 82 Stern *rle; initial rile, medial rile; derived form; -nin HE HIM (67).
183 An exhontative particle ( 128, p. 862).
IM Stem ra HOUSE; para'lin HE WHO HAS A HOUSE; 2d person sing. ( 73).
IK Stem *rle, see note 182; mingit LET ME THEE.
u*ELi'pm FATHER; allative ( 40).
i* 7 Stem *rle, see note 182; -nin HE HIM.
188 stem pkir to come; rieu causative (114, 1); -nin HE HIM.
IBS From mata TO TAKE, TO MARRY; absolute form.
IM Subjective form ( 56).
Adverbial.
192 ginfit TO WATCH verbal noun in -k depending on the verb Ivau.
iw initial stem fav+au, medial Iv+au cannot; tipa n i HIM.
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 211 57
KORYAK TEXT
LlTTLE-BlRD-MAN AND RAVEN-MAN
Valvimtija^ninti 1 E'66i 2 Pi6i'qa}a e n 3 uawinyonvo'yke 4 Quyqmn'a
Raven-Man the two they Little-Bird-Man wanted for a wife at Great-
qu'yik. 5
Raven's.
Quyqinn'a'qu Pice'qala nan 6 gaimannivo'ykin, 7 e'wan, 8
Great- Raven to Little-Bird-Man ' had desired, he said,
Gumna'n 9 nawa'kak 10 Pi6e'qaja e nan 6 ttyai'linm." 11 Miti' e'wan 8
"I daughter to Little-Bird-Man I shall give her." Miti said,
" Gumna'n 9 nawa'kak 10 Valvi'mtila nan 6 tiyai'linm "" Va e 'yuk Val-
"I daughter to Raven-Man I shall give her." Afterwards Raven-
vi'mtila n 3 vi'n'va nitoi'kin, 12 a f la'ta 13 awyenvo'ykin, 14 atta 'wawa 15
Man secretly went out, with excre- he ate, with dog carrion
ment
awyenvo^km. 14 Kiyaw'laike, 16 E'nki 17 vanvolai'ke 18 qapa'au 19 qu'tti 20
he ate. They awoke, there are lying wolverine some
(skins)
i e u'wi. 21 Newnivo'ykinenat, 22 "Mi'kinak 23 ga'nmilenau?" 24 Valvi'm-
wolf (skins). They began to say to both, "Who * killed* them?" Raven-
tila e n, 3 " Gumna'n." 9
Man, "I."
a From W. Bogoras, Koryak Texts; Publications of the American Ethnological Society, Vol. V, pp.
1219.
i -la'n HAVING THE QUALITY OF (48); -inti dual of personal nouns (35).
Personal pronoun, 3d person dual, absolute form.
*-la e n&s in notel;
< naw WOMAN; / auxiliar vowel; -nyu TO WORK AS A HERDSMAN; -nvo TO BEGIN ( 110, 63) ; -yke derived
form, 3d person dual (65). See Publications Jesup Expedition, Vol. VII, p. 579.
6 Quyqin RAVEN; used only in augmentative; -n-aqu AUGMENTATIVE ( 98.2); y(i) personal plural suffix
toT-wpi ( 35); -k LOCATIVE (38).
6 -nail ALLATIVE used with personal nouns ( 41).
7 gaimaf TO DESIRE; -nvo TO BEGIN ( 110.63); -ykm derived form ( 65).
8 Stem iu TO SAY. Irregular adverbial form, used as a quotativc, SAYS HE.
9 Subjective form (56).
10 flaw FEMALE; akak SON.
ti- 1; ya- FUTURE; yil- stem TO GIVE; -nin HIM, future ( 68).
lt nito TO GO OUT; -ikm derived form, 3d person singular.
13 Subjective here as instrumental; stem a s l EXCREMENT.
"Stem awyi; -nvo TO BEGIN ( 110.63); -ykm derived form, 3d person ing. ( 68).
16 a#a DOG; awaw CARRION; subjective here as instrumental.
"Stem kiyau TO AWAKE; -laike 3d. per. plural, derived form.
17 Locative adverb.
18 Stem tva TO BE, in initial position va ( 18, p. 674) ; -nvo TO BEGIN; -laike 3d per. pi., derived form,
w qapa'au, plural in u ( 34, p. 732).
* Non-personal form, dual ( 60, p. 695).
n For tfu'wgi plural (34).
18 Stem iu TO SAY; -nivo TO BEGIN; n ykmenat derived form, 3d per. dual ( 68, p. 744).
* Subjective form ( 39).
"Stem tim, in medial position nm TO KILL ( 18); ^a linau nominalized form of transitive verb, 3d
per.pl. (74).
898
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 899
Va / yuk gawya'lyolen, 25 qo'npii Enna 'an 26 ama'lat<Sa. 27 Quyqimra-
Af terwards * a snowstorm came, altogether thus not getting Great-
better.
qu'nak 28 gewnivo'lenat, 29 "Toq, qamalitva'thitik! 30 Ma'ki 31 y amah-
Raven 'told the two of them, "There, ye two make it better! Who makes it
tva'tin, 32 na'nyen 33 tiyannawtina'nnin." 34 Valvi'mtila n, "Gu'mma 35
better, to that one I shall give the wife." Raven-Men, "I
mimalitva'tik." 36 E'wan, 8 "Qinatinunla'tik!" 37 Sinvo'q pla'kilnu 38
shall make it better." He said, "Prepare the provisions for A number of boots
me!"
gatai'kilinau. 39 Ga'lqaLin. 40 E'nki 17 vanvo'ykm 41 e'irmigenka, 43
they made them. He went. There he stayed under a cliff,
yenotSonvo'ykin. 43 Pici'qala n 3 intonvo'ykin, 44 Enke' 17 vanvo'ykm, 41
he wanted to eat. Little -Bird-Man went out. there he stayed,
awyenvo'ykin. 14 Cemya'q Pi6eqa}anai'tm 45 Valvi'mtila n 3 aqa-Lapni-
he ate. Of course on Little-Bird-Man Raven-Man badly
vo'ykin. 46 PiSi'qala^n yalqi'wikin, 47 ui'na i'wka 48 ennivo'ykin. 49
looked. Little-Bird- ' entered, not saying he was.
Man
Valvi'mtila n E'nki 17 va'ykin. 41 Enna 'an 26 qo'npuvuyalannivo'ykin, 50
Raven-Man there stayed. Thus altogether there was a snowstorm,
ui'na ama'jatca. 27 Go, va 'yuk gaya'lqiwlin, 51 i'mi-pla'ku 52 gaqi'tilinau, 53
not not it became Oh, then he entered, all boots ' were frozen,
better.
qaSi'n plakgene'tiii 54 na 'canvoqen, 55 ini'nnimk pla'ku 52 gaqi'tilinau. 53
mean- into the boots he urinated, therefore, the boots * were frozen.
while
"Qiyime'wun, i'ya n 71 gaci'malin." Va 'yuk Pici'kala e n gewnivo']en, 59
"Impossible, heaven ' is broken." Then Little-Bird-Man * they said to him,
in initial position vuyal medial wyal; yy, verbal suffix, phenomena of nature ( 110.71, p. 811)
fa lin nominalized form of intransitive verb ( 73).
2 Demonstrative adverb ( 129, p. 876).
"Stem mal GOOD; a- tea negative ( 114, 4).
Subjective in -nak ( 39).
Stem iu TO TELL; -nivg TO BEGIN; galinat nominalized form of transitive verb, 3d pers. dual ( 74).
^Stern mal GOOD; tva TO BE; qgitik imperative, 2d pers. dual ( 65).
si Absolute form ( 58, p. 726).
32 ya- future.
33 Absolute form of demonstrative ( 57).
s *tiya- 1st pers. sing, future; -nin 3d pers. sing, object.
ss Absolute form (56).
36 1st person sing, exhortative, intransitive.
qinal atik imperative, YE ME; t(a) n TO MAKE (114.2); inu PROVISIONS.
88 Stem pi ok BOOT; -Inin ( 52); - PLURAL; more frequently pla'ku.
89 Stem taiki TO MAKE; galinau nominalized form of transitive verb, 3d pers. pi. ( 74).
40 Stem Iqat TO GO; nominalized form, 3d pers. sing. ( 73).
Stem tva, in initial position va TO STAY; -nvo TO BEGIN; -ykm derived form.
u-gift BASE ( 101.21), locative.
2/e-DEsiDERATiVE; nu TO EAT; -tiu intensive action 110.67); -flrg TO BEGIN; -ykm derived form.
Stem nito TO GO OUT; -nvo TO BEGIN; -ykm derived form.
-#/ allative ( 40); with nasalization added to terminal vowel ( 18, 41).
4 * Stems aqa BAD; lila TO SEE; yp TO PUT ON; nivo-ykm as in note 44.
tfya'lqiu, Ch. re's-qiw TO ENTER; derived form.
<* Stem iu TO SAY; o ka NEGATION ( 114, 4); c contracted with i to f.
49 Stem it; -ftivo-ykm as in note 44.
M Stem miyql in medial position wyal; -at ( 110.70) (see note 25).
yalqiw TO ENTER (see note 47); galin nominalized verb ( 73).
5* imi ALL ( 113.6); -u plural (34).
M qit FROZEN; galinau nominalized verb, 3d pers. pi. (73).
M plak BOOT; gin BOTTOM; -ill ALLATIVE (40).
a'ta URINE; -nvo TO BEGIN; nqin nominalized verb ( 73).
M Compare note 29; here 3d pers. sing.
900 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
" T q> gmya'q 57 qmalatva't!" 58 "Qiyime 'en, gi'niw 59 gu'mma 35
"Oh, fhou now make it well!" "Impossible, lite to thee ,' I
tiyanto'ykin, 60 plakgefie'tm 54 tiyaa cafivo'ykin?" 61 Gewnivo'lenau 62
shall go out, into' the boots shall I urinate?" He said to them
Quyqinn-aqu'nak, 28 "Qalqala'tik, 63 kitta'n ana'wtinka!" 64 Va 'yuk
Big-Raven "Go away, there unmarried! " Then
gewfiivo'len, 62 "Atau'-qun." Qo'La 65 aca'pil 66 ga'kmiLin, 67 qalte'nnm, 68
he said, "Well now." Some small fat ' he too'k," a stopper,
wtilpa'pel; 69 ga'lqaLin 70 e e'ti, 71 gayi'nalin, 72 gala'lin, 73 iya 'kin 74
a little shovel; he went to the sky, " he flew up, ' he came, the sky's
6ma'thitnm 75 qalte'nna 76 gai'pijen, 77 aca'pil 66 ee 'tm 71 gani'nlalin; 78
deft with the stopper .* he closed, little fat to the sky ' he threw;
pice' gama'lalin. 79
for a ' it grew better,
while
Gu'mlan gayai'tilen, 80 gu'mlan gawyalyo'len. 25 Sa'nyen 33
Again ' he went home, ' again th'ere was a snowstorm. That
qalte'nnm 68 ganqu'lin 81 yayacikoi'tin, 82 nEpplu'qin 83 mi'qun. E'wan, 8
stopper ' came out into the house, small one even. He said,
"Qiyime'wun. I'ya n 71 gaci'malin." Quyqmn'aqu'nak 28 qalte'nnm 68
"Impossible. The sky ' is broken." Big-Raven the stopper
va'sqm gatai'kilin 39 nima'ymqin 83 gei'liLin, 84 a'cm 66 o'pta nima'yinqin 83
another one' he made a large one he gave it, fat also large
gei'liLin. 84 Ga'lqaLin 70 gu'mlan, panenai'tin 85 gayi'nalin. 72 Gala'lin, 73
he gave. He went ' again to the former place * he flew. He came,
pa'nena 85 na'nyen 33 qalte'nnm 68 mal-kit 86 ga'npilen, 87 tala'wga 88
that time that stopper well ' he closed it, with a mallet
6T gin- thou; -yaq indicates that another person is to perform an act which the subject has performed
before.
68 Stems mal, tva WELL, TO BE; imperative.
w Second person personal pronoun gin- ( 56; 129, p. 878 under yaq).
tiya- 1, future; stem nito, medial nto; derived form.
6i See note 55, 1st pers. sing, future, derived form.
w See notes 29, 56; here 3d pers. pi. instead of dual.
63 Stem Iqat TO GO; qalatik imperative, dual.
M a ka NEGATION ( 114, 4); Haw WOMAN.
<* Indefinite pronoun ( 60, p. 732).
K aa FAT; -pil SMALL ( 100.15).
67 Stem akmit; galin nominalized verb ( 74).
s Absolute form (30).
-pil small ( 100.15) ; here with ablaut.
"Stem Iqat TO GO (see note 63); galin nominalized verb (73).
Tl Absolute form i'ya e n SKY; -Hi allative.
T *Stem yina TO FLY UP; ga lin nominalized verb.
Stem initial tila, medial la TO MOVE, TO GO; galin as before.
Belonging to the sky (47).
76 Absolute form.
78 Subjective as instrumental ( 37, 92).
77 Stem dip TO STOP UP, CLOSE; ga lin as before, here with ablaut.
78 Stem ifila (Ch. (nt) TO THROW; ^a-lin nominalized verb.
79 Stem mal GOOD.
wStem yait (allative of ya HOUSE) TO GO HOME.
81 Stem yiqu, medial nqu TO COME LOOSE, TO COME OUT (like a plug out of a hole).
88 Stems yaya- HOUSE; -tiku INSIDE; -iti ALLATIVE, with terminal nasalization.
uplu SMALL; nqin ( 49) ma'y(i)ft LARGE.
w Stem yil, medial yli TO GIVE; geiliiin instead of gai'li^in irregular.
*panina before, former; absolute form pa'nin; adverb pa'nena AGAIN, ANOTHER TIME; iti ALLATIVB,
with terminal nasalization.
88 ma'l-kit WELL, ALL RIGHT (Ch. met'-ki'tkit, met'-ki'ii SOMEHOW); mal (Ch. met, mel) see 113.10 and
11; (Ch. ki'ikit, adverb, A LITTLE).
"yip, medial-np TO STICK INTO, TO STUFF INTO; ga-lin with ablaut.
88 Subjective as instrumental ( 37, 92); stem tal& TO STRIKE.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 901
gata'lalen, 88 na'nyen 33 a'cin 68 e e'tin 71 gani'nlalin, 78 gii'mlan a 'lala 89
* he struck it, that fat to the sky * he threw it, " again with snow
ga 'lmelin 90 qoqlo'wicnin; 91 qo'npu garua'lalen. 92
he shoveled the hole; altogether it became better.
Gala'lin; 73 na'nyen 33 Valvi'mtiPan aqa'mru 93 ga'66ilin. 94 Miti'nak 95
' He came; that Raven-Man to hate they had. At Miti's
enyei'iia vaga'lekm, 96 newnivo'y km 22 Valvi'mtila n, " Menqaiiqa'ce 97
near he" was sitting", she said to Raven-Man, "How
enn'ivo'ykm, 49 nime' a lat6inWykm?" 98 "Mi'qun, 99 ui'fia yu'laq 100
it happens to thee, quite thou smellest of "Why, not a long time
excrement?"
akle'woka 101 tina 'lik." 102 Gewnivo'len 56 "IVac, ga'lqata! 103 Ui'na
without bread I have been." She said, "Enough, go away! Not
mi'qunamalatva't6a 104 i'ti!" 105 Ga'lqaLin. 70 Pi6i'qala nak 28 na'nyen 33
even not making better thouwert!" He went. Little-Bird-Man that
Yini'a-nawgut gama'talen. 108
Yini'a-nawgut married.
Toq, galai'ulin, 107 inya'wut gamuqai'ulin. 108 Valvi'mtila n
Oh, ' summer came, then it was raining. Raven-Man
ti'ykitiy 109 gaya'luplin. 110 Qa6i'n qo'npu niki'ta gana / Len. ln
the sun ' took in mouth. So altogether night ' it became.
Va 'yuk gewnivolen, 56 "Can'ai', qaimu'ge!" 112 u Me'nqa6 mi'qun
Then they said, "Can-ai', fetch water!" "How erven
mai'mik ? " 113 Va 'yuk gewnivo'len, 56 "Me'nqan mme' miti-
let me draw water?" Then * they said, "Why quite we
pa lai'kinen. 114 Va 'yuk missavi 'yala." 115 Ga'lqaLin 70 qai6ayi6i'na, llc
are thirsty. Then we shall die." She went groping,
EnnV'an wus'qu'm6iku, 117 va 'yuk ga'nvilin, 118 ganvo'len 119
thus in the dark, then she stopped, ' she began
Subjective as instrumental; absolute form af'ldl, a-la*l
9" Stem a e lme.
i Absolute form as object.
"Stem mal GOOD.
s aqa'nn-in hate, stems probably a'q BAD,a'n-fi/n ANGER; designative form in -u ( 94).
M See 114.4.
6 Locative form (42).
Stem vagal, medical tvagal TO SIT DOWN.
v Stem mik WHEKE; -qa&a NEAR ( 101.26).
M stem a-l EXCREMENT; -tt TO SMELL OF.
9 Stem mik (58, p. 726).
100 Stem yul LONG; -aq adverbial suffix ( 112, 79).
m a _jt a negation ( 114, 4).
" 2 Stem nal TO BECOME (77).
los Verbal noun in -a used as imperative ( 96, p. 787).
10* From a ka negation ( 114, 4); mal GOOD; tva TO BE.
MS stemtf TO BE (75).
io stem mata TO TAKE, TO MARRY.
107 ala SUMMER; -yu suffix, phenomena of nature ( 110.71).
Jos muqa RAIN; -yu as in note 107.
9 Reduplicated absolute form (29).
no yalu TO CHEW; yop TO PUT ON 1 (see Note 46); yalup A QUID.
i"Stem nal TO BECOME( 77); galin nominalized verb ( 73); $ <l+l ( 18).
m Stem aim TO DRAW WATER; q ge imperative.
113 Subjunctive (a), 1st pers. sing.
1 14 Derived form, 1st person pi.
i Future, without ending -mik (65).
"Verbal noun in -a expressing modality ( 95).
u 7 Stems w&s DARKNESS; -iku INSIDE ( 101.24); urn is an unusual form of the connective vowel (see
18, 1): the parallel form wus-qu'mtiku isfouad in Chukchee.
us Stem nuv, medial ftv TO STOP.
u Stem fivo TO BEGIN.
gal
902 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULU 40
giya'pdak. 120 E'wafi, 8 "I'min qai-vai'amti 121 alna'we e ye." 122 Va yuk
singing. She said, "All the little rivers are stingy." Then
gani'kalin 123 Enkai'ti 124 vai'ampilm, 125 ganvo'len 119 Silala'tik. 128
it did so to that place a small river began bubbling.
Gayi'ccalin 127 milh-u'kkam, 128 yaite'ti 129 ga'lqaLin, 70 milh-u'kkam 128
She filled a Russian vessel, to the house * she went, a* Russian vessel
gemtei'pilin; 130 qla'wul gala'lin. 73 Gapkau'len, 131 e'wan, 8 "Gumna'n,*
* she carried on her a man ' came. She could not he said, "I,
back; (carry),
gtimna'n mi'mtin." 132 Gayai'tilen 80 wus'qiYmiku. 117 SVnyen 33
I will carry it." *She came home in the dark. That one
imnena'len 133 vai'am. Gewnivo'len, 58 "Eni'n ma'ki?" E'wan,
followed the river. She was told, "That one who?" He said,
c ' Gu'mma 35 Vaiamenai'-giiin. 134 Giimna'n 9 yai' vacu 135 ti'tcm 136 Ena'n
"I am the River. I pity had that
giya'pcala n." 137 Ganvo'len 119 nawa'kak 10 kitai'nak. 138 Sa'nyen 33
singer." ' They began daughter scolding. That one
Vaia'minak 28 gama'tajen. 106
River married* her.
To, va 'yuk qo'npu wus'qu'mfaku 117 vanvolai'ke. 139 Gewnivo'len M
Oh, then altogether in the dark they remained. He was told
Vai'am, "Me' nqan 97 niki'ta 140 mititvanvolai'kin?" 141 E'wan, 8 "Men'qan 97
River, "Why in the night we remain?" He said, "Why
nri'qun?" Lawtiki'l6i6nm 142 vi'tvitin 143 gai'pilen, 144 ganto r jen, 145 ayi'-
indeed?" Head-band of ringed seal thong ' he put on, 'he went out at
kvan gaqayichilannivo']en; 146 vantige'nin 147 gato'mwalen. 148 Va '-
least * a small light began to be; dawn was created. Then
yuk gewnivo'len, 56 "Me'nqan 97 mi'ntin?" 149 Yini'a-na'wgut
'they talked, "How shall we do it?" Yini'a-fia'wgut
1M Stem giyapfa; verbal noun, locative form ( 95, p. 785).
111 qai- SMALL, related to Chukchee suffix -qai ( 98.-1); -nti, after terminal ra of vaiam, -ti dual (34).
122 3d pers. dual ( 65) instead of plural; stem alft STINGY.
iHra'&a SOMETHING (60); galin verbalized.
i" -iti allative (58).
IK Diminutive in -pil, absolute form in -in (30).
126 Stem dilal+at TO BUBBLE; verbal noun, in -k, dependent on nvo TO BEGIN (see notes 138, 150).
I" Stem yi6 TO BE FULL.
i&milh STRIKE- A-LIGHT, FIRE (see Publ. Jesup Exp. Vol. VII, p. 18); u'kkam VESSEL.
wyait TO GO HOME (see 95); verbal noun allative.
iStem imt, imti TO CARRY; -yop TO PUT TO; ga - lin with ablaut.
a Stem pkau TO BE UNABLE.
iMStem imt TO CARRY; subjunctive (a) 1st pers. sing, subject, 3d pers. sing, object.
i Stem limnena TO FOLLOW.
i Stem vaiam RIVER; -ena suffix for living being; nominalized verb, 1st pers. sing. (73).
HAVE PITY WITH; designative in -u (94).
I_HIM ( 65); stem -ti (79).
i" Compare note 120.
138 Verbal noun in-ifc dependent on ftvo TO BEGIN (see note-? 126, 150).
i* 9 Stem tva, in initial position va TO BE; nvo TO BEGIN; -laike 3d pers. pi., derived form.
o Stem niki night; probably verbal noun in (t)a, although the verb has usually the suffix yu ex-
pressing phenomena of nature. (Ch. nikiru'rkin NIGHT COMES).
i Stem tva TO BE; 1st pers. pi., derived form.
"* Compound noun lawt HEAD, ki'ltidftm BAND (from kilt TO TIE ( 53; 106.44).
i Reduplicated form retained in a derived form in -in ( 29, p. 690, note).
144 Stem yop TO PUT ON.
148 Stem nto, in initial position nito TO GO OUT.
146 qai- SMALL; i6h TO DAWN, TO LIGHT nivo TO BEGIN; pa. lin nominalized verb.
147 Stem vant TO DAWN; ge'nin ( 106.44).
tomwa TO BE CREATED.
14 Stem yt, in medial position nt TO DO, MAKE (80).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES CHUKCHEE 903
ganvo'len 119 tenma'witduk, 150 Valvimtila e yikm 151 gala'lin. 73 "Mai,
began preparing, to Raven-Man she reached. "Halloo,
Valvi'mtila n va'ykin?" 152 Va'cvi-na'ut 153 e'wan, 8 "Va'ykm."
Raven Man is staying?" Raven-Woman said, "He is."
Gewnivo'len Valvi'mtila n, "As's'o' qatiy 54 qo'npii a'lva titva'nvok." 155
He was told Raven-Man, "Since you left, altogether wrong I was."
Gayo 'olen 156 Valvi'mtila e n, gewnivo'len, "Gi'ssa 157 qa'cik ui'na
She found Raven-Man, he was told, "Thou really not
al'va a'tvaka? 48 Qe'nnivo?" 158 Qa'pten 159 gayi'ltilen, 160 yai'na 161
wrong wert? Wilt thou stay so?" The back he turned, to the front
yili'ykinm. 162 Gu'mlan qa'pten li ; ykm. 163 Va 'yuk ganvo'len 119
she turned him. Again the back he turned. Then * she began
ci6hi'nik 164 yiyigicha'wik, 165 gace6henqatvinvo'len; 166 6ake'ta 167
in the armpits tickling, putting her hands in his armpits; the sister
gewnivo'len, 56 "Quya'qi? 168 I'na6! E'nnu mal-na'witkata." 169 Va 'yuk
said, "What is the Enough! This one a good woman." Then
matter with thee?
Enkai'ti 124 ganvo'len, 119 "Gm, gm, gm!" Qo'yin 170 yilenvo'ykmen. 171
thereto ' he began, "Gin, gm, gml" To the other side she turned him.
Va 'yuk gakta6a'6haLen, 172 "Ga', ga,' ga!" Ti'ykitiy 109 gace'pnitolen, 173
Then he laughed aloud, "Ga, "ga, *ga!" The sun peeped out,
i'ya g 174 ga'plin, 175 qo'npu ge6ha'Len. 176
to the sky it fastened itself, altogether it became light.
iM Stem tenm TO PREPARE; verbal noun in -k dependent on ftvo TO BEGIN (see notes 126, 138); -tu in-
tensity of action.
i5i -yikin a personal allative form (see 41 and 44).
162 Derived form of stem tva, in initial position va TO BE.
153 Va'vi< Vcdvi ( 16.3; 122).
IM Stem Iqat TO WALK, in initial position qaf, 2d pers. sing.
i Stems tva-fivo TO BE-TO BEGIN, tik 1st pers. sing.
i5 Stem yo* TO VISIT.
157 Absolute form (56).
iss stem it TO BE fiivo TO BEGIN; g (u) ( 68), no personal ending.
i5 Absolute form.
i 60 yilt TO TURN; galin nominalized verb,
isij/aina TO MEET; adverbial: face to face.
in yi causative; li TO TURN; derived form, HE HIM.
i^Stem li TO TURN; derived form.
i Locative.
165 y/_ aw causative; yigih TO ITCH.
i Stems Sithini ARMPITS; qatv TO PUT IN; -ftvo to BEGIN.
^Subjective as subject of transitive verb.
m yaq WHAT; predicative form ( 82); second person ( 68).
imal GOOD; naw +itqat WOMAN; here subjective.
noqo'yiii allative of qoyo'. (See 43, p. 705.)
i See note 162; the same form with added fivo TO BEGIN.
"2 prefix kt VERY ( 113.22); aahat TO LAUGH; ga -lin with ablaut.
i Stem lilep, medial $ep; for ep, see 16.3; 122. ftito TO GO OUT.
"* Locative (see note 71).
"5 Stem op TO FASTEN ITSELF.
176 Stem eth, ith TO DAWN (see note 146).
O
